ITEM G-2 — Beverly Hills City Council, March 4, 2026 (part 2 of 3)

Their main initial success was in
establishing a lobbying group centered
around the [[Rothschild family]], largely
driven by [[Chaim Weizmann]].
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001}}{{page
needed|date=August 2025}} In the 1917
[[Balfour Declaration]], Britain declared
its support for "the establishment in
Palestine of a national home for the Jewish
people". The declaration was largely
motivated by war-time considerations and
antisemitic preconceptions about the
putative influence Jews had on the
[[Tsarist autocracy|Tsarist government]]
and in the shaping of American policy.
{{sfn|Shapira|2014|loc=The Balfour
Declaration}}{{sfn|Pappé|2004|loc=Palestine
in the First World War}} Though his
decision was also motivated by religious
convictions,{{efn|"The irony here is in the
now well-documented understanding that Lord
Balfour was himself deeply religious and
that his thinking on the projected postWorld War 1 fate of Palestine was 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 101/341 influenced by his expectations of the
fulfullment of biblical prophecy. What
disappointed Balfour, [[William
Hechler|Hechler]] and [[Abraham Isaac
Kook|Kook]] was that the secular Jewish
settlers of British Mandate Palestine did
not see divine Providence at work in
international affairs."
{{sfn|Goldman|2009|p=133}}}} Balfour
himself had passed the [[Aliens Act 1905]],
which aimed to keep Eastern European Jews
out of Britain.{{efn|[[Brian Klug]] states
that "Keeping Jews out of Britain and
packing them off to Palestine were just two
sides of the same antisemitic coin"
{{sfn|Masalha|2018|loc=Chapter 10}}}} More
decisive were Britain's colonial and
imperial geopolitical goals in the region,
specifically in retaining control over the
[[Suez Canal]] by establishing a proBritish state in the region. {{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=70-71}}
{{sfn|Roy|2016|p=33-35}} Weizmann's role in
obtaining the Balfour Declaration led to
his election as the Zionist movement's
leader. He remained in that role until
1948, and then was elected as the first
[[President of Israel]] after the nation
gained independence.
+
+ For Weizmann, Palestine was a Jewish and
not an Arab country. The state he sought at
that period would stretch to the east of
the Jordan River and extend to the [[Litani
River]] (a river in Lebanon, then part of
the Ottoman Empire). Weizmann's strategy
involved incrementally approaching this
goal over a long period, in the form of
settlement and land acquisition.
{{sfn|Flapan|1979|p=
[https://www.google.com/books/edition/Zionis
m_and_the_Palestinians/cJRtAAAAMAAJ?
hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=%22Greater%20Israel%22
18]}}{{refn|[[Avi Shlaim]] 2014, ''The Iron
Wall: Israel and the Arab World (Updated
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 102/341 and Expanded)''. Quotation: "In the period
1918–20 the Zionists put forward their own
maximalist interpretation of the Balfour
Declaration. They wanted international
recognition of the Jewish claim to
Palestine, and they wanted the Jewish
national home to stretch across both banks
of the river Jordan. When Weizmann was
asked at the Paris peace conference what
was meant by a Jewish national home, he
famously replied, "To make Palestine as
Jewish as England is English." He was
careful, however, not to speak openly in
terms of a state, so as not to give
substance to the charge that the Jewish
minority planned to make itself master over
the Arab majority. Although a Jewish state
with a Jewish majority was his ultimate and
unchanging aim, he believed in working
toward this goal in a gradual,
evolutionary, and nonprovocative
fashion."}} Weizmann was open to the idea
of Arabs and Jews jointly running Palestine
through an elected council with equal
representation, but he did not view the
Arabs as equal partners in negotiations
about the country's future. In particular,
he was steadfast in his view of the "moral
superiority" of the Jewish claim to
Palestine over the Arab claim and believed
these negotiations should be conducted
solely between Britain and the Jews.
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001}} According to Zionist
Israeli historian Simha Flapan, the
essential assumptions of Weizmann's
strategy were later adopted by [[David BenGurion]] and subsequent Zionist leaders. <ref>{{harvnb|Flapan|1979|p=
[https://www.google.com/books/edition/Zionis
m_and_the_Palestinians/cJRtAAAAMAAJ?
hl=en&gbpv=1&bsq=%22The%20importance%20of%20
analysing%22 20]}}: "The importance of
analysing Weizmann's strategy derives from
the fact that the assumptions on which they
were based were, with slight modifications,
adopted by Ben-Gurion and his successors.

If one substitutes 'United States' for
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 103/341 'Great Britain' and the 'Hashemite Kingdom
of Jordan' for the 'Arab National
Movement', Weizmann's basic strategic
concepts might be taken as descriptive of
Israel's present foreign policy."</ref>
− ==== King-Crane Commission ==== + === King–Crane Commission === − [[File:King Crane Commission 1919 Summary
of Arguments Presented to the Commission
For and Against
Zionism.jpg|thumb|left|During the [[1919
Paris Peace Conference]], an [[King–Crane
Commission|Inter-Allied Commission]] was
sent to Palestine to assess the views of
the local population; the report summarized
the arguments received from petitioners for
and against Zionism.]] In 1919, the USbased [[King–Crane Commission]] started with a strongly sympathetic disposition
towards Zionism but concluded that the
maximum Zionist demands implied subjection
of Palestinians to Jewish rule and that
this was a violation of the principle of
self-determination, given the anti-Zionist
sentiment of the non-Jewish population.
{{sfn|Ovendale|2015|pp=
[https://books.google.com/books?
id=XM_MCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA51 51–]}} The report
stated that "The initial claim, often
submitted by Zionist representatives, that
they have a 'right' to Palestine based on
occupation of two thousand years ago, can
barely be seriously considered."
{{sfn|Quigley|2021|p=181}}<ref name="Crane">
{{Cite report |title=Report of the American
Section of the International Commission on
Mandates in Turkey |publisher=[[King-Crane
Commission]] |date=August 28, 1919
|page=794
|url=https://history.state.gov/historicaldoc
uments/frus1919Parisv12/d380 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202312160025 28/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocum
ents/frus1919Parisv12/d380 |archive-
+ [[File:King Crane Commission 1919 Summary
of Arguments Presented to the Commission
For and Against Zionism.jpg|thumb|During
the [[1919 Paris Peace Conference]], an
[[King–Crane Commission|Inter-Allied
Commission]] was sent to Palestine to
assess the views of the local population;
the report summarized the arguments
received from petitioners for and against
Zionism.]] In 1919, the US-based [[King–
Crane Commission]] started with a strongly
sympathetic disposition towards Zionism but
concluded that the maximum Zionist demands
implied subjection of Palestinians to
Jewish rule and that this was a violation
of the principle of self-determination,
given the anti-Zionist sentiment of the nonJewish population.{{sfn|Ovendale|2015|pp= [https://books.google.com/books?
id=XM_MCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA51 51–]}} The report
stated that "The initial claim, often
submitted by Zionist representatives, that
they have a 'right' to Palestine based on
occupation of two thousand years ago, can
barely be seriously considered."
{{sfn|Quigley|2021|p=181}}<ref name="Crane">
{{Cite report |title=Report of the American
Section of the International Commission on
Mandates in Turkey |publisher=[[King-Crane
Commission]] |date=August 28, 1919
|page=794
|url=https://history.state.gov/historicaldoc
uments/frus1919Parisv12/d380 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202312160025 28/https://history.state.gov/historicaldocum
ents/frus1919Parisv12/d380 |archivedate=December 16, 2023}}</ref> 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 104/341 date=December 16, 2023}}</ref>
Consequently, it recommended a considerably
"modified" or "reduced" version of the
Zionist programme, with Palestine as a
Jewish national home but not a Jewish state.
<ref name="Crane"/>
Consequently, it recommended a considerably
"modified" or "reduced" version of the
Zionist programme, with Palestine as a
Jewish national home but not a Jewish state.
<ref name="Crane"/>
−
==== The Development of Revisionist Zionism
==== +
=== Beginning of Revisionist Zionism ===
− [[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]] founded the
[[Revisionist Zionism|Revisionist Party]]
in 1925, which took on a more militant
ethos and openly maximalist agenda than
Weizmann and Ben-Gurion. Jabotinsky
rejected Weizmann's strategy of incremental
state building, instead preferring to
immediately declare sovereignty over the
entire region, which extended to both the
East and West bank of the Jordan river.
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001}} Like Weizmann and
Herzl, Jabotinsky also believed that the
support of a great power was essential to
the success of Zionism. From early on,
Jabotinksy openly rejected the possibility
of a "voluntary agreement" with the Arabs
of Palestine. He instead believed in
building an "iron wall" of Jewish military
force to break Arab resistance to Zionism,
at which point an agreement could be
established.{{sfn|Shlaim|2001}}
Jabotinsky's "iron wall" strategy would
have a lasting effect on the Zionist
perspective towards the demographic problem
posed by the presence of the local
Palestinian population.<ref>
{{harvnb|Slater|2020}}: "In short, the Iron
Wall concept—together with the premises,
values, and historical myths that underlie
it—has been and still is the dominant
political and military strategy of Zionism.

Summarizing its consequences, Flapan wrote
that Jabotinsky "left an indelible mark on
the Zionist attitudes towards the Arab
question""</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2017}}:
"Combined with the justification for using
+ [[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]] founded the
[[Revisionist Zionism|Revisionist Party]]
in 1925, which took on a more militant
ethos and openly maximalist agenda than
Weizmann and Ben-Gurion. Jabotinsky
rejected Weizmann's strategy of incremental
state building, instead preferring to
immediately declare sovereignty over the
entire region, which extended to both the
East and West bank of the Jordan river.
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001}} Like Weizmann and
Herzl, Jabotinsky also believed that the
support of a Great Power was essential to
the success of Zionism. From early on,
Jabotinksy openly rejected the possibility
of a "voluntary agreement" with the Arabs
of Palestine. He instead believed in
building an "[[Iron Wall (essay)|iron
wall]]" of Jewish military force to break
Arab resistance to Zionism, at which point
an agreement could be established.
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001}} Jabotinsky's "iron
wall" strategy would have a lasting effect
on the Zionist perspective towards the
demographic problem posed by the presence
of the local Palestinian population.<ref>
{{harvnb|Slater|2020}}: "In short, the Iron
Wall concept—together with the premises,
values, and historical myths that underlie
it—has been and still is the dominant
political and military strategy of Zionism.

Summarizing its consequences, Flapan wrote
that Jabotinsky "left an indelible mark on
the Zionist attitudes towards the Arab
question""</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2017}}:
"Combined with the justification for using
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 105/341 force to impose Zionism's minimum
requirements, Jabotinsky's practical
proposal for coercive pedagogy quickly
filled the void that was Zionism's official
policy on the Arab question."</ref> Both
the left and right factions of Zionism
would rely on this strategy of leveraging
military strength in pursuit of political
aspirations.<ref>{{bulleted list
force to impose Zionism's minimum
requirements, Jabotinsky's practical
proposal for coercive pedagogy quickly
filled the void that was Zionism's official
policy on the Arab question."</ref> Both
the left and right factions of Zionism
would rely on this strategy of leveraging
military strength in pursuit of political
aspirations.<ref>{{bulleted list
| {{harvnb|Shlaim|2001}}: "Jabotinsky never
wavered in his conviction that Jewish
military power was the key factor in the
struggle for a state. It was the Labor
Zionists who gradually came around to his
point of view without openly admitting it.

So in the final analysis the gap was not
all that great: Labor leaders, too, came to
rely increasingly on the strategy of the
iron wall... all Israeli governments,
regardless of their political color, have
adopted the first stage of the strategy of
the iron wall—to impose their presence
unilaterally on their neighbors... Despair
was expected to promote pragmatism on the
other side and thus to prepare the ground
for the second stage of the strategy:
negotiations with the local Arabs about
their status and national rights in
Palestine. In other words, Jewish military
strength was to pave the way to a political
settlement with the Palestinian national
movement..."
| {{harvnb|Gorny|1987}}: "From the outset,
Zionism sought to employ Jewish force in
order to realize national aspirations. This
force consisted primarily of the collective
ability to rebuild a national home in
Palestine. It also included the
organization and education of the people
and recruitment of Jewish funds and
military means of defending the Yishuv. The
ha-Shomer organization fulfilled this last
task in the Second Aliyah and its
continuation was the Hagana set up by Ahdut
ha-'Avodah in 1919 and adopted by the
| {{harvnb|Gorny|1987}}: "From the outset,
Zionism sought to employ Jewish force in
order to realize national aspirations. This
force consisted primarily of the collective
ability to rebuild a national home in
Palestine. It also included the
organization and education of the people
and recruitment of Jewish funds and
military means of defending the Yishuv. The
ha-Shomer organization fulfilled this last
task in the Second Aliyah and its
continuation was the Hagana set up by Ahdut
ha-'Avodah in 1919 and adopted by the
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 106/341 Histadrut a year later. Thus, Revisionism's
campaign for a Jewish military force in
Palestine was innovative only in that it
viewed the implementation of Zionism as
conditional on the existence of such a
force."
Histadrut a year later. Thus, Revisionism's
campaign for a Jewish military force in
Palestine was innovative only in that it
viewed the implementation of Zionism as
conditional on the existence of such a
force."
Line 280: Line 295:
=== British Mandate and development of the
Zionist quasi-state ===
=== British Mandate and development of the
Zionist quasi-state ===
−
After the war, the plan for a greater Arab
kingdom under the Hashemite family was
abandoned when King Feisal was expelled
from Damascus by the French in 1920. In
parallel, the Zionist demand for a clear
British acknowledgment of the entirety of
Palestine as the Jewish national home was
rejected. Instead, Britain committed only
to establishing a Jewish national home "in
Palestine" and promised to facilitate this
without prejudicing the rights of existing
"non-Jewish communities"{{Em dash}}these
qualifying statements aroused the concern
of Zionist leaders at the time.
{{sfn|Gorny|1987|loc=Historical Background}}
+
After the war, the plan for a greater Arab
kingdom under the Hashemite family was
abandoned when King Faisal was [[1920
capture of Damascus|expelled from
Damascus]] by the French in 1920. In
parallel, the Zionist demand for a clear
British acknowledgment of the entirety of
Palestine as the Jewish national home was
rejected. Instead, Britain committed only
to establishing a Jewish national home "in
Palestine" and promised to facilitate this
without prejudicing the rights of existing
"non-Jewish communities"{{Em dash}}these
qualifying statements aroused the concern
of Zionist leaders at the time.
{{sfn|Gorny|1987|loc=Historical Background}}
− The British mandate over Palestine,
established in 1922, was based on the
Balfour declaration, explicitly privileging
the Jewish minority over the Arab majority.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}} In
addition to declaring British support for
the establishment of a "Jewish national
home" in Palestine, the mandate included
provisions facilitating Jewish immigration,
and granting the Zionist movement the
status of representing Jewish national
interests.{{sfn|Gorny|1987|loc=Historical
Background}} In particular, the Jewish
Agency, the embodiment of the Zionist
movement in Palestine, was made a partner
of the mandatory government, acquiring
+ The British mandate over Palestine,
established in 1922, was based on the
Balfour Declaration, explicitly privileging
the Jewish minority over the Arab majority.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|pp=37–40}} In addition
to declaring British support for the
establishment of a "Jewish national home"
in Palestine, the mandate included
provisions facilitating Jewish immigration,
and granting the Zionist movement the
status of representing Jewish national
interests.{{sfn|Gorny|1987|loc=Historical
Background}} In particular, the Jewish
Agency, the embodiment of the Zionist
movement in Palestine, was made a partner
of the mandatory government, acquiring
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 107/341 international diplomatic status and
representing Zionist interests before the
League of Nations and other international
venues.{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
international diplomatic status and
representing Zionist interests before the
League of Nations and other international
venues.{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
−
The British mandate effectively established
a Jewish quasi-state in Palestine, lacking
only full sovereignty. This lack of
sovereignty was crucial for Zionism at this
early stage, as the Jewish population was
too small to defend itself against the
Arabs of Palestine. The British presence
provided a necessary safeguard for Jewish
nationalism. To achieve political
independence, Jews needed Britain's
support, particularly in land purchase and
immigration.{{sfn|Dieckhoff|2003|pp=7–8,
42}} Following the Balfour declaration,
Jewish immigration to Palestine grew from
9,149 immigrants in 1921 to 33,801 in 1925—
by the end of the mandate period, the
Jewish population in Palestine would have
nearly tripled, eventually reaching one
third of the country's population.
{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=Political Background to
the British Mandate Period (1917–1948)}}
+
The British mandate effectively established
a Jewish quasi-state in Palestine, lacking
only full sovereignty. This lack of
sovereignty was crucial for Zionism at this
early stage, as the Jewish population was
too small to defend itself against the
Arabs of Palestine. The British presence
provided a necessary safeguard for Jewish
nationalism. To achieve political
independence, Jews needed Britain's
support, particularly in land purchase and
immigration.{{sfn|Dieckhoff|2003|pp=7–8,
42}} Following the Balfour Declaration,
Jewish immigration to Palestine grew from
9,149 immigrants in 1921 to 33,801 in 1925—
by the end of the mandate period, the
Jewish population in Palestine nearly
tripled, eventually reaching one third of
the country's population.
{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=Political Background to
the British Mandate Period (1917–1948)}}
− The mandatory administration implemented
policies that favored the development of
the capitalist sector, predominantly
associated with the Jewish community, while
disadvantaging the Arab non-capitalist
sector. Between 1933 and 1937, government
spending was concentrated in two main areas
— development and economic services, and
defense — with the former focusing on
infrastructural improvements (such as
railways, roads, bridges, and other public
works) that were particularly beneficial
for capitalist production.<ref>
{{harvnb|Roy|2016|p=38|ps=: "The Mandate
administration further exacerbated the
problems of the Arab producer by pursuing
fiscal policies that, in effect, promoted
+ The mandatory administration implemented
policies that favored the development of
the capitalist sector, predominantly
associated with the Jewish community, while
disadvantaging the Arab non-capitalist
sector. Between 1933 and 1937, government
spending was concentrated in two main areas—
development and economic services, and
defense—with the former focusing on
infrastructural improvements (such as
railways, roads, bridges, and other public
works) that were particularly beneficial
for capitalist production.<ref>
{{harvnb|Roy|2016|p=38|ps=: "The Mandate
administration further exacerbated the
problems of the Arab producer by pursuing
fiscal policies that, in effect, promoted
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 108/341 the development of the Jewish capitalist
sector at the expense of the Arab
noncapitalist sector.
the development of the Jewish capitalist
sector at the expense of the Arab
noncapitalist sector.

First, government expenditure in the five
years between 1933 and 1937 was greatest
for two single sectors: development and
economic services, and defense. The former
referred to the development of
infrastructural services and public works—
the improvement and construction of
railways, roads, bridges, communications,
telegraphs, harbors, and airports—which
were far more important for capitalist (as
opposed to noncapitalist) production,
largely the domain
First, government expenditure in the five
years between 1933 and 1937 was greatest
for two single sectors: development and
economic services, and defense. The former
referred to the development of
infrastructural services and public works—
the improvement and construction of
railways, roads, bridges, communications,
telegraphs, harbors, and airports—which
were far more important for capitalist (as
opposed to noncapitalist) production,
largely the domain
−
of the Jewish sector."}}</ref> In contrast
to the Jewish population, the Arabs did not
benefit from any government protections
such as social security, employment
benefits, trade union protection, job
security and training opportunities. Arab
wages were one third of their Jewish
counterparts (including when paid by the
same employer).{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=British
Government Policies}} The mandate also
included an article describing selfgoverning institutions intended only for the Jewish population of Palestine. No
similar support or recognition was provided
to the Palestinian majority during the time
of the mandate.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
+
of the Jewish sector."}}</ref> In contrast
to the Jewish population, the Arabs did not
benefit from any government protections
such as social security, employment
benefits, trade union protection, job
security and training opportunities. Arab
wages were one third of their Jewish
counterparts (including when paid by the
same employer).{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=British
Government Policies}} The mandate also
included an article describing selfgoverning institutions intended only for the Jewish population of Palestine. No
similar support or recognition was provided
to the Arab majority during the time of the
mandate.{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
− By enabling the Zionist institutions to
serve as a parallel government to the
Mandate, the British facilitated the
separation of the economy and legitimized
their quasi-state status. Accordingly,
these institutions, which purported to act
in the interests of Jews everywhere, were
able to funnel resources into the Jewish
sector in Palestine, heavily subsidizing
the dominate Jewish economy.
{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=British Government
Policies}} The nucleus of the Jewish quasistate was the [[Histadrut]], established in + By enabling the Zionist institutions to
serve as a parallel government to the
Mandate, the British facilitated the
separation of the economy and legitimized
their quasi-state status. Accordingly,
these institutions, which purported to act
in the interests of Jews everywhere, were
able to funnel resources into the Jewish
sector in Palestine, heavily subsidizing
the dominant Jewish economy.
{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=British Government
Policies}} The nucleus of the Jewish quasistate was the [[Histadrut]], established in 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 109/341 1920 as an independent social, political
and economic institution.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999|loc=Introduction}}
{{efn|"The Histadrut is not a trade union,
not a political party, not acooperative
society, nor is it a mutual aid
association, although it doesengage in
trade union activity, in politics,
cooperative organizationand mutual aid. But
it is much more than that. The Histadrut is
a covenant of builders of a homeland,
founders of a state, renewers of anation,
builders of an economy, creators of
culture, reformers of a society."
{{sfn|Shimoni|1995|p=201}}}} The Histadrut
also exercised significant control over the
[[Haganah]], a Jewish defense force formed
in 1920 in reaction to Arab riots.

Originally created to defend the community,
Haganah evolved into a permanent
underground reserve army fully integrated
into the Jewish political structure.

Although the British authorities
disapproved of the Haganah, particularly
its method of stealing arms from British
bases, they did not disband it.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|p=252}} The Histadrut
operated as a completely independent
entity, without interference from the
British mandate authorities. Ben-Gurion saw
the Histadrut's detachment from socialist
ideology to be one of its key strengths;
indeed it was the General Organization of
Workers in Israel. In particular, the
Histadrut worked towards national unity and
aimed to dominate the capitalist system en
route to gaining political power, not to
create a socialist utopia.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999|loc=Ends and Means:

The Labor Ideology and the Histadrut}}
1920 as an independent social, political
and economic institution.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999|loc=Introduction}}
{{efn|"The Histadrut is not a trade union,
not a political party, not acooperative
society, nor is it a mutual aid
association, although it doesengage in
trade union activity, in politics,
cooperative organizationand mutual aid. But
it is much more than that. The Histadrut is
a covenant of builders of a homeland,
founders of a state, renewers of anation,
builders of an economy, creators of
culture, reformers of a society."
{{sfn|Shimoni|1995|p=201}}}} The Histadrut
also exercised significant control over the
[[Haganah]], a Jewish defense force formed
in 1920 in reaction to Arab riots.

Originally created to defend the community,
Haganah evolved into a permanent
underground reserve army fully integrated
into the Jewish political structure.

The Labor Ideology and the Histadrut}}
As secretary general of the Histadrut and
leader of the Zionist labor movement, BenGurion adopted similar strategies and objectives as Weizmann during this period,
As secretary general of the Histadrut and
leader of the Zionist labor movement, BenGurion adopted similar strategies and objectives as Weizmann during this period,
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 110/341 disagreeing primarily on issues of specific
tactical moves up until 1939.
{{sfn|Flapan|1979|p=131}} The middle class
grew dramatically in size with the arrival
of the fourth aliyah in 1924, motivating a
political shift within the labor movement.
{{sfn|Dieckhoff|2003|p=91}} It was during
this period that the political strategy of
the labor movement would solidify.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999|p=219}} The founding
of the Mapai party unified the labor
movement, making it the dominant force. The
party saw economic control as essential to
facilitating Zionist settlement and
achieving political power: "the economic
question is not one of class; it is a
national question".{{sfn|Sternhell|1999}}
For Ben-Gurion, the transformation from
"working class to nation" was intertwined
with his rejection of diaspora life, as he
would declare: the "weak, unproductive,
parasitical Jewish masses" must be
converted "to productive labor" in service
of the nation.{{sfn|Dieckhoff|2003|pp=89–
95}}
disagreeing primarily on issues of specific
tactical moves up until 1939.
{{sfn|Flapan|1979|p=131}} The middle class
grew dramatically in size with the arrival
of the fourth aliyah in 1924, motivating a
political shift within the labor movement.
{{sfn|Dieckhoff|2003|p=91}} It was during
this period that the political strategy of
the labor movement would solidify.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999|p=219}} The founding
of the Mapai party unified the labor
movement, making it the dominant force. The
party saw economic control as essential to
facilitating Zionist settlement and
achieving political power: "the economic
question is not one of class; it is a
national question".{{sfn|Sternhell|1999}}
For Ben-Gurion, the transformation from
"working class to nation" was intertwined
with his rejection of diaspora life, as he
would declare: the "weak, unproductive,
parasitical Jewish masses" must be
converted "to productive labor" in service
of the nation.{{sfn|Dieckhoff|2003|pp=89–
95}}
Line 296: Line 311:

For the Zionist movement, economic
development and policies were a mechanism
by which political aims could be achieved.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999}} A new economic
sector exclusively for Jews, controlled by
the Labor Zionist movement, was established
with support from the Jewish National Fund
and the agricultural workers' Histadrut.

Despite the universalist ideals of Zionist
pioneering, this new Jewish economic sector
was fundamentally based on exclusionary
practices.{{sfn|Shafir|1996}} The goal of
achieving "100 percent of Hebrew labour"
was the primary driver of the territorial,
economic and social separation between Jews
and Arabs.{{sfn|Flapan|1979|loc=The Policy
of Economic and Social Separation}}
For the Zionist movement, economic
development and policies were a mechanism
by which political aims could be achieved.
{{sfn|Sternhell|1999}} A new economic
sector exclusively for Jews, controlled by
the Labor Zionist movement, was established
with support from the Jewish National Fund
and the agricultural workers' Histadrut.

Despite the universalist ideals of Zionist
pioneering, this new Jewish economic sector
was fundamentally based on exclusionary
practices.{{sfn|Shafir|1996}} The goal of
achieving "100 percent of Hebrew labour"
was the primary driver of the territorial,
economic and social separation between Jews
and Arabs.{{sfn|Flapan|1979|loc=The Policy
of Economic and Social Separation}}
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 111/341 −
The Zionist economic platform was partially
based on the assumption (eventually
demonstrated
incorrect{{sfn|Flapan|1979|pp=19}}) that
economic benefits to the Arabs of Palestine
would pacify opposition to the movement.

For the Zionist leadership, the economic
status and development of the Arabs of
Palestine should be compared with Arabs of
other countries, rather than with the Jews
of Palestine. Accordingly, disproportionate
gains in Jewish development were acceptable
as long as the status of the Arab sector
did not worsen. While British support for
Zionist aspirations in Palestine
established the parameters within which the
Arab economy could develop, Zionist
policies reinforced these limitations. Most
notable are the exclusion of Arab labor
from Jewish enterprise and the expulsion of
Arab peasants from Jewish-owned land. Both
of these had limited impact in scope but
reinforced the structural limitations put
in place by British policies.
{{sfn|Roy|2016|loc=The Economic
Transformation of Palestine: Key British
and Zionst Policies}}
With the rise to power of the Nazis in
1933, the Jewish community was increasingly
persecuted and driven out. The
discriminatory immigration laws of the US,
UK and other countries preferable to German
Jews, led to in 1935 alone more than 60,000
Jews arriving in Palestine (more than the
total number of Jews in Palestine as of the
establishment of the Balfour declaration in
1917). Ben-Gurion would subsequently
declare that immigration at this rate would
allow for the maximalist Zionist goal of a
Jewish state in all of Palestine.
{{sfn|Pappé|2004}}{{page
needed|date=November 2024}} The Arab
community openly pressured the mandatory
With the rise to power of the Nazis in
1933, the Jewish community was increasingly
persecuted and driven out. The
discriminatory immigration laws of the US,
UK and other countries preferable to German
Jews, led to in 1935 alone more than 60,000
Jews arriving in Palestine (more than the
total number of Jews in Palestine as of the
establishment of the Balfour declaration in
1917). Ben-Gurion would subsequently
declare that immigration at this rate would
allow for the maximalist Zionist goal of a
Jewish state in all of Palestine.
{{sfn|Pappé|2004}}{{page
needed|date=November 2024}} The Arab
community openly pressured the mandatory
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 112/341 government to restrict Jewish immigration
and land purchases.{{sfn|Roy|2016|p=33}}
government to restrict Jewish immigration
and land purchases.{{sfn|Roy|2016|p=33}}
Line 302: Line 317:

Sporadic attacks in the countryside
(described by Zionists and the British as
"banditry") reflected widespread anger over
the Zionist land purchases that displaced
local peasants. Meanwhile, in urban areas,
protests against British rule and the
increasing influence of the Zionist
movement intensified and became more
militant in the early 1930s.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|p=44}}
Sporadic attacks in the countryside
(described by Zionists and the British as
"banditry") reflected widespread anger over
the Zionist land purchases that displaced
local peasants. Meanwhile, in urban areas,
protests against British rule and the
increasing influence of the Zionist
movement intensified and became more
militant in the early 1930s.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|p=44}}
−
The outbreak of violence in the course of
the 1936 Arab Revolt was a turning point in
Jewish-Arab relations, unifying previously
divided factions within the Zionist
movement and leading them to view the use
of force as a necessary means of defense
and deterrence.
{{sfn|Gorny|1987|pp=243,251}} Moreover,
some, like Beilinson, viewed the Jewish
struggle for Palestine as a matter of
survival, whereas they argued that for the
Arabs it was not an existential issue.

Consequently, they believed that Jews could
not afford to make significant concessions
and that Arab motives — whether noble or
base — were not historically or morally
significant.{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=251}}
+
The outbreak of violence in the course of
the 1936 Arab Revolt was a turning point in
Jewish-Arab relations, unifying previously
divided factions within the Zionist
movement and leading them to view the use
of force as a necessary means of defense
and deterrence.{{sfn|Gorny|1987|pp=243,251}}
During the revolt, the [[Irgun Zvai Leumi]]
engaged in the use of terror attacks
against the Arabs of Palestine. Similarly,
for the labor Zionist [[Palmah]], the lines
delineating what was acceptable and
unacceptable while dealing with Arab
villagers were "vague and intentionally
blurred". These ambiguous limits
practically did not differ from those of
the self-described "terrorist" group,
Irgun. According to Anita Shapira,
During the revolt, the [[Irgun Zvai Leumi]]
engaged in the use of terror attacks
against the Arabs of Palestine. Similarly,
for the labor Zionist [[Palmah]], the lines
delineating what was acceptable and
unacceptable while dealing with Arab
villagers were "vague and intentionally
blurred". These ambiguous limits
practically did not differ from those of
the self-described "terrorist" group,
Irgun. According to Anita Shapira,
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 113/341 beginning in this period, Labor Zionism's
use of violence against Palestinians for
political means was essentially the same as
that of radical conservative Zionist groups.
{{sfn|Shapira|1992|pp=247, 249, 251–252,
350, 365}}
beginning in this period, Labor Zionism's
use of violence against Palestinians for
political means was essentially the same as
that of radical conservative Zionist groups.
{{sfn|Shapira|1992|pp=247, 249, 251–252,
350, 365}}
Line 308: Line 323:
=== The Peel Commission partition proposal
===
=== The Peel Commission partition proposal
===
[[File:PeelMap.png|thumb|right|Provisional
frontiers of the Palestine partition from
the Peel Commission]]
[[File:PeelMap.png|thumb|right|Provisional
frontiers of the Palestine partition from
the Peel Commission]]
− In response to the revolt the British
appointed in 1937 a [[Peel
Commission|commission of inquiry]] that
eventually recommended the partition of the
land. The proposal included creating a
small Jewish state occupying 17 percent of
Mandatory Palestine's territory,
{{sfn|Khalidi|2006|p=45}} while Jerusalem
and a corridor to the sea would remain
under British control, and the remaining 75
percent of the territory would form a
Palestinian state connected to Transjordan
under King Abdullah's rule.<ref>{{Cite news
|date=February 1, 2024 |title=The Road to
1948, and the Roots of a Perpetual Conflict
|url=https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/202
4/02/01/magazine/israel-foundingpalestinian-conflict.html |accessdate=January 7, 2025 |work=[[The New York Times]] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202502070253
54/https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/
02/01/magazine/israel-founding-palestinianconflict.html |archive-date=February 7, 2025}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Morris
|first=Benny |author-link=Benny Morris
|date=April 3, 2020 |title=The War on
History
|url=https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/article
s/7210/the-war-on-history/ |accessdate=January 7, 2025 |website=Jewish Review + In response to the revolt, the British
appointed in 1937 a [[Peel
Commission|commission of inquiry]] that
eventually recommended the partition of the
land. The proposal included creating a
small Jewish state occupying 17 percent of
Mandatory Palestine's territory,
{{sfn|Khalidi|2006|p=45}} while Jerusalem
and a corridor to the sea would remain
under British control, and the remaining 75
percent of the territory would form a
Palestinian state connected to Transjordan
under King Abdullah's rule.<ref>{{Cite news
|date=February 1, 2024 |title=The Road to
1948, and the Roots of a Perpetual Conflict
|url=https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/202
4/02/01/magazine/israel-foundingpalestinian-conflict.html |accessdate=January 7, 2025 |work=[[The New York Times]] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202502070253
54/https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/
02/01/magazine/israel-founding-palestinianconflict.html |archive-date=February 7, 2025}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Morris
|first=Benny |author-link=Benny Morris
|date=April 3, 2020 |title=The War on
History
|url=https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/article
s/7210/the-war-on-history/ |accessdate=January 7, 2025 |website=Jewish Review 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 114/341 of Books |language=en-us |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202412291148 44/https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/
7210/the-war-on-history/ |archivedate=December 29, 2024}}</ref> At this point, Jews owned 5.6% of the land in
Palestine; the land allocated to the Jewish
state would contain 40 percent of the
country's fertile land.{{sfn|Roy|2016|p=33}}
of Books |language=en-us |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202412291148 44/https://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/
7210/the-war-on-history/ |archivedate=December 29, 2024}}</ref> At this point, Jews owned 5.6% of the land in
Palestine; the land allocated to the Jewish
state would contain 40 percent of the
country's fertile land.{{sfn|Roy|2016|p=33}}
− The commission also proposed a [[population
transfer]] of the Palestinian Arabs from
the areas designated for the Jewish state,
based on the precedent of the [[Population
exchange between Greece and Turkey|1923
Greek-Turkish population exchange]].<ref>
{{Cite book |last=Robson |first=Laura
|url=https://books.google.com/books?
id=c0InDgAAQBAJ |title=States of
Separation: Transfer, Partition, and the
Making of the Modern Middle East
|publisher=University of California Press
|year=2017 |isbn=978-0-520-29215-4
|pages=115–116 |language=en |quote=The
members cited the Greek-Turkish exchange as
a model for population exchange: "The
courage of the Greek and Turkish statesmen
has been justified by the result. Before
the operation the Greek and Turkish
minorities had been a constant irritant.

Now Greco-Turkish relations are friendlier
than they have ever been before."}}</ref>
<ref>{{harvnb|Katz|1992|p=59}}: "The
Commission, however, believed that a secure
peace could not be achieved solely by
partition and the establishment of a
boundary between the two countries. In its
opinion, the attainment of peace would
necessitate the implementation of
population exchanges and land transfers
between the Jewish and Arab states on the
model of the Greco-Turkish precedent"</ref>
For Ben-Gurion, the transfer proposal was
the most appealing recommendation put
forward by the commission.{{sfn|BenAmi|2007|p=25}} Indeed, this sentiment was deeply ingrained to the extent that Ben
Gurion's acceptance of partition was
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 115/341 Gurion's acceptance of partition was
contingent upon the removal of the
Palestinian population.<ref>
{{harvnb|Flapan|1979|p=261}}: "Ben-Gurion
declared unequivocally that sovereignty of
the Jewish state, especially in matters of
immigration and transfer of Arabs, were the
two conditions sine qua non for his
agreement to partition."</ref>
contingent upon the removal of the
Palestinian population.<ref>
{{harvnb|Flapan|1979|p=261}}: "Ben-Gurion
declared unequivocally that sovereignty of
the Jewish state, especially in matters of
immigration and transfer of Arabs, were the
two conditions sine qua non for his
agreement to partition."</ref>
−
− The Zionist leadership viewed the mass
transfer of the Arabs as morally
permissible, but were unsure of its
political effectiveness.<ref>
{{harvnb|Gorny|1987}}: "In any event, the
idea of a mass transfer did not strike them
as morally deplorable at any time, and
their hesitations related only to its
political effectiveness."</ref>{{page
needed|date=December 2024}} Much of the
Zionist leadership spoke in strong support
of the transfer plan, asserting that there
is nothing immoral about it.{{efn|Various
leaders spoke strongly in favor of
transfer. Ussishkin said, "We cannot start
the Jewish state with ... half the
population being Arab ... Such a state
cannot survive even half an hour." There
was nothing immoral about transferring
sixty thousand Arab families: "It is most
moral.... I am ready to come and defend ...
it before the Almighty." Ruppin said: "I do
not believe in the transfer of individuals.

I believe in the transfer of entire
villages." Berl Katznelson, coleader with
Ben-Gurion of Mapai, said the transfer
would have to be by agreement with Britain
and the Arab states: "But the principle
should be that there must be a large agreed
transfer." Ben-Gurion summed up: "With
compulsory transfer we [would] have a vast
area [for settlement] .... I support
compulsory transfer. I don't see anything
immoral in it."{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=144}}}}
Within the Zionist movement, two
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 116/341 perspectives developed with respect to the
partition proposal; the first was a
complete rejection of partition, the second
was acceptance of the idea of partition on
the basis that it would eventually allow
for expansion to all territories within
"the boundaries of Zionist aspirations.".
{{sfn|Chomsky|1999|loc="The Boundaries of
Zionist Aspirations"}} It was the right
wing of the Zionist movement that put
forward the main arguments against
transfer, with Jabotinsky strongly
objecting it on moral grounds,<ref>
{{harvnb|Rubin|2019|p=12}}: "...Jabotinsky
also rejected the [partition] plan on moral
grounds, fiercely opposing the idea of
transferring the Arab population from
Palestine. Jabotinsky underscored this
point in several letters and speeches from
1937, and expanded on it in an article
published in the Revisionist Zionist
publication Hayarden... Jabotinsky
could not have been more clear about his
opposition to transferring a single Arab
from Palestine. He also argued that the
Peel Commission drew the wrong lesson from
the Greek–Turkish case. It was not a 'great
precedent', as the commission noted in its
report, but a tragedy that involved the
expulsion of one million Greeks from
Turkey."</ref> and others mainly focusing
on its impracticality.
{{sfn|Flapan|1979|p=264}} However, in his
last book "The Jewish War Front" published
in 1940, after the outbreak of WWII,
Jabotinsky no longer ruled out the
possibility of voluntary population
transfer, though he still didn't view it as
a necessary solution.<ref>
{{harvnb|Rubin|2019|p=15}}: "...in early
1940...Jabotinsky for the first time
publicly proposed expelling Arabs from
Palestine, even as he still noted that
population transfers was by no means a
necessary solution and repeated his promise
for minority rights in the future Jewish
state."</ref><ref>
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 117/341 {{harvnb|Schechtman|1956|p=}}:
{{pn|date=March 2025}} "In his last book...
he fully endorsed the idea of a voluntary
Arab transfer from Palestine, though still
insisting that it was not mandatory since,
objectively, "Palestine, astride the
Jordan, has room for the million of Arabs,
room for another million of their eventual
progeny, for several million Jews, and for
peace.""</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Shilon|2021}}:
"...in his last book, The Jewish War Front,
Jabotinsky did not rule out the possibility
of population transfer—that is, expulsion
of Arabs. The book was published in 1940,
shortly before his death, and was written
in the gloomy context of World War II: 'I see no need for this exodus, and it
would be undesirable from many
perspectives. But if it becomes clear that
the Arabs prefer to emigrate, this may be
discussed without a trace of sorrow in the
heart.'"</ref>{{sfn|Segev|2001|pp=406–407}}
Some leaders, such as Ruppin, [[Leo
Motzkin|Motzkin]], and writers such as
[[Israel Zangwill]], also referred to
transfer as a "voluntary" action that would
include some form of compensation.
{{sfn|Morris|2009|pp=349–360}} However,
"Palestine's Arabs did not wish to evacuate
the land of their ancestors... The matter
raised ethical questions that troubled the
Yishuv".{{sfn|Morris|2001|p=140}} The
revolt was inflamed by the partition
proposal and continued until 1939 when it
was forcefully suppressed by the British.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
−
−
Later, Vladimir Jabotinsky, the right-wing
Zionist leader, drew inspiration from the
Nazi demographic policies that resulted in
the expulsion of 1.5 million Poles and
Jews, in whose place Germans resettled.
{{sfn|Finkelstein|2016}} In Jabotinsky's
assessment:
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 118/341 −
<blockquote>The world has become accustomed
to the idea of mass migrations and has
almost become fond of them. Hitler{{--}}as
odious as he is to us{{--}}has given this
idea a good name in the world.
{{sfn|Finkelstein|2016}}</blockquote>
+ The Zionist leadership viewed the mass
transfer of the Arabs as morally
permissible, but were unsure of its
political effectiveness.<ref>
{{harvnb|Gorny|1987|p=305}}: "In any event,
the idea of a mass transfer did not strike
them as morally deplorable at any time, and
their hesitations related only to 'its
political effectiveness."</ref> Much of the
Zionist leadership spoke in strong support
of the transfer plan, asserting that there
is nothing immoral about it.{{efn|Various
leaders spoke strongly in favor of
transfer. Ussishkin said, "We cannot start
the Jewish state with ... half the
population being Arab ... Such a state
cannot survive even half an hour." There
was nothing immoral about transferring
sixty thousand Arab families: "It is most
moral.... I am ready to come and defend ...
it before the Almighty." Ruppin said: "I do
not believe in the transfer of individuals.

I believe in the transfer of entire
villages." Berl Katznelson, coleader with
Ben-Gurion of Mapai, said the transfer
would have to be by agreement with Britain
and the Arab states: "But the principle
should be that there must be a large agreed
transfer." Ben-Gurion summed up: "With
compulsory transfer we [would] have a vast
area [for settlement] .... I support
compulsory transfer. I don't see anything
immoral in it."{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=144}}}}
Within the Zionist movement, two
perspectives developed with respect to the
partition proposal; the first was a
complete rejection of partition, the second
was acceptance of the idea of partition on
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 119/341 the basis that it would eventually allow
for expansion to all territories within
"the boundaries of Zionist aspirations."
{{sfn|Chomsky|1982}} It was the right wing
of the Zionist movement that put forward
the main arguments against transfer, with
Jabotinsky strongly objecting it on moral
grounds,<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2019|p=12}}:
"...Jabotinsky also rejected the
[partition] plan on moral grounds, fiercely
opposing the idea of transferring the Arab
population from Palestine. Jabotinsky
underscored this point in several letters
and speeches from 1937, and expanded on it
in an article published in the Revisionist
Zionist publication Hayarden... Jabotinsky could not have been more clear
about his opposition to transferring a
single Arab from Palestine. He also argued
that the Peel Commission drew the wrong
lesson from the Greek–Turkish case. It was
not a 'great precedent', as the commission
noted in its report, but a tragedy that
involved the expulsion of one million
Greeks from Turkey."</ref> and others
mainly focusing on its impracticality.
{{sfn|Flapan|1979|p=264}} However, in his
last book "The Jewish War Front" published
in 1940, after the outbreak of WWII,
Jabotinsky no longer ruled out the
possibility of voluntary population
transfer, though he still didn't view it as
a necessary solution.<ref>
{{harvnb|Rubin|2019|p=15}}: "...in early
1940...Jabotinsky for the first time
publicly proposed expelling Arabs from
Palestine, even as he still noted that
population transfers was by no means a
necessary solution and repeated his promise
for minority rights in the future Jewish
state."</ref><ref>
{{harvnb|Schechtman|1956|p=}}:{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} "In his last
book... he fully endorsed the idea of a
voluntary Arab transfer from Palestine,
though still insisting that it was not
mandatory since, objectively, "Palestine,
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 120/341 astride the Jordan, has room for the
million of Arabs, room for another million
of their eventual progeny, for several
million Jews, and for peace.""</ref><ref>
{{harvnb|Shilon|2021}}: "...in his last
book, The Jewish War Front, Jabotinsky did
not rule out the possibility of population
transfer—that is, expulsion of Arabs. The
book was published in 1940, shortly before
his death, and was written in the gloomy
context of World War II: 'I see no
need for this exodus, and it would be
undesirable from many perspectives. But if
it becomes clear that the Arabs prefer to
emigrate, this may be discussed without a
trace of sorrow in the heart.'"</ref>
{{sfn|Segev|2001|pp=406–407}} Some leaders,
such as Ruppin, [[Leo Motzkin|Motzkin]],
and writers such as [[Israel Zangwill]],
also referred to transfer as a "voluntary"
action that would include some form of
compensation.{{sfn|Morris|2009|pp=349–360}}
However, "Palestine's Arabs did not wish to
evacuate the land of their ancestors... The
matter raised ethical questions that
troubled the Yishuv".
{{sfn|Morris|2001|p=140}} The revolt was
inflamed by the partition proposal and
continued until 1939 when it was forcefully
suppressed by the British.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
+
Later, Vladimir Jabotinsky, the right-wing
Zionist leader, drew inspiration from the
Nazi demographic policies that resulted in
the expulsion of 1.5 million Poles and
Jews, in whose place Germans resettled.
{{sfn|Finkelstein|2016}} In Jabotinsky's
assessment:<blockquote>The world has become
accustomed to the idea of mass migrations
and has almost become fond of them.

Hitler{{--}}as odious as he is to us{{-
-}}has given this idea a good name in the
world.{{sfn|Finkelstein|2016}}</blockquote>
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 121/341 By the time of the [[1936 Arab revolt]],
almost all groups within the Zionist
movement wanted a Jewish state in
Palestine, "whether they declared their
intent or preferred to camouflage it,
whether or not they perceived it as a
political instrument, whether they saw
sovereign independence as the prime aim, or
accorded priority to the task of social
construction".{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=243-245}}
The main debates within the movement at
this time were concerning partition of
Palestine and the nature of the
relationship with the British. The
intensity of the revolt, Britain's
ambiguous support for the movement and the
increasing threat against European Jewry
during this period motivated the Zionist
leadership to prioritize immediate
considerations. The movement ultimately
favored the notion of partition, primarily
out of practical considerations and
partially out of a belief that establishing
a Jewish state over all of Palestine would
remain an option.<ref>
{{harvnb|Gorny|1987|p=323}}: "In the end,
all of them accepted partition, less out of
inner conviction than because of
international pressure and force of
national discipline, and in some cases were
comforted by the thought that the path to a
greater Palestine was still open."</ref> At
the 1937 Zionist congress, the Zionist
leadership adopted the stance that the land
allocated to the Jewish state by the
partition plan was inadequate—effectively
rejecting the partition plan that faded
away in the face of both Arab and Zionist
opposition.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=Communal Conflict
and the British Response}}
By the time of the [[1936 Arab revolt]],
almost all groups within the Zionist
movement wanted a Jewish state in
Palestine, "whether they declared their
intent or preferred to camouflage it,
whether or not they perceived it as a
political instrument, whether they saw
sovereign independence as the prime aim, or
accorded priority to the task of social
construction".{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=243-245}}
The main debates within the movement at
this time were concerning partition of
Palestine and the nature of the
relationship with the British. The
intensity of the revolt, Britain's
ambiguous support for the movement and the
increasing threat against European Jewry
during this period motivated the Zionist
leadership to prioritize immediate
considerations. The movement ultimately
favored the notion of partition, primarily
out of practical considerations and
partially out of a belief that establishing
a Jewish state over all of Palestine would
remain an option.<ref>
{{harvnb|Gorny|1987|p=323}}: "In the end,
all of them accepted partition, less out of
inner conviction than because of
international pressure and force of
national discipline, and in some cases were
comforted by the thought that the path to a
greater Palestine was still open."</ref> At
the 1937 Zionist congress, the Zionist
leadership adopted the stance that the land
allocated to the Jewish state by the
partition plan was inadequate—effectively
rejecting the partition plan that faded
away in the face of both Arab and Zionist
opposition.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=Communal Conflict
and the British Response}}
Line 323: Line 335:
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 122/341 === Nazism, World War II and the Holocaust
===
=== Nazism, World War II and the Holocaust
===
− In 1939, a [[White Paper of 1939|British
White Paper]] would recommend limiting
Jewish immigration and land purchase with
the objective of maintaining the status quo
while the threat of war loomed in Europe.
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=162}}<ref>
{{harvnb|Pappé|2004}}: "A British White
Paper of 1939 tried to make provision for
Palestinian sensibilities. It repeated the
promises made in 1930 of withdrawal from
the Balfour Declaration and limits to
Jewish immigration and land purchase. The
objective was to maintain the status quo
until the situation in Europe was clear.

The limitation on immigration came at a
time when Nazi expansion in Europe was
making life for Jews there unbearable and
impossible. The Yishuv now waged its own
kind of rebellion, a clandestine operation
of illegal immigration, land takeover, and
formation of a paramilitary organization,
helped by sympathetic British officers such
as the legendary Orde Wingate."</ref> The
immigration was to be limited to no more
than 75,000 people over the next five
years. With Nazi expansionism in Europe,
the limits on immigration prompted further
militarization, land takeover and illegal
immigration efforts by the Zionist
movement. World War II broke out as the
Zionists were developing their campaign
against the White Paper—unable to accept
the White Paper or to side against the
British, the Zionist movement would
ultimately support the British war effort
while working to upend the White Paper.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=Communal Conflict
and the British Response}}{{efn|David Ben
Gurion famously would say: we shall "fight
the White Paper as if there were no Hitler
and fight Hitler as if there were no White
Paper."}} From the start of the second
world war, the Zionists pressured the
British to organize and train a Jewish
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 123/341 "army", culminating in the establishment of
a Jewish Brigade and accompanying blue and
white flag.{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=167}}
{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=277}} The development of
this force would further train and enable
the already substantial Zionist military
capacity.{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=167}}{{sfn|Pappé|2004}}
{{page needed|date=November 2024}} The
Haganah was allowed by the British to
openly acquire weapons and worked with the
British to prepare for a possible Axis
invasion.{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=World War
II and the Birth of the State of Israel}}
"army", culminating in the establishment of
a Jewish Brigade and accompanying blue and
white flag.{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=167}}
{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=277}} The development of
this force would further train and enable
the already substantial Zionist military
capacity.{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=167}}{{sfn|Pappé|2004}}
{{page needed|date=November 2024}} The
Haganah was allowed by the British to
openly acquire weapons and worked with the
British to prepare for a possible Axis
invasion.{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=World War
II and the Birth of the State of Israel}}
− Despite the White Paper, Zionist
immigration and settlement efforts
continued during the war period. While
immigration had previously been selective,
once the details of the holocaust reached
Palestine in 1942, selectivity was
abandoned. The official Zionist movement's
war effort focused on the survival and
development of the Yishuv; Pappe argues
that scarce Zionist energy was deployed in
support of European Jews.<ref>
{{harvnb|Pappé|2004|loc=Palestine in World
War II}}: "This was selective, in which the
physically fit and those with the right
ideological bent were given priority and,
at times, exclusivity. This mode of
selection was abandoned for a while when
the horrific news of Nazi exterminations
reached Palestine around 1942. The news
even prompted the symbolic act of sending
Zionist parachutists into Nazi Europe as a
gesture of support to the Jews dying in the
death camps rather than as a real attempt
to save them. Little Zionist energy was
invested in saving Jews, as the priority in
those difficult days remained the survival
of the Jewish community in Palestine."
</ref> Many of those fleeing Nazi terror in
Europe preferred to leave for the United
States, however, strict American
+ Despite the White Paper, Zionist
immigration and settlement efforts
continued during the war period. While
immigration had previously been selective,
once the details of the Holocaust reached
Palestine in 1942, selectivity was
abandoned. The official Zionist movement's
war effort focused on the survival and
development of the Yishuv; Pappe argues
that scarce Zionist energy was deployed in
support of European Jews.<ref>
{{harvnb|Pappé|2004|loc=Palestine in World
War II}}: "This was selective, in which the
physically fit and those with the right
ideological bent were given priority and,
at times, exclusivity. This mode of
selection was abandoned for a while when
the horrific news of Nazi exterminations
reached Palestine around 1942. The news
even prompted the symbolic act of sending
Zionist parachutists into Nazi Europe as a
gesture of support to the Jews dying in the
death camps rather than as a real attempt
to save them. Little Zionist energy was
invested in saving Jews, as the priority in
those difficult days remained the survival
of the Jewish community in Palestine."
</ref> Many of those fleeing Nazi terror in
Europe preferred to leave for the United
States, however, strict American
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 124/341 immigration policies and Zionist efforts
led to 10% of the 3 million Jews leaving
Europe to settle in Palestine.
{{sfn|Pappé|2004|loc=Palestine in World War
II}}
immigration policies and Zionist efforts
led to 10% of the 3 million Jews leaving
Europe to settle in Palestine.
{{sfn|Pappé|2004|loc=Palestine in World War
II}}
−
In the [[Biltmore Program]] of 1942, the
Zionist movement would openly declare for
the first time its goal of establishing a
Jewish state in all of Palestine.
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=169}}<ref>
{{harvnb|Shlaim|2001}}: "With this
resolution the Zionist movement for the
first time openly staked a claim to the
whole of mandatory Palestine."</ref> At
this point, the United States, with its
growing economy and unprecedented military
force, became a focal point of Zionist
political activity that engaged with the
American electorate and politicians.
[[Harry S. Truman|US President Truman]]
supported the Biltmore program for the
duration of his time in office, largely
motivated by humanitarian concerns and the
growing influence of the Zionist lobby.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010}}
+
In the [[Biltmore Program]] of 1942, the
Zionist movement would openly declare for
the first time its goal of establishing a
Jewish state in all of Palestine.
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=169}}<ref>
{{harvnb|Shlaim|2001}}: "With this
resolution the Zionist movement for the
first time openly staked a claim to the
whole of mandatory Palestine."</ref> At
this point, the United States, with its
growing economy and unprecedented military
force, became a focal point of Zionist
political activity that engaged with the
American electorate and politicians.

American [[President Truman]] supported the
Biltmore program for the duration of his
time in office, largely motivated by
humanitarian concerns and the growing
influence of the Zionist lobby.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010}}
{|class="wikitable" style="float:right;
margin-left:16px;"
{|class="wikitable" style="float:right;
margin-left:16px;"
Line 368: Line 380:
|} |}
− During World War II, as the horrors of
[[the Holocaust]] became known, the Zionist
leadership formulated the [[One Million
Plan]], a reduction from Ben-Gurion's
previous target of two million immigrants.

Following the end of the war, many
[[Sh'erit ha-Pletah|stateless refugees]],
mainly [[Holocaust survivors]], began
[[Aliyah Bet|migrating to Palestine]] in
+ During World War II, as the horrors of
[[the Holocaust]] became known, the Zionist
leadership formulated the [[One Million
Plan]], a reduction from Ben-Gurion's
previous target of two million immigrants.

Following the end of the war, many
[[Sh'erit ha-Pletah|stateless refugees]],
mainly [[Holocaust survivors]], began
[[Aliyah Bet|migrating to Palestine]] in
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 125/341 small boats in defiance of British rules.

The Holocaust united much of the rest of
world Jewry behind the Zionist project.
{{sfn|Johnson|1998|pp=21–28}} The British
either [[Cyprus internment camps|imprisoned
these Jews in Cyprus]] or [[SS Exodus|sent
them]] to the British-controlled [[Allied
Occupation Zones in Germany]]. The British,
having faced Arab revolts, were now facing
opposition by [[British–Zionist
conflict|Zionist groups in Palestine]] for
subsequent restrictions on Jewish
immigration. In January 1946 the AngloAmerican Committee of Inquiry, a joint [[United Kingdom–United States
relations|British and American]] committee,
was tasked to examine political, economic
and social conditions in Mandatory
Palestine and the well-being of the peoples
now living there; to consult
representatives of Arabs and Jews, and to
make other recommendations 'as necessary'
for an interim handling of these problems
as well as for their eventual solution.<ref>
{{Cite web |title=Avalon Project – AngloAmerican Committee of Inquiry – Preface |url=https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_centur
y/angpre.asp |access-date=March 10, 2023
|website=avalon.law.yale.edu |publisher=
[[Yale Law School]] |archive-date=August 7,
2018 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201808071851 16/http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/a
ngpre.asp |url-status=live}}</ref>
Following the failure of the [[London
Conference of 1946–47|1946–47 London
Conference on Palestine]], at which the
United States refused to support the
British, leading to both the [[Morrison–
Grady Plan]] and the [[Bevin Plan]] being
rejected by all parties, the British
decided to refer the question to the UN on
February 14, 1947.{{sfn|Ravndal|2010|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}{{efn|group=fn|The
reasons for this decision were explained by
His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs in a speech to the
small boats in defiance of British rules.

The Holocaust united much of the rest of
world Jewry behind the Zionist project.
{{sfn|Johnson|1998|pp=21–28}} The British
either [[Cyprus internment camps|imprisoned
these Jews in Cyprus]] or [[SS Exodus|sent
them]] to the British-controlled [[Allied
Occupation Zones in Germany]]. The British,
having faced Arab revolts, were now facing
opposition by [[British–Zionist
conflict|Zionist groups in Palestine]] for
subsequent restrictions on Jewish
immigration. In January 1946 the AngloAmerican Committee of Inquiry, a joint [[United Kingdom–United States
relations|British and American]] committee,
was tasked to examine political, economic
and social conditions in Mandatory
Palestine and the well-being of the peoples
now living there; to consult
representatives of Arabs and Jews, and to
make other recommendations 'as necessary'
for an interim handling of these problems
as well as for their eventual solution.<ref>
{{Cite web |title=Avalon Project – AngloAmerican Committee of Inquiry – Preface |url=https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_centur
y/angpre.asp |access-date=March 10, 2023
|website=avalon.law.yale.edu |publisher=
[[Yale Law School]] |archive-date=August 7,
2018 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201808071851 16/http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/a
ngpre.asp |url-status=live}}</ref>
Following the failure of the [[London
Conference of 1946–47|1946–47 London
Conference on Palestine]], at which the
United States refused to support the
British, leading to both the [[Morrison–
Grady Plan]] and the [[Bevin Plan]] being
rejected by all parties, the British
decided to refer the question to the UN on
February 14, 1947.{{sfn|Ravndal|2010|p=}}
{{page needed|date=March 2025}}
{{efn|group=fn|The reasons for this
decision were explained by His Majesty's
Principal Secretary of State for Foreign
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 126/341 House of Commons on February 18, 1947, in
which he said: 
Affairs in a speech to the House of Commons
on February 18, 1947, in which he said: 
"His Majesty's Government have been faced
with an irreconcilable conflict of
principles. There are in Palestine about
1,200,000 Arabs and 600,000 Jews. For the
Jews the essential point of principle is
the creation of a sovereign Jewish State.

For the Arabs, the essential point of
principle is to resist to the last
establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any
part of Palestine. The discussions of the
last month have quite clearly shown that
there is no prospect of resolving this
conflict by any settlement negotiated
between the parties. But if the conflict
has to be resolved by an arbitrary
decision, that is not a decision that His
Majesty's Government are empowered, as
Mandatory, to take. His Majesty's
Government have of themselves no power,
under the terms of the Mandate, to award
the country either to the Arabs or to the
Jews, or even to partition it between
them."}}
"His Majesty's Government have been faced
with an irreconcilable conflict of
principles. There are in Palestine about
1,200,000 Arabs and 600,000 Jews. For the
Jews the essential point of principle is
the creation of a sovereign Jewish State.

For the Arabs, the essential point of
principle is to resist to the last
establishment of Jewish sovereignty in any
part of Palestine. The discussions of the
last month have quite clearly shown that
there is no prospect of resolving this
conflict by any settlement negotiated
between the parties. But if the conflict
has to be resolved by an arbitrary
decision, that is not a decision that His
Majesty's Government are empowered, as
Mandatory, to take. His Majesty's
Government have of themselves no power,
under the terms of the Mandate, to award
the country either to the Arabs or to the
Jews, or even to partition it between
them."}}
=== End of the Mandate and expulsion of the
Palestinians ===
=== End of the Mandate and expulsion of the
Palestinians ===
− Towards the end of the war, the Zionist
leadership was motivated more than ever to
establish a Jewish state. Since the British
were no longer sponsoring its development,
many Zionists considered it would be
necessary to [[Zionist political
violence|establish the state by force]] by
upending the British position in Palestine.

In this the [[Irish Republican Army|IRA's
tactics]] against Britain in the [[Irish
War of Independence]] served as a both a
model and source of inspiration.{{efn|"that
a small, determined group of
revolutionaries representing a minority
view within the wider population could
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 127/341 achieve some success against the British
Empire helped to convince Zionist radicals
that they could be successful. Members of
Jewish underground groups . .studied Irish
rebels' victory over the superior might of
Britain. Ze'ev Jabotinsky, leader of the
Irgun, had travelled to ireland, meeting
Irish Volunteer and IRA gunrunner [[Robert
Briscoe (politician)|Robert Briscoe]], to
discuss drilling, training and strategy in
fighting the British and to 'learn all he
could in order to form a physical force
movement in Palestine on the same lines as
the IRA'."{{sfn|McConaghy|2021|p=482}}}}
The [[Irgun]], the military arm of the
revisionist Zionists, and [[Lehi (militant
group)|Lehi]], who at one point sought an
alliance with the Nazis,
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=174}} would lead a
series of terrorist attacks against the
British starting in 1944. This included the
[[King David Hotel bombing]], British
immigration and tax offices and police
stations. It was only by the war's end that
the Haganah joined in the sabotage against
the British. The combined impact of US
opinion and the attacks on British presence
eventually led the British to refer the
situation to the United Nations in 1947.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=World War II and
the Birth of the State of Israel}} In
response to a United Kingdom government
request that the General Assembly "make
recommendations under article 10 of the
Charter, concerning the future government
of Palestine", the [[United Nations Special
Committee on Palestine]] (UNSCOP) was
created on 15 May 1947.<ref>{{cite web
|title=Establishment of UN Special
Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP)
|url=https://www.un.org/unispal/document/aut
o-insert-183472/ |publisher=[[United
Nations]] |date=May 15, 1947 |accessdate=February 18, 2025 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202405271516 38/https://www.un.org/unispal/document/autoachieve some success against the British Empire helped to convince Zionist radicals
that they could be successful. Members of
Jewish underground groups . .studied Irish
rebels' victory over the superior might of
Britain. Ze'ev Jabotinsky, leader of the
Irgun, had travelled to ireland, meeting
Irish Volunteer and IRA gunrunner [[Robert
Briscoe (politician)|Robert Briscoe]], to
discuss drilling, training and strategy in
fighting the British and to 'learn all he
could in order to form a physical force
movement in Palestine on the same lines as
the IRA'."{{sfn|McConaghy|2021|p=482}}}}
The [[Irgun]], the military arm of the
revisionist Zionists, and [[Lehi (militant
group)|Lehi]], who at one point sought an
alliance with the Nazis,
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=174}} would lead a
series of terrorist attacks against the
British starting in 1944. This included the
[[King David Hotel bombing]], British
immigration and tax offices and police
stations. It was only by the war's end that
the Haganah joined in the sabotage against
the British. The combined impact of US
opinion and the attacks on British presence
eventually led the British to refer the
situation to the United Nations in 1947.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=World War II and
the Birth of the State of Israel}} In
response to a United Kingdom government
request that the General Assembly "make
recommendations under article 10 of the
Charter, concerning the future government
of Palestine", the [[United Nations Special
Committee on Palestine]] (UNSCOP) was
created on May 15, 1947.<ref>{{cite web
|title=Establishment of UN Special
Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP)
|url=https://www.un.org/unispal/document/aut
o-insert-183472/ |publisher=[[United
Nations]] |date=May 15, 1947 |accessdate=February 18, 2025 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202405271516 38/https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 128/341 insert-183472/ |archive-date=May 27, 2024}}
</ref>
insert-183472/ |archive-date=May 27, 2024}}
</ref>
−
The urgency of the condition of the Jewish
refugees in Europe motivated the committee
to unanimously vote in favor of terminating
the British mandate in Palestine. The
disagreement came with regards to whether
Palestine should be partitioned or if it
should constitute a federal state. American
lobbying efforts, pressuring UN delegates
with the threat of withdrawal of US aid,
eventually secured the General Assembly
votes in favor of the partition of
Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab
states, which was passed 29 November 1947.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=World War II and
the Birth of the State of Israel}}
+
The urgency of the condition of the Jewish
refugees in Europe motivated the committee
to unanimously vote in favor of terminating
the British mandate in Palestine. The
disagreement came with regards to whether
Palestine should be partitioned or if it
should constitute a federal state. American
lobbying efforts, pressuring UN delegates
with the threat of withdrawal of US aid,
eventually secured the General Assembly
votes in favor of the partition of
Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab
states, which was passed November 29, 1947.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=World War II and
the Birth of the State of Israel}}
Outbursts of violence slowly grew into a
wider civil war between the Arabs and
Zionist militias.{{sfn|Pappé|2004|p=118-
119}} By mid-December, the Haganah had
shifted to a more "aggressive defense",
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=148}} abandoning
notions of restraint it had espoused from
1936 to 1939. The Haganah reprisal raids
were often disproportionate to the initial
Arab offenses,{{sfn|Morris|1999|pp=196–
197}} which led to the spread of violence
to previously unaffected areas. The Zionist
militias, employed terror attacks against
Arab civilian and militia centers and many
Palestinians were evicted from their
houses. In response, Arabs planted bombs in
Jewish civilian areas, particularly in
Jerusalem.{{sfn|Morris|1999|pp=196–197}}
{{sfn|Pappé|2004|p=127}}
Outbursts of violence slowly grew into a
wider civil war between the Arabs and
Zionist militias.{{sfn|Pappé|2004|p=118-
119}} By mid-December, the Haganah had
shifted to a more "aggressive defense",
{{sfn|Morris|1999|p=148}} abandoning
notions of restraint it had espoused from
1936 to 1939. The Haganah reprisal raids
were often disproportionate to the initial
Arab offenses,{{sfn|Morris|1999|pp=196–
197}} which led to the spread of violence
to previously unaffected areas. The Zionist
militias, employed terror attacks against
Arab civilian and militia centers and many
Palestinians were evicted from their
houses. In response, Arabs planted bombs in
Jewish civilian areas, particularly in
Jerusalem.{{sfn|Morris|1999|pp=196–197}}
{{sfn|Pappé|2004|p=127}}
− The first expulsion of Palestinians began
12 days after the adoption of the UN
resolution, and the first Palestinian
+ The first expulsion of Palestinians began
12 days after the adoption of the UN
resolution, and the first Palestinian
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 129/341 village was eliminated a month later, in
retaliation for Palestinian attacks on
convoys and Jewish settlements.
{{sfn|Pappé|2004|pp=118–119}} In March
1948, Zionist forces began implementing
Plan D, an ethnic cleansing operation that
involved the expulsion of civilians and the
destruction of Arab towns and villages in
pursuit of eliminating Palestinians seen as
potentially hostile, resulting in the loss
of Palestine to much of its indigenous
population.{{sfn|Pappé|2004|p=120}}
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001|loc=Introduction}}<ref>
{{harvnb|Morris|2004}}: "The prospect and
need to prepare for the invasion gave birth
to Plan D, prepared in early March. It gave
the Haganah brigade and battalion-level
commanders carte blanche to completely
clear vital areas; it allowed the expulsion
of hostile or potentially hostile Arab
villages. Many villages were bases for
bands of irregulars; most villages had
armed militias and could serve as bases for
hostile bands. During April and May, the
local Haganah units, sometimes with
specific instruction from the Haganah
General Staff, carried out elements of Plan
D, each interpreting and implementing the
plan in his area as he saw fit and in
relation to the prevailing local
circumstances. In general, the commanders
saw fit to completely clear the vital roads
and border areas of Arab communities -Allon
in Eastern Galilee, Carmel around Haifa and
Western Galilee, Avidan in the south. Most
of the villagers fled before or during the
fighting. Those who stayed put were almost
invariably expelled."</ref> According to
[[Benny Morris]] Zionist forces committed
24 massacres of Palestinians in the ensuing
war,{{sfn|Morris|2008|pp=404–406}}{{Failed
verification|date=February 2025|reason=The
referenced pages don't seem to include the
claimed number of massacres}} in part as a
form of psychological warfare,<ref>
{{harvnb|Morris|2004}}: "Jewish tactics in
the battle were designed to stun and
village was
eliminated{{Clarify|reason=Unclear what the
meaning of this euphemism is: ethnic
cleansing? A massacre? A political
disestablishment?|date=September 2025}} a
month later, in retaliation for Palestinian
attacks on convoys and Jewish settlements.
{{sfn|Pappé|2004|pp=118–119}} In March
1948, Zionist forces began implementing
Plan D, an ethnic cleansing operation that
involved the expulsion of civilians and the
destruction of Arab towns and villages in
pursuit of eliminating Palestinians seen as
potentially hostile, resulting in the loss
of Palestine to much of its indigenous
population.{{sfn|Pappé|2004|p=120}}
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001|loc=Introduction}}<ref>
{{harvnb|Morris|2004}}: "The prospect and
need to prepare for the invasion gave birth
to Plan D, prepared in early March. It gave
the Haganah brigade and battalion-level
commanders carte blanche to completely
clear vital areas; it allowed the expulsion
of hostile or potentially hostile Arab
villages. Many villages were bases for
bands of irregulars; most villages had
armed militias and could serve as bases for
hostile bands. During April and May, the
local Haganah units, sometimes with
specific instruction from the Haganah
General Staff, carried out elements of Plan
D, each interpreting and implementing the
plan in his area as he saw fit and in
relation to the prevailing local
circumstances. In general, the commanders
saw fit to completely clear the vital roads
and border areas of Arab communities -Allon
in Eastern Galilee, Carmel around Haifa and
Western Galilee, Avidan in the south. Most
of the villagers fled before or during the
fighting. Those who stayed put were almost
invariably expelled."</ref> According to
[[Benny Morris]] Zionist forces committed
24 massacres of Palestinians in the ensuing
war,{{sfn|Morris|2008|pp=404–406}}{{Failed
verification|date=February 2025|reason=The
referenced pages don't seem to include the
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 130/341 quickly overpower opposition.

Demoralisation of the enemy was a primary
aim; it was seen to be as important to the
outcome of the battle as the physical
destruction of the armed Arab units. The
mortar barrages and the psychological
warfare broadcasts and announcements, and
the tactics employed by the Haganah
infantry companies, advancing from house to
house, were all geared to this goal. The
22nd Battalion (Carmeli Brigade) orders to
its troops were "to kill every [adult male]
Arab encountered" and to set alight with
firebombs "all objectives that can be set
alight. I am sending you posters in Arabic;
disperse on route.""</ref> the most
notorious of which is the [[Deir Yassin
massacre]]. The [[United Nations
Conciliation Commission for Palestine]]
estimated that between 1948 and 1949,
710,000 Palestinians were driven out of the
country and another 40,000 were [[present
absentees|internally displaced]], primarily
as a result of these expulsions and
massacres.<ref name="unccp" />
{{sfn|Pappé|2004}}{{page
needed|date=October 2024}}
− The British left Palestine (having done
little to maintain order) on May 14 as
planned. The British did not facilitate a
formal transfer of power;
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010}} a fully functioning
Jewish quasi-state had already been
operating under the British for the past
several decades.<ref>"When the British left
Palestine in 1948, there was no need to
create the apparatus of a Jewish state ab
novo. That apparatus had in fact been
functioning under the British aegis for
decades. All that remained to make Herzl's
+ The British left Palestine (having done
little to maintain order) on May 14 as
planned. The British did not facilitate a
formal transfer of power;
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010}} a fully functioning
Jewish quasi-state had already been
operating under the British for the past
several decades.<ref>
{{harvnb|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter 1}}:
"When the British left Palestine in 1948,
there was no need to create the apparatus
of a Jewish state ab novo. That apparatus
had in fact been functioning under the
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 131/341 prescient dream a reality was for this
existing para-state to flex its military
muscle against the weakened Palestinians
while obtaining formal sovereignty, which
it did in May 1948. The fate of Palestine
had thus been decided thirty years earlier,
although the denouement did not come until
the very end of the Mandate, when its Arab
majority was finally dispossessed by
force." {{harvnb|Khalidi|2020|loc=Chapter
1}}</ref> The same day, Ben-Gurion declared
the establishment of the state of Israel.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=Terror and
Intercommunal War}} The [[Declaration of
Independence of Israel]] described a
democracy with equality of social and
political rights for all citizens, and
extended a peace offering to neighboring
states and their Arab citizens.
{{sfn|Shapira|2012|p=180}} Masalha notes
that the declaration states equality on the
basis of citizenship but not nationality.
{{efn|"In Israel, '"nationality" (Hebrew:
"le'um") and "citizenship" (Hebrew:
"ezrahut") are two separate, distinct
statuses, conveying different rights and
responsibilities'. Palestinians in Israel,
as non-Jews, can be citizens, but never
nationals, and are thus denied 'rights and
privileges' enjoyed by those 'who would
qualify for Israeli citizenship under the
1950 Law of Return'."
{{harvnb|White|2012|loc=Spot the
Difference}}}}{{Clarify|reason=The sentence
is not clear and the quoted source is by
White, not Masalha|date=February 2025}}
British aegis for decades. All that
remained to make Herzl's prescient dream a
reality was for this existing para-state to
flex its military muscle against the
weakened Palestinians while obtaining
formal sovereignty, which it did in May
1948. The fate of Palestine had thus been
decided thirty years earlier, although the
denouement did not come until the very end
of the Mandate, when its Arab majority was
finally dispossessed by force."</ref> The
same day, Ben-Gurion declared the
establishment of the state of Israel.
{{sfn|Cleveland|2010|loc=Terror and
Intercommunal War}} The [[Declaration of
Independence of Israel]] described a
democracy with equality of social and
political rights for all citizens, and
extended a peace offering to neighboring
states and their Arab citizens.
{{sfn|Shapira|2012|p=180}} Masalha notes
that the declaration states equality on the
basis of citizenship but not nationality.
{{efn|"In Israel, '"nationality" (Hebrew:
"le'um") and "citizenship" (Hebrew:
"ezrahut") are two separate, distinct
statuses, conveying different rights and
responsibilities'. Palestinians in Israel,
as non-Jews, can be citizens, but never
nationals, and are thus denied 'rights and
privileges' enjoyed by those 'who would
qualify for Israeli citizenship under the
1950 Law of Return'."
{{harvnb|White|2012|loc=Spot the
Difference}}}}{{Clarify|reason=The sentence
is not clear and the quoted source is by
White, not Masalha|date=February 2025}}
− The ensuing war led to the State of Israel
establishing control over 78% of Mandatory
Palestine, instead of the 55% outlined in
the UN partition plan, and resulted in the
destruction of much of Palestinian society
and the Arab landscape.<ref>
{{harvnb|Masalha|2012}}: "The 'War of
+ The ensuing war led to the State of Israel
establishing control over 78% of Mandatory
Palestine, instead of the 55% outlined in
the UN partition plan, and resulted in the
destruction of much of Palestinian society
and the Arab landscape.<ref>
{{harvnb|Masalha|2012}}: "The 'War of
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 132/341 Liberation', which led to the creation of
the State of Israel on 78 per cent of
historic Palestine (not the 55 per cent
according to the UN partition resolution),
resulted not in 'equality for all citizens'
'as taught by the Hebrew prophets' but in
the destruction of much of Palestinian
society, and much of the Arab landscape, in
the name of the Bible, by the Zionist
Yishuv, a European settler community that
emigrated to Palestine in the period
between 1882 and 1948."</ref> This war, led
by the Zionist Yishuv was framed by its
leaders in biblical and messianic terms as
a 'miraculous clearing of the land,' akin
to the biblical War of Joshua. Masalha
writes that it is not clear who the Yishuv
was declaring independence from, as it was
neither from the British colonial rule,
which facilitated Jewish settlement against
Palestinian wishes, nor from the land's
indigenous inhabitants, who had long
cultivated and owned it.
{{sfn|Masalha|2012|loc=Chapter 1}} After
the [[1949 Armistice Agreements]], [[Land
and Property laws in Israel#The 'Absentees
Property Law'|a series of laws]] passed by
the first Israeli government prevented
[[Palestinian refugees|displaced
Palestinians]] from claiming private
property or returning on the state's
territories. They and many of their
descendants remain [[Palestinian
refugees|refugees]] supported by [[UNRWA]].
<ref>Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126</ref>{{full
citation needed|date=March 2025}}
<ref>Féron, Féron, p. 94.</ref>{{full
citation needed|date=March 2025}}<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?
id=87|title=United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near
East |publisher=[[UNRWA]] |date=January 7,
2015 |access-date=January 22, 2016 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201309061210 16/http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=87
Liberation', which led to the creation of
the State of Israel on 78 per cent of
historic Palestine (not the 55 per cent
according to the UN partition resolution),
resulted not in 'equality for all citizens'
'as taught by the Hebrew prophets' but in
the destruction of much of Palestinian
society, and much of the Arab landscape, in
the name of the Bible, by the Zionist
Yishuv, a European settler community that
emigrated to Palestine in the period
between 1882 and 1948."</ref> This war, led
by the Zionist Yishuv was framed by its
leaders in biblical and messianic terms as
a 'miraculous clearing of the land,' akin
to the biblical War of Joshua. Masalha
writes that it is not clear who the Yishuv
was declaring independence from, as it was
neither from the British colonial rule,
which facilitated Jewish settlement against
Palestinian wishes, nor from the land's
indigenous inhabitants, who had long
cultivated and owned it.
{{sfn|Masalha|2012|loc=Chapter 1}} After
the [[1949 Armistice Agreements]], [[Land
and Property laws in Israel#The 'Absentees
Property Law'|a series of laws]] passed by
the first Israeli government prevented
[[Palestinian refugees|displaced
Palestinians]] from claiming private
property or returning on the state's
territories. They and many of their
descendants remain [[Palestinian
refugees|refugees]] supported by [[UNRWA]].
<ref>Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126</ref>{{full
citation needed|date=March 2025}}
<ref>Féron, Féron, p. 94.</ref>{{full
citation needed|date=March 2025}}<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?
id=87 |title=United Nations Relief and
Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the
Near East |publisher=[[UNRWA]]
|date=January 7, 2015 |access-date=January
22, 2016 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201309061210 16/http://www.unrwa.org/etemplate.php?id=87
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 133/341 |archive-date=September 6, 2013 |urlstatus=live}}</ref> |archive-date=September 6, 2013 |urlstatus=live}}</ref> ==== Hebraization of names ==== ==== Hebraization of names ==== −
{{main|Hebraization of surnames}}
+
{{Main|Hebraization of Palestinian place
names}}
−
As part of the effort to consolidate its
new ownership over the land it had taken
over in the 1948 war, the Israeli state
worked towards "erasing all traces of its
former owners".{{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=248}}
The project of "Hebraization" of the map,
for which the JNF Naming Committee was
established,{{sfn|Masalha|2012|loc=The
Zionist Superimposing of Hebrew Toponymy}}
aimed to replace what remained of the Arab
towns and villages with newly named Israeli
settlements. These names were often based
on the Arab names but with a "Hebrew
pronunciation" or based on old Hebrew
biblical names.{{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=248}}
This effort also sought to demonstrate
continuous Jewish ownership over the land
to ancient times.{{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=248}}
+ As part of the effort to consolidate its
new ownership over the land it had taken
over in the 1948 war, the Israeli state
worked towards "erasing all traces of its
former owners".{{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=248}}
The project of "Hebraization" of the map,
for which the JNF Naming Committee was
established,{{sfn|Masalha|2012|loc=The
Zionist Superimposing of Hebrew Toponymy}}
aimed to replace what remained of the Arab
towns and villages with newly named Israeli
settlements. These names were often based
on the Arab names but with a "Hebrew
pronunciation" or based on old Hebrew
biblical names.{{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=248}}
This effort also sought to demonstrate
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 134/341 continuous Jewish ownership over the land
to ancient times.{{sfn|Shapira|2014|p=248}}
−
Prior to 1948, the Zionist movement had
limited authority over the use of place
names in Palestine. After 1948, the Zionist
movement systematically eliminated mention
of "Palestine" from the names of its
organizations; for example, the [[Jewish
Agency for Palestine]], which played a
critical role in the founding of the
Israeli state in 1948 was renamed to the
"Jewish Agency for Israel".
{{sfn|Masalha|2012}}{{page
needed|date=October 2024}}
+
+
Prior to 1948, the Zionist movement had
limited authority over the use of place
names in Palestine. After 1948, the name
"Palestine" was removed from Zionist
organizations; for example, the [[Jewish
Agency for Palestine]], which played a
critical role in the founding of the
Israeli state in 1948 was renamed to the
"Jewish Agency for Israel".
{{sfn|Masalha|2012}}{{page
needed|date=October 2024}}
=== Post-World War II === === Post-World War II ===
−
[[File:1948 Arab Israeli War - May 15-June

10.svg|thumb|Arab offensive at the
beginning of the [[1948 Arab-Israeli war]]]] +
[[File:1948 Arab Israeli War - May 15-June

10.svg|thumb|Arab offensive at the
beginning of the [[1948 Arab–Israeli war]]
]]
[[File:Declaration of State of Israel 1948

2.jpg|thumb|[[David Ben-Gurion]]
proclaiming Israel's establishment beneath
a large portrait of Theodor Herzl]]
[[File:Declaration of State of Israel 1948

2.jpg|thumb|[[David Ben-Gurion]]
proclaiming Israel's establishment beneath
a large portrait of Theodor Herzl]]
−
[[File:Op Magic Carpet
(Yemenites).jpg|thumb|Yemenite Jews on
their way to Israel during [[Operation
Magic Carpet (Yemen)|Operation Magic
Carpet]]]]
+
[[File:Op Magic Carpet
(Yemenites).jpg|thumb|Yemenite Jews on
their way to Israel during [[Operation
Magic Carpet (Yemen)|Operation Magic
Carpet]] ]]
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 135/341 Since the creation of the State of Israel,
the World Zionist Organization has
functioned mainly as an organization
dedicated to assisting and encouraging Jews
to migrate to Israel. It has provided
political support for Israel in other
countries but plays little role in internal
Israeli politics. The movement's major
success since 1948 was in providing
logistical support for Jewish migrants and
refugees and, most importantly, in
assisting [[Soviet Jews]] in their struggle
with the authorities over the right to
leave the USSR and to practice their
religion in freedom, and the [[Jewish
exodus from Arab lands|exodus of 850,000
Jews]] from the Arab world, mostly to
Israel. In 1944–45, Ben-Gurion described
the [[One Million Plan]] to foreign
officials as being the "primary goal and
top priority of the Zionist movement."
{{sfn|Hacohen|1991|p=262 #2|ps=:"In
meetings with foreign officials at the end
of 1944 and during 1945, Ben-Gurion cited
the plan to enable one million refugees to
enter Palestine immediately as the primary
goal and top priority of the Zionist
movement.}} The immigration restrictions of
the British White Paper of 1939 meant that
such a plan could not be put into large
scale effect until the Israeli Declaration
of Independence in May 1948. The new
country's immigration policy had some
opposition within the new Israeli
government, such as those who argued that
there was "no justification for organizing
large-scale emigration among Jews whose
lives were not in danger, particularly when
the desire and motivation were not their
own"{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=46|ps=: "After
independence, the government presented the
Knesset with a plan to double the Jewish
population within four years. This meant
bringing in 600,000 immigrants in a fouryear period. or 150,000 per year. Absorbing 150,000 newcomers annually under the trying
Since the creation of the State of Israel,
the World Zionist Organization has
functioned mainly as an organization
dedicated to assisting and encouraging Jews
to migrate to Israel. It has provided
political support for Israel in other
countries but plays little role in internal
Israeli politics. The movement's major
success since 1948 was in providing
logistical support for Jewish migrants and
refugees and, most importantly, in
assisting [[Soviet Jews]] in their struggle
with the authorities over the right to
leave the USSR and to practice their
religion in freedom, and the [[Jewish
exodus from Arab lands|exodus of 850,000
Jews]] from the Arab world, mostly to
Israel. In 1944–45, Ben-Gurion described
the [[One Million Plan]] to foreign
officials as being the "primary goal and
top priority of the Zionist movement."
{{sfn|Hacohen|1991|p=262 #2|ps=:"In
meetings with foreign officials at the end
of 1944 and during 1945, Ben-Gurion cited
the plan to enable one million refugees to
enter Palestine immediately as the primary
goal and top priority of the Zionist
movement.}} The immigration restrictions of
the British White Paper of 1939 meant that
such a plan could not be put into large
scale effect until the Israeli Declaration
of Independence in May 1948. The new
country's immigration policy had some
opposition within the new Israeli
government, such as those who argued that
there was "no justification for organizing
large-scale emigration among Jews whose
lives were not in danger, particularly when
the desire and motivation were not their
own"{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=46|ps=: "After
independence, the government presented the
Knesset with a plan to double the Jewish
population within four years. This meant
bringing in 600,000 immigrants in a fouryear period. or 150,000 per year. Absorbing 150,000 newcomers annually under the trying
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 136/341 conditions facing the new state was a heavy
burden indeed. Opponents in the Jewish
Agency and the government of mass
immigration argued that there was no
justification for organizing large-scale
emigration among Jews whose lives were not
in danger, particularly when the desire and
motivation were not their own."}} as well
as those who argued that the absorption
process caused "undue hardship".
{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=246–247|ps=: "Both the
immigrants' dependence and the
circumstances of their arrival shaped the
attitude of the host society. The great
wave of immigration in 1948 did not occur
spontaneously: it was the result of a clearcut foreign policy decision that taxed the country financially and necessitated a
major organizational effort. Many
absorption activists, Jewish Agency
executives, and government officials
opposed unlimited, nonselective
immigration; they favored a gradual process
geared to the country's absorptive
capacity. Throughout this period, two
charges resurfaced at every public debate:
one, that the absorption process caused
undue hardship; two, that Israel's
immigration policy was misguided."}}
However, the force of Ben-Gurion's
influence and insistence ensured that his
immigration policy was carried out.
{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=47|ps=: "But as head
of the government, entrusted with choosing
the cabinet and steering its activities,
Ben-Gurion had tremendous power over the
country's social development. His prestige
soared to new heights after the founding of
the state and the impressive victory of the
IDF in the War of Independence. As prime
minister and minister of defense in
Israel's first administration, as well as
the uncontested leader of the country's
largest political party, his opinions
carried enormous weight. Thus, despite
resistance from some of his cabinet
members, he remained unflagging in his
conditions facing the new state was a heavy
burden indeed. Opponents in the Jewish
Agency and the government of mass
immigration argued that there was no
justification for organizing large-scale
emigration among Jews whose lives were not
in danger, particularly when the desire and
motivation were not their own."}} as well
as those who argued that the absorption
process caused "undue hardship".
{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=246–247|ps=: "Both the
immigrants' dependence and the
circumstances of their arrival shaped the
attitude of the host society. The great
wave of immigration in 1948 did not occur
spontaneously: it was the result of a clearcut foreign policy decision that taxed the country financially and necessitated a
major organizational effort. Many
absorption activists, Jewish Agency
executives, and government officials
opposed unlimited, nonselective
immigration; they favored a gradual process
geared to the country's absorptive
capacity. Throughout this period, two
charges resurfaced at every public debate:
one, that the absorption process caused
undue hardship; two, that Israel's
immigration policy was misguided."}}
However, the force of Ben-Gurion's
influence and insistence ensured that his
immigration policy was carried out.
{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=47|ps=: "But as head
of the government, entrusted with choosing
the cabinet and steering its activities,
Ben-Gurion had tremendous power over the
country's social development. His prestige
soared to new heights after the founding of
the state and the impressive victory of the
IDF in the War of Independence. As prime
minister and minister of defense in
Israel's first administration, as well as
the uncontested leader of the country's
largest political party, his opinions
carried enormous weight. Thus, despite
resistance from some of his cabinet
members, he remained unflagging in his
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 137/341 enthusiasm for unrestricted mass
immigration and resolved to put this policy
into effect."}}
{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=247|ps=: "On several
occasions, resolutions were passed to limit
immigration from European and Arab
countries alike. However, these limits were
never put into practice, mainly due to the
opposition of Ben-Gurion. As a driving
force in the emergency of the state, BenGurion—both prime minister and minister of defense—carried enormous weight with his
veto. His insistence on the right of every
Jew to immigrate proved victorious. He
would not allow himself to be swayed by
financial or other considerations. It was
he who orchestrated the large-scale action
that enabled the Jews to leave Eastern
Europe and Islamic countries, and it was he
who effectively forged Israel's foreign
policy. Through a series of clandestine
activities carried out overseas by the
Foreign Office, the Jewish Agency, the
Mossad le-Aliyah, and the Joint
Distribution Committee, the road was paved
for mass immigration."}}
enthusiasm for unrestricted mass
immigration and resolved to put this policy
into effect."}}
{{sfn|Hakohen|2003|p=247|ps=: "On several
occasions, resolutions were passed to limit
immigration from European and Arab
countries alike. However, these limits were
never put into practice, mainly due to the
opposition of Ben-Gurion. As a driving
force in the emergency of the state, BenGurion—both prime minister and minister of defense—carried enormous weight with his
veto. His insistence on the right of every
Jew to immigrate proved victorious. He
would not allow himself to be swayed by
financial or other considerations. It was
he who orchestrated the large-scale action
that enabled the Jews to leave Eastern
Europe and Islamic countries, and it was he
who effectively forged Israel's foreign
policy. Through a series of clandestine
activities carried out overseas by the
Foreign Office, the Jewish Agency, the
Mossad le-Aliyah, and the Joint
Distribution Committee, the road was paved
for mass immigration."}}
=== Religious Zionism and the Six-Day War
===
=== Religious Zionism and the Six-Day War
===
− {{main|Neo-Zionism}} + {{Main|Neo-Zionism}}
+
− Prior to the 1967 [[Six-Day War]],
[[religious Zionism]] mostly described
support for political Zionism among
Orthodox Jews.{{sfn|Ravitzky|1996|pp=32–34}}
 However, the war
and the Israeli conquest of the [[West
Bank]], invigorated and popularized a
religious Zionist ideology associated with
the Rabbi [[Abraham Isaac Kook]] and the
[[Mercaz HaRav]] yeshiva, which believes
that Zionism is a part of the historical
process that will bring about the
[[messianic age]].
{{sfn|Ravitzky|1996|pp=102–109, 122–131}}
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001|loc=Chapter 14}} This
ideology considered secular Zionism and
secular state policies to be holy and part
God's divine plan: "The spirit of Israel...
is so closely linked to the spirit of God
that a Jewish nationalist, no matter how
secularist his intention may be, is,
despite himself, imbued with the divine
spirit even against his own will."
{{sfn|Goldberg|2009}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
+ Prior to the 1967 [[Six-Day War]],
[[religious Zionism]] mostly described
support for political Zionism among
Orthodox Jews.{{sfn|Ravitzky|1996|pp=32–34}}
 However, the war
and the Israeli conquest of the [[West
Bank]], invigorated and popularized a
religious Zionist ideology associated with
the Rabbi [[Abraham Isaac Kook]] and the
[[Mercaz HaRav]] yeshiva, which believes
that Zionism is a part of the historical
process that will bring about the
[[messianic age]].
{{sfn|Ravitzky|1996|pp=102–109, 122–131}}
{{sfn|Shlaim|2001|loc=Chapter 14}} This
ideology considered secular Zionism and
secular state policies to be holy and part
God's divine plan: "The spirit of Israel...
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 139/341 is so closely linked to the spirit of God
that a Jewish nationalist, no matter how
secularist his intention may be, is,
despite himself, imbued with the divine
spirit even against his own will."
{{sfn|Goldberg|2009}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
According to followers of the Mercaz HaRav
ideology, the Six Day War was a
demonstration of the work of the Divine
Hand and the "beginning of redemption".
{{sfn|Ravitzky|1996|loc=Chapter 3}}
Proponents of this ideology venerate the
land as sacred, and consider its sanctity a
core principle of religious Zionism.

Religious Zionists view the settlement of
the West Bank as a commandment of God,
necessary for the redemption of the Jewish
people.{{sfn|Ben-Ami|2007}} Rabbi [[Zvi
Yehuda Kook]], a major religious Zionist
leader and thinker, would declare in 1967
following the Six Day War in the presence
of Israeli leadership including the
president, ministers, members of the
[[Knesset]], judges, chief rabbis and
senior civil servants:

According to followers of the Mercaz HaRav
ideology, the Six Day War was a
demonstration of the work of the Divine
Hand and the "beginning of redemption".
{{sfn|Ravitzky|1996|loc=Chapter 3}}
Proponents of this ideology venerate the
land as sacred, and consider its sanctity a
core principle of religious Zionism.

Line 409: Line 423:
== Types of Zionism == == Types of Zionism ==
{{main|Types of Zionism}} {{main|Types of Zionism}}
+
{{see also|Post-Zionism}} {{see also|Post-Zionism}}
− From the turn of the century until the Arab
revolt of 1936, there was room for
political flexibility within the Zionist
movement, many scholars argue that
different currents of Zionism have had a
shared core framework.{{sfn|Gorny|1987}}
<ref>{{harvnb|Dubnov|2011|p=}}:
{{pn|date=March 2025}} "Relatively recent
examples of the search for this "core" idea
+ From the turn of the century until the Arab
revolt of 1936, there was room for
political flexibility within the Zionist
movement, many scholars argue that
different currents of Zionism have had a
shared core framework.{{sfn|Gorny|1987}}
<ref>{{harvnb|Dubnov|2011|p=}}:{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} "Relatively recent
examples of the search for this "core" idea
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 140/341 in Zionism (which tends to label
ideological diversity as "heresy" or
"deviation") can be found in Gorny and
Netzer, "'Avodat ha-hoveh ha-murhevet'";
Halpern and Reinharz, ''Zionism and the
Creation of a New Society''; and Shimoni,
''The Zionist Ideology''. Older studies
that are based on a similar presupposition
include Heller, ''The Zionist Idea'', and
most famously Hertzberg, ''The Zionist
Idea''."</ref> Most mainstream histories of
the movement delineate a few key strains,
many following a taxonomy introduced during
the period starting in the late 19th
century and continuing into the 1930s:
political, practical, socialist, cultural
and revisionist.<ref>{{bulleted list|
in Zionism (which tends to label
ideological diversity as "heresy" or
"deviation") can be found in Gorny and
Netzer, "'Avodat ha-hoveh ha-murhevet'";
Halpern and Reinharz, ''Zionism and the
Creation of a New Society''; and Shimoni,
''The Zionist Ideology''. Older studies
that are based on a similar presupposition
include Heller, ''The Zionist Idea'', and
most famously Hertzberg, ''The Zionist
Idea''."</ref> Most mainstream histories of
the movement delineate a few key strains,
many following a taxonomy introduced during
the period starting in the late 19th
century and continuing into the 1930s:
political, practical, socialist, cultural
and revisionist.<ref>{{bulleted list|
| {{harvnb|Yadgar|2017|loc="Main Zionist
Streams and Jewish Traditions"|pp=119–160}}
| {{harvnb|Yadgar|2017|loc="Main Zionist
Streams and Jewish Traditions"|pp=119–160}}
| {{harvnb|Stanislawski|2017}}{{page
needed|date=January 2025}}
| {{harvnb|Stanislawski|2017}}{{page
needed|date=January 2025}}
Line 416: Line 431:
}}</ref><ref name="Shoham-2013"/> Some
scholars emphasise the heterogeneity of
these strains of Zionism.<ref>
{{harvnb|Seidler|2012|p=176}}: "conflicting
founding designs...express the formative
ideological background underlying the very
idea of the State of Israel."</ref><ref>
{{harvnb|Boyarin|2025|pp=137–160}}}: "What
we call Zionism, despite the existence of a
World Zionist Organization and then a
Zionist state, is in fact a catchall for
numerous, often contradictory currents of
thought."</ref><ref>
{{harvnb|Shindler|2015|p=}}:{{page
needed|date=January 2025}} "Zionism was
never a monolithic movement. It would be
more correct to speak of a range of
different varieties of Zionism. Herzl's
General Zionism immediately began to flow
into different ideological streams."</ref>
}}</ref><ref name="Shoham-2013"/> Some
scholars emphasise the heterogeneity of
these strains of Zionism.<ref>
{{harvnb|Seidler|2012|p=176}}: "conflicting
founding designs...express the formative
ideological background underlying the very
idea of the State of Israel."</ref><ref>
{{harvnb|Boyarin|2025|pp=137–160}}}: "What
we call Zionism, despite the existence of a
World Zionist Organization and then a
Zionist state, is in fact a catchall for
numerous, often contradictory currents of
thought."</ref><ref>
{{harvnb|Shindler|2015|p=}}:{{page
needed|date=January 2025}} "Zionism was
never a monolithic movement. It would be
more correct to speak of a range of
different varieties of Zionism. Herzl's
General Zionism immediately began to flow
into different ideological streams."</ref>
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 141/341 −
=== Early Zionist Strains: Political and
practical Zionism === +
=== Early Zionism ===
+
Early Zionism consisted of two dominant
types, [[Political Zionism]] and
[[Practical Zionism]], which faded after
[[World War I]] and the [[Balfour
Declaration]].{{sfn|Penslar|2023|pp=36–39}}
−
Political Zionism was led by [[Theodor
Herzl]] and [[Max Nordau]]. This approach
was espoused at the [[World Zionist
Organization|Zionist Organization]]'s
[[First Zionist Congress]]. It focused on a
Jewish home as a solution to the "[[Jewish
question]]" and antisemitism in Europe,
centred on gaining Jewish sovereignty
(probably within the Ottoman or later
British or French empire), and was opposed
to mass migration until after sovereignty
was granted. It initially considered
locations other than Palestine (e.g. in
Africa) and did not foresee migration by
many Western Jews to the new homeland.
{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
<ref name="Shoham-2013"/>
+
Political Zionism was led by [[Theodor
Herzl]] and [[Max Nordau]]. This approach
was espoused at the [[Zionist
Organization]]'s [[First Zionist
Congress]]. It focused on a Jewish home as
a solution to the "[[Jewish question]]" and
antisemitism in Europe, centered on gaining
Jewish sovereignty (probably within the
Ottoman or later British or French empire),
and was opposed to mass migration until
after sovereignty was granted. It initially
considered locations other than Palestine
(e.g., in Africa) and did not foresee
migration by many Western Jews to the new
homeland.{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}<ref name="Shoham2013" />
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 142/341 −
Known in Hebrew as {{lang|he-latn|Tzionut
Ma'asit}}, Practical Zionism was led by
[[Moshe Leib Lilienblum]] and [[Leon
Pinsker]] and molded by the [[Hovevei
Zion]] organization.{{citation
needed|date=January 2025}} It became
dominant after Herzl's death, and differed
from Political Zionism in not seeing
Zionism as justified primarily by the
Jewish Question but rather as an end in
itself; it "aspired to the establishment of
an elite utopian community in Palestine"
through [[Aliyah]].{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} It also differed
from Political Zionism in "distrust[ing]
grand political actions" and preferring "an
evolutionary incremental process toward the
establishment of the national home".
{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
<ref name="Shoham-2013">
{{harvnb|Shoham|2013|p=31}}: "practical
Zionism. This designation referred to those
who supported the redemption of Palestine
by small-sized, but ideologically-driven,
aliya and settlement, which would progress
gradually and steadily, if slowly.

Political Zionism, its ideological rival,
disagreed. Its most prominent spokesman,
Theodor Herzl, feared that this unorganized
colonization of Palestine would jeopardize
his diplomatic negotiations with the great
powers; and in his address to the first
Zionist congress in 1897 he defined this
method as "infiltration"."</ref>
+ Known in Hebrew as {{lang|he-latn|Tzionut
Ma'asit}}, Practical Zionism was led by
[[Moshe Leib Lilienblum]] and [[Leon
Pinsker]] and molded by the [[Hovevei
Zion]] organization.{{citation
needed|date=January 2025}} It became
dominant after Herzl's death, and differed
from Political Zionism in not seeing
Zionism as justified primarily by the
Jewish Question but rather as an end in
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 143/341 itself; it "aspired to the establishment of
an elite utopian community in Palestine"
through [[Aliyah]].{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}
{{page needed|date=March 2025}} It also
differed from Political Zionism in
"distrust[ing] grand political actions" and
preferring "an evolutionary incremental
process toward the establishment of the
national home".{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}<ref name="Shoham2013">{{harvnb|Shoham|2013|p=31}}:
"practical Zionism. This designation
referred to those who supported the
redemption of Palestine by small-sized, but
ideologically-driven, aliya and settlement,
which would progress gradually and
steadily, if slowly. Political Zionism, its
ideological rival, disagreed. Its most
prominent spokesman, Theodor Herzl, feared
that this unorganized colonization of
Palestine would jeopardize his diplomatic
negotiations with the great powers; and in
his address to the first Zionist congress
in 1897 he defined this method as
"infiltration"."</ref>
−
These initially dominant strains faded
after the First World War and Balfour
Declaration.{{sfn|Penslar|2023|pp=36–39}}
=== Labor Zionism === === Labor Zionism ===
{{Main|Labor Zionism}} {{Main|Labor Zionism}}
+
[[File:Ber Borochov.jpg|120px|thumb|right|
[[Ber Borochov|Dov Ber Borochov]], one of
the leaders of Labor Zionism]]Led by
socialists [[Nachman Syrkin]], [[Haim
Arlosoroff]], [[Berl Katznelson]], and
Marxist [[Ber Borochov]],<ref>{{bulleted
list|
[[File:Ber Borochov.jpg|120px|thumb|right|
[[Ber Borochov|Dov Ber Borochov]], one of
the leaders of Labor Zionism]]Led by
socialists [[Nachman Syrkin]], [[Haim
Arlosoroff]], [[Berl Katznelson]], and
Marxist [[Ber Borochov]],<ref>{{bulleted
list|
| {{harvnb|Schulman|1998}} | {{harvnb|Schulman|1998}}
| {{harvnb|Sternhell|1999|p=35}} | {{harvnb|Sternhell|1999|p=35}} 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 144/341 | {{harvnb|Cohen|1984}}{{page
needed|date=January 2025}}
| {{harvnb|Cohen|1984}}{{page
needed|date=January 2025}}
− }}</ref>{{sfn|Shafir|1996}} Labor or
Socialist Zionism was a form of Zionism
that combined messianic tendencies and
[[socialism|socialist]] or [[social
democracy|social democratic]] politics.<ref
name="Perlmutter-1969">
{{harvnb|Perlmutter|1969|p=}}:
{{pn|date=March 2025}} "The SocialistZionist movement played a key role in Zionist colonization of Palestine. Its
ideology became the most influential and
persistent in the Jewish community in
Palestine (the Yishuv) before the
establishment of the state of Israel in
1948. Socialist-Zionism has been associated
with most of the pioneer and colonizing
efforts, institutions and procedures since
the second Zionist immigration wave
(hadAliya ha-Shnia) to Palestine in 1904-
05, and became the chief force in the
nation-building of Israel. It dominated
Zionist immigration, consolidated the
nationalist movement, and diffused the
principles of an egalitarian social system
into the Yishuv in Palestine... SocialistZionist ideology was not a unitary, totalitarian, and single ideology. It was
iconoclastic-as all ideologies are. It
blended messianic with programmist
tendencies and integrated a variety of
trends, doctrines and formulations of
socialism and Zionism. It contained
elements of the Russian Social Democratic
variety of Marxism, Bundism, the Austrian
and German Social Democracy, Russian
Anarchism, Bolshevism and even of utopian
pre-Marxian socialism."</ref>
{{sfn|Shafir|1996}} The labor Zionists
promoted immigration and settlement,
establishing "facts on the ground" as the
main path towards statebuilding.<ref>
{{harvnb|Kimmerling|2006}}: "The tactics
that Labor Zionists used to build the
Jewish community in Palestine were
+ }}</ref>{{sfn|Shafir|1996}} Labor or
Socialist Zionism was a form of Zionism
that combined messianic tendencies and
[[socialist]] or [[social democratic]]
politics.<ref name="Perlmutter-1969">
{{harvnb|Perlmutter|1969|p=}}:{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} "The SocialistZionist movement played a key role in Zionist colonization of Palestine. Its
ideology became the most influential and
persistent in the Jewish community in
Palestine (the Yishuv) before the
establishment of the state of Israel in
1948. Socialist-Zionism has been associated
with most of the pioneer and colonizing
efforts, institutions and procedures since
the second Zionist immigration wave
(hadAliya ha-Shnia) to Palestine in 1904–
05, and became the chief force in the
nation-building of Israel. It dominated
Zionist immigration, consolidated the
nationalist movement, and diffused the
principles of an egalitarian social system
into the Yishuv in Palestine... SocialistZionist ideology was not a unitary, totalitarian, and single ideology. It was
iconoclastic-as all ideologies are. It
blended messianic with programmist
tendencies and integrated a variety of
trends, doctrines and formulations of
socialism and Zionism. It contained
elements of the Russian Social Democratic
variety of Marxism, Bundism, the Austrian
and German Social Democracy, Russian
Anarchism, Bolshevism and even of utopian
pre-Marxian socialism."</ref>
{{sfn|Shafir|1996}} The labor Zionists
promoted immigration and settlement,
establishing "facts on the ground" as the
main path towards state-building.<ref>
{{harvnb|Kimmerling|2006}}: "The tactics
that Labor Zionists used to build the
Jewish community in Palestine were
completely different. They believed less in
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 145/341 completely different. They believed less in
"rights" and more in incrementally
established facts on the ground".</ref>
"rights" and more in incrementally
established facts on the ground".</ref>
− Labor Zionism became a mass movement with
the founding of [[Poale Zion]] ("Workers of
Zion") groups in Eastern and Western Europe
and North America in the 1900s.
{{sfn|Keßler|2019}} Poale Zion split
between Left and Right after 1917. In 1919,
the Right Poale Zion in Palestine disbanded
to form the nationalist socialist [[Ahdut
HaAvoda]], led by [[David Ben Gurion]];
{{sfn|Teveth|1985|pp=66–70}}
{{sfn|Getzoff|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}}<ref>{{harvnb|Sternhell|1999}}: "The
formal decision to found Ahdut Ha'avoda was
made at the Convention of Agricultural
Workers, held in February 1919. This was
the first country-wide gathering of all
regional agricultural workers'
organizations. The elections took place
according to the system of proportional
representation, with 1 representative for
every 25 people; small settlements were
allowed to send 1 representative for every
12 people. Altogether, 58 representatives
were elected to the convention, 28 of whom
were nonparty, 11 from Hapo'el Hatza'ir,
and 19 from Po'alei Tzion. Thus, a clear
majority supported non-socialist, if not
antisocialist, principles. Prior to this
agricultural gathering, the two political
parties also held conventions, and at the
Po'alei Tzion convention in Jaffa on 21–23
February, the party disbanded in order to
clear the way for the founding of Ahdut
Ha'avoda."</ref> in 1930, it merged with
[[Hapoel Hatzair]], founded by [[A. D.

Gordon]], to form Mapai.<ref>
{{harvnb|Laqueur|2009}}: "The two largest
of them, Ahdut Ha'avoda and Hapoel Hatzair,
merged in January 1930 to form Mapai."</ref>
{{sfn|Getzoff|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} Labor Zionism, represented by Mapai,
+ Labor Zionism became a mass movement with
the founding of [[Poale Zion]] ("Workers of
Zion") groups in Eastern and Western Europe
and North America in the 1900s.
{{sfn|Keßler|2019}} Poale Zion split
between Left and Right after 1917. In 1919,
the Right Poale Zion in Palestine disbanded
to form the nationalist socialist [[Ahdut
HaAvoda]], led by [[David Ben Gurion]];
{{sfn|Teveth|1985|pp=66–70}}
{{sfn|Getzoff|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}<ref>
{{harvnb|Sternhell|1999}}: "The formal
decision to found Ahdut Ha'avoda was made
at the Convention of Agricultural Workers,
held in February 1919. This was the first
country-wide gathering of all regional
agricultural workers' organizations. The
elections took place according to the
system of proportional representation, with
1 representative for every 25 people; small
settlements were allowed to send 1
representative for every 12 people.

Altogether, 58 representatives were elected
to the convention, 28 of whom were
nonparty, 11 from Hapo'el Hatza'ir, and 19
from Po'alei Tzion. Thus, a clear majority
supported non-socialist, if not
antisocialist, principles. Prior to this
agricultural gathering, the two political
parties also held conventions, and at the
Po'alei Tzion convention in Jaffa on 21–23
February, the party disbanded in order to
clear the way for the founding of Ahdut
Ha'avoda."</ref> in 1930, it merged with
[[Hapoel Hatzair]], founded by [[A. D.

Gordon]], to form Mapai.<ref>
{{harvnb|Laqueur|2009}}: "The two largest
of them, Ahdut Ha'avoda and Hapoel Hatzair,
merged in January 1930 to form Mapai."</ref>
{{sfn|Getzoff|2019|p=}}{{page
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 146/341 became the dominant force in the political
and economic life of the [[Yishuv]] during
the [[Mandatory Palestine|British Mandate
of Palestine]]. It was the dominant
ideology of the political establishment in
Israel until the [[1977 Israeli legislative
election|1977 election]], when the
[[Israeli Labor Party]] was defeated.<ref
name="Perlmutter-1969"/> During the early
twentieth century, the left wing of this
tradition was represented by [[Hashomer
Hatzair]], followed by [[Mapam]] in the
late twentieth century, and [[Meretz]]
until 2022.{{citation needed|date=January
2025}}
needed|date=March 2025}} Labor Zionism,
represented by Mapai, became the dominant
force in the political and economic life of
the [[Yishuv]] during the [[Mandatory
Palestine|British Mandate of Palestine]].

It was the dominant ideology of the
political establishment in Israel until the
[[1977 Israeli legislative election|1977
election]], when the [[Israeli Labor
Party]] was defeated.<ref name="Perlmutter1969"/> During the early twentieth century, the left wing of this tradition was
represented by [[Hashomer Hatzair]],
followed by [[Mapam]] in the late twentieth
century, and [[Meretz]] until 2022.
{{citation needed|date=January 2025}}
− [[File:Mishmar
HaEmek.JPG|thumb|Kibbutznikiyot (female
Kibbutz members) in [[Mishmar HaEmek]],
during the [[1948 Arab–Israeli War]]. The
[[Kibbutz]] is the historical heartland of
Labor Zionism.]] In Labor Zionist thought,
a revolution of the Jewish soul and society
was believed necessary and achievable in
part by Jews moving to [[Israel]] and
becoming farmers, workers, and soldiers in
a country of their own. Labor Zionists
established rural communes in Israel called
"[[kibbutz]]im",{{sfn|Near|1986|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} a form of
[[collective farming|cooperative
agriculture]] in which the [[Jewish
National Fund]] hired Jewish workers under
trained supervision. The kibbutzim were a
symbol of the [[Second Aliyah]] in that
they put great emphasis on communalism and
egalitarianism, representing [[Utopian
socialism]] to a certain extent.

Furthermore, they stressed selfsufficiency, which became an essential aspect of Labor Zionism.<ref>{{Cite book
|last1=Sternhell |first1=Zeev |title=The
Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism,
Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish
+ [[File:Mishmar
HaEmek.JPG|thumb|Kibbutznikiyot (female
Kibbutz members) in [[Mishmar HaEmek]],
during the [[1948 Arab–Israeli War]]. The
[[Kibbutz]] is the historical heartland of
Labor Zionism.]] In Labor Zionist thought,
a revolution of the Jewish soul and society
was believed necessary and achievable in
part by Jews moving to [[Israel]] and
becoming farmers, workers, and soldiers in
a country of their own. Labor Zionists
established rural communes in Israel called
"[[kibbutz]]im",{{sfn|Near|1986|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} a form of
[[collective farming|cooperative
agriculture]] in which the [[Jewish
National Fund]] hired Jewish workers under
trained supervision. The kibbutzim were a
symbol of the [[Second Aliyah]] in that
they put great emphasis on communalism and
egalitarianism, representing [[Utopian
socialism]] to a certain extent.

Furthermore, they stressed selfsufficiency, which became an essential aspect of Labor Zionism.
{{sfn|Sternhell|Maisel|1998|p=}}{{page
needed|date=August 2025}}<ref>{{Cite web
|title=Israel – Labor Zionism
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 147/341 State |last2=Maisel |first2=David
|date=1998 |publisher=[[Princeton
University Press]] |jstor=j.ctt7sdts
|isbn=978-0-691-00967-4}}</ref><ref>{{Cite
web |title=Israel – Labor Zionism
|url=https://countrystudies.us/israel/11.htm
|access-date=November 23, 2023
|website=countrystudies.us |archivedate=November 23, 2023 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202311231845 10/https://countrystudies.us/israel/11.htm
|url-status=live}}</ref>
|url=https://countrystudies.us/israel/11.htm
|access-date=November 23, 2023
|website=countrystudies.us |archivedate=November 23, 2023 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202311231845 10/https://countrystudies.us/israel/11.htm
|url-status=live}}</ref>
=== Synthetic and General Zionism === === Synthetic and General Zionism === {{Main|General Zionists}} {{Main|General Zionists}}
+
− Synthetic Zionism, led by [[Chaim
Weizmann]], [[Leo Motzkin]] and [[Nahum
Sokolow]], was an approach that advocated a
combination of practical and political
Zionism<ref>{{cite encyclopedia
|first=Evyatar |last=Friesel
|entry=Weizmann, Chaim |title=The YIVO
Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe
|url=https://encyclopedia.yivo.org/article/2
150 |access-date=January 3, 2025 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202501220446 38/https://encyclopedia.yivo.org/article/215
0 |archive-date=January 22, 2025}}</ref>
and distanced themselves from the growing
Labour, Religious and Revisionist Zionist
groups as the movement became polarised
between those.{{sfn|Goldstein|2018|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Divine|1993|pp=316–318}} General
Zionists identified with the liberal
European middle class to which many Zionist
leaders such as Herzl and [[Chaim
Weizmann]] aspired. As head of the World
Zionist Organization, Weizmann's policies
had a sustained impact on the Zionist
movement, with Abba Eban describing him as
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 148/341 a dominant figure in Jewish life during the
interwar period.{{cn|date=February 2025}}
+
Synthetic Zionism, led by [[Chaim
Weizmann]], [[Leo Motzkin]] and [[Nahum
Sokolow]], was an approach that advocated a
combination of practical and political
Zionism<ref>{{cite encyclopedia
|first=Evyatar |last=Friesel
|entry=Weizmann, Chaim |title=The YIVO
Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe
|url=https://encyclopedia.yivo.org/article/2
150 |access-date=January 3, 2025 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202501220446 38/https://encyclopedia.yivo.org/article/215
0 |archive-date=January 22, 2025}}</ref>
and distanced themselves from the growing
Labour, Religious and Revisionist Zionist
groups as the movement became polarised
between those.{{sfn|Goldstein|2018|p=}}
{{page needed|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Divine|1993|pp=316–318}} General
Zionists identified with the liberal
European middle class to which many Zionist
leaders such as Herzl and [[Chaim
Weizmann]] aspired. As head of the World
Zionist Organization, Weizmann's policies
had a sustained impact on the Zionist
movement, with Abba Eban describing him as
a dominant figure in Jewish life during the
interwar period.{{citation
needed|date=February 2025}}
=== Revisionist Zionism === === Revisionist Zionism === −
[[File:Zeev
Jabotinsky.jpg|right|thumb|upright=0.75|
[[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]], founder of
Revisionist Zionism]]
+
[[File:Zeev Jabotinsky
portrait.png|right|thumb|upright=0.75|
[[Ze'ev Jabotinsky]], founder of
Revisionist Zionism]]
{{Main|Revisionist Zionism}} {{Main|Revisionist Zionism}} − Revisionist Zionism, developed by [[Ze'ev
Jabotinsky]] in the 1920s, was a right-wing
strain of Zionism. It initially believed
+ Revisionist Zionism, developed by [[Ze'ev
Jabotinsky]] in the 1920s, was a right-wing
strain of Zionism. It initially believed
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 149/341 that a Jewish state must expand to both
sides of the [[Jordan River]], i.e. taking
[[Transjordan (region)|Transjordan]] in
addition to all of Palestine.
{{sfn|Zouplna|2008|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}}{{sfn|Shlaim|1996|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} It broke with the WZO in 1935
because of the latter's refusal to declare
the establishment of a Jewish state as its
immediate aim,{{sfn|Shlaim|1996|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} and had its own
paramilitary organisation, [[Irgun]], from
1931 to 1948.{{cn|date=February 2025}}
that a Jewish state must expand to both
sides of the [[Jordan River]], i.e. taking
[[Transjordan (region)|Transjordan]] in
addition to all of Palestine.
{{sfn|Zouplna|2008|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Shlaim|1996|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} It broke with the
WZO in 1935 because of the latter's refusal
to declare the establishment of a Jewish
state as its immediate aim,
{{sfn|Shlaim|1996|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} and had its own
paramilitary organisation, [[Irgun]], from
1931 to 1948.{{citation
needed|date=February 2025}}
Followers of Revisionist Zionism developed
the [[Likud]] Party in Israel, which has
dominated most governments since 1977. It
advocates Israel's maintaining control of
the [[West Bank]], including [[East
Jerusalem]], and takes a hard-line approach
in the Arab–Israeli conflict.
{{sfn|Vause|Raz|Medding|2005}}
Followers of Revisionist Zionism developed
the [[Likud]] Party in Israel, which has
dominated most governments since 1977. It
advocates Israel's maintaining control of
the [[West Bank]], including [[East
Jerusalem]], and takes a hard-line approach
in the Arab–Israeli conflict.
{{sfn|Vause|Raz|Medding|2005}}
Line 449: Line 466:
=== Religious Zionism === === Religious Zionism ===
{{Main|Religious Zionism}} {{Main|Religious Zionism}}
+
− {{Conservatism in Israel}}
+ {{Conservatism in Israel|Ideologies}}
− Initially led by [[Yitzchak Yaacov Reines]]
and by [[Abraham Isaac Kook]], Religious
Zionism is a variant of Zionist ideology
that combines religious conservatism and
secular nationalism into a theology with
patriotism as its basis.
{{sfn|Yadgar|2017|loc=Main Zionist Streams
and Jewish Traditions}} One of the core
ideas in Religious Zionism is the belief
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 150/341 that the ingathering of exiles in the Land
of Israel and the establishment of Israel
is [[Atchalta De'Geulah|the beginning of
the redemption]], the initial stage of the
''[[Jewish eschatology|geula]]''.<ref>
{{harvnb|Asscher|2021|p=}}:{{pn|date=March
2025}} "Highlighting and infusing the
unsolved tension between religion and
nationality rooted in Israeli Jewish
identity, the father of religious Zionism
Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook (1865–1935), and
his son and most influential interpreter
Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook (1891–1982), assigned
primary religious significance to settling
the (Greater) Land of Israel, sacralising
Israel's national symbols, and, more
generally, perceiving the contemporary
historical period of statehood as Atchalta
De'Geulah [the beginning of the redemption]"
</ref>
+ Initially led by [[Yitzchak Yaacov Reines]]
and by [[Abraham Isaac Kook]], Religious
Zionism is a variant of Zionist ideology
that combines religious conservatism and
secular nationalism into a theology with
patriotism as its basis.
{{sfn|Yadgar|2017|loc=Main Zionist Streams
and Jewish Traditions}} One of the core
ideas in Religious Zionism is the belief
that the ingathering of exiles in the Land
of Israel and the establishment of Israel
is [[Atchalta De'Geulah|the beginning of
the redemption]], the initial stage of the
''[[Jewish eschatology|geula]]''.<ref>
{{harvnb|Asscher|2021|p=}}:{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} "Highlighting and
infusing the unsolved tension between
religion and nationality rooted in Israeli
Jewish identity, the father of religious
Zionism Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook (1865–
1935), and his son and most influential
interpreter Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook (1891–
1982), assigned primary religious
significance to settling the (Greater) Land
of Israel, sacralising Israel's national
symbols, and, more generally, perceiving
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 151/341 the contemporary historical period of
statehood as Atchalta De'Geulah [the
beginning of the redemption]"</ref>
After the [[Six-Day War]] and the capture
of the [[West Bank]], a territory referred
to by the movement as [[Judea and
Samaria]], the movement turned right as it
integrated revanchist and irredentist forms
of nationalism; this right-wing form of
religious Zionism, powerful within the
settlement movement, is represented today
by [[Gush Emunim]] (founded by students of
Abraham Kook's son [[Zvi Yehuda Kook]] in
1974), [[Jewish Home]] (HaBayit HaYehudi,
formed in 2009), [[Tkuma (political
party)|Tkuma]], and [[Meimad]].{{citation
needed|date=January 2025}}
After the [[Six-Day War]] and the capture
of the [[West Bank]], a territory referred
to by the movement as [[Judea and
Samaria]], the movement turned right as it
integrated revanchist and irredentist forms
of nationalism; this right-wing form of
religious Zionism, powerful within the
settlement movement, is represented today
by [[Gush Emunim]] (founded by students of
Abraham Kook's son [[Zvi Yehuda Kook]] in
1974), [[Jewish Home]] (HaBayit HaYehudi,
formed in 2009), [[Tkuma (political
party)|Tkuma]], and [[Meimad]].{{citation
needed|date=January 2025}}
−
[[Kahanism]], a radical branch of religious
Zionism, was founded by Rabbi [[Meir
Kahane]], whose party, [[Kach and Kahane
Chai|Kach]], was eventually banned from the
Knesset, but has been increasingly
influential on Israeli politics.{{citation
needed|date=February 2025}}
+
[[Kahanism]], a radical branch of religious
Zionism, was founded by Rabbi [[Meir
Kahane]], whose party, [[Kach]], was
eventually banned from the Knesset, but has
been increasingly influential on Israeli
politics.{{citation needed|date=February
2025}}
=== Liberal Zionism === === Liberal Zionism ===
Line 461: Line 479:

Liberal Zionism, although not associated
with any single party in modern Israel,
remains a strong trend in Israeli politics
advocating free market principles,
democracy and adherence to human rights.
{{citation needed|date=November 2024}}
Liberal Zionism, although not associated
with any single party in modern Israel,
remains a strong trend in Israeli politics
advocating free market principles,
democracy and adherence to human rights.
{{citation needed|date=November 2024}}
− Philosopher [[Carlo Strenger]] describes a
modern-day version of Liberal Zionism,
rooted in the original ideology of Herzl
and [[Ahad Ha'am]]. It is marked by a
+ Philosopher [[Carlo Strenger]] describes a
modern-day version of Liberal Zionism,
rooted in the original ideology of Herzl
and [[Ahad Ha'am]]. It is marked by a
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 152/341 concern for democratic values and human
rights, freedom to criticize government
policies without accusations of disloyalty,
and rejection of excessive religious
influence in public life.
{{sfn|Strenger|2010}}
{{sfn|Strenger|2010b|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} Liberal Zionists see that "Jewish
history shows that Jews need and are
entitled to a nation-state of their own.

But they also think that this state must be
a [[liberal democracy]], which means that
there must be strict equality before the
law independent of religion, ethnicity or
gender."{{sfn|Strenger|2014}}
concern for democratic values and human
rights, freedom to criticize government
policies without accusations of disloyalty,
and rejection of excessive religious
influence in public life.
{{sfn|Strenger|2010}}
{{sfn|Strenger|2010b|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} Liberal Zionists
see that "Jewish history shows that Jews
need and are entitled to a nation-state of
their own. But they also think that this
state must be a [[liberal democracy]],
which means that there must be strict
equality before the law independent of
religion, ethnicity or gender."
{{sfn|Strenger|2014}}
=== Cultural Zionism === === Cultural Zionism ===
{{Main|Cultural Zionism}} {{Main|Cultural Zionism}}
−
Cultural Zionism or Spiritual Zionism is a
strain of Zionism that focused on creating
a center in historic Palestine with its own
secular{{citation needed|date=January
2025}} [[Jewish culture]] and national
history, including language and historical
roots, rather than on mass migration or
state-building. The founder of Cultural
Zionism was Asher Ginsberg, better known as
[[Ahad Ha'am]]. Like Hibbat Zion and unlike
Herzl, Ha'am saw Palestine as the spiritual
centre of Jewish life. Ha'am inaugurated
the movement in his 1880 essay "This is not
the way", which called for the cultivation
of a qualitative Jewish presence in the
land over [the] quantitative one" pursued
by Hibbat Zion.{{sfn|Katz|2024|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} Ha'am was also a
sharp critic of Herzl; spiritual Zionism
believed that the [[realpolitik]] engaged
in by Political Zionism corrupted Jewry,
and opposed any political solutions that
victimised non-Jewish people in the land.
{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 153/341 +
Cultural Zionism or Spiritual Zionism is a
strain of Zionism that focused on creating
a center in historic Palestine with its own
secular{{citation needed|date=January
2025}} [[Jewish culture]] and national
history, including language and historical
roots, rather than on mass migration or
state-building. The founder of Cultural
Zionism was Asher Ginsberg, better known as
[[Ahad Ha'am]]. Like Hibbat Zion and unlike
Herzl, Ha'am saw Palestine as the spiritual
centre of Jewish life. Ha'am inaugurated
the movement in his 1880 essay "This is not
the way", which called for the cultivation
of a qualitative Jewish presence in the
land over [the] quantitative one" pursued
by Hibbat Zion.{{sfn|Katz|2024|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} Ha'am was also a
sharp critic of Herzl; spiritual Zionism
believed that the [[realpolitik]] engaged
in by Political Zionism corrupted Jewry,
and opposed any political solutions that
victimised non-Jewish people in the land.
{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
−
[[Brit Shalom (political organization)|Brit
Shalom]], which promoted Arab-Jewish
cooperation, was established in 1925 by
supporters of Ahad Ha'am's Spiritual
Zionism, including [[Martin Buber]],
[[Gershom Scholem]], [[Hans Kohn]], "and
other important figures of the intellectual
elite of the pre-independence ''yishuv'',
{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} Gorny describes it as an ultimately
marginal group.{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}
+
+ [[Brit Shalom (political organization)|Brit
Shalom]], which promoted Arab-Jewish
cooperation, was established in 1925 by
supporters of Ahad Ha'am's Spiritual
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 154/341 Zionism, including [[Martin Buber]],
[[Gershom Scholem]], [[Hans Kohn]], "and
other important figures of the intellectual
elite of the pre-independence ''yishuv'',
{{sfn|Berent|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} Gorny describes it
as an ultimately marginal group.
{{sfn|Gorny|1987|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
== Non-Jewish support == == Non-Jewish support ==
Line 473: Line 492:
=== Christian support === === Christian support ===
{{Main|Christian Zionism}} {{Main|Christian Zionism}}
− From the beginning of the Zionist
movement's development, it was dependent on
support from the Christian world.<ref>
{{harvnb|Penslar|2023|p=27}}: "The Zionist
movement was created by Jews, but from the
start it was dependent on support from the
Christian world."</ref> The Christian
restorationist movement held the belief
that the "return" of Jews to Palestine
would trigger the second coming of the
Messiah, the resurrection of the dead, and
ultimately lead to the conversion of the
Jews to Christianity.<ref>
{{harvnb|Pappé|2004}}: "Zionism in many
ways began as a Christian project, as part
of a restorationist movement believing that
the 'return' of the Jews to Palestine would
precipitate the second coming of the
Messiah, the resurrection of the dead and
eventually the conversion of the Jews to
Christianity. These ideas influenced Jews
looking for a haven when it was clear that
anti-Semitic Europe will not allow them to
be assimilated or integrate."</ref> In this
sense, Christian ideas of "restoration"
were a prerequisite for Zionism.<ref>
{{harvnb|Penslar|2023|p=27}}:
"Restorationism was therefore a
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 155/341 prerequisite for the success of Zionism."
</ref>
+
Zionism has depended on support from
Christians since its inception.<ref>
{{harvnb|Penslar|2023|p=27}}: "The Zionist
movement was created by Jews, but from the
start it was dependent on support from the
Christian world."</ref> [[Christian
Zionism]], also known as the Christian
restorationist movement, has held the
belief that the "return" of Jews to
[[Palestine (region)|Palestine]] will
result in the [[second coming of Jesus]],
[[Universal resurrection|universal
resurrection of the dead]], and the
[[Conversion of the Jews (future
event)|conversion of the Jews to
Christianity]].<ref>{{harvnb|Pappé|2004}}:
"Zionism in many ways began as a Christian
project, as part of a restorationist
movement believing that the 'return' of the
Jews to Palestine would precipitate the
second coming of the Messiah, the
resurrection of the dead and eventually the
conversion of the Jews to Christianity.

These ideas influenced Jews looking for a
haven when it was clear that anti-Semitic
Europe will not allow them to be
assimilated or integrate."</ref> In this
sense, according to Penslar, Christian
ideas of "restoration" were a prerequisite
for the success of Zionism.<ref>
{{harvnb|Penslar|2023|p=27}}:
"Restorationism was therefore a
prerequisite for the success of Zionism."
</ref>
− Christian Zionism is primarily driven by
the belief that the return of Jews to the
Holy Land will either lead to their
conversion to Christianity or their
destruction. This belief is criticized by
Gershom Gorenberg in his book "The End of
Days," where he highlights the troubling
aspect of this messianic scenario—the
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 156/341 disappearance of Jews. Evangelical figures
like Jerry Falwell believe the
establishment of Israel is a pivotal event
signaling the Second Coming of Christ and
the eventual End of the World. As a result,
Christian Zionists have significantly
contributed politically and financially to
Israeli nationalist forces, with the
understanding that Israel's role is to
facilitate the Second Coming of Christ and
the elimination of Judaism.<ref>"The
massive support extended to the State of
Israel by the millions of Christian
supporters of Zionism is overtly motivated
by a single consideration: that the return
of the Jews to the Holy Land will be a
prelude to their acceptance of Christ or,
for those who fail to do so, to their
physical destruction. In his book, The End
of Days, Gershom Gorenberg, a religious
Jewish author, deplores the messianic
scenario dear to many Christian Zionists,
which includes the conversion to
Christianity of great numbers of Jews and
the destruction of those who refuse. In his
view, "the evangelical scenario is a drama
in five acts, where the Jews disappear in
the fourth" (Cypel).For the evangelical
preacher Jerry Falwell, the founding of the
State of Israel in 1948 has been the most
crucial event in history since the
ascension of Jesus to heaven, and "proof
that the second coming of Jesus Christ is
nigh.... Without a State of Israel in the
Holy Land, there cannot be the second
coming of Jesus Christ, nor can there be a
Last Judgement, nor the End of the World"
(Tremblay, 118).These groups have provided
massive political and financial assistance
to the most resolute nationalist forces in
Israeli society. In their view, the
principal function of the State of Israel
is to prepare for the Second Coming of
Christ and to eliminate Judaism and those
who profess it. This would explain why
Christian Zionists have come to play an
increasingly significant role in the
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 157/341 financial and political support of the
State of Israel." {{harvnb|Rabkin|2006}}
</ref>
+ Christian Zionism is primarily driven by
the belief that the return of Jews to the
Holy Land will either lead to their
conversion to Christianity or their
destruction. This belief is criticized by
[[Gershom Gorenberg]] in his book "The End
of Days," where he highlights the troubling
aspect of this messianic scenario—the
disappearance of Jews. Evangelical figures
such as [[Jerry Falwell]] believe the
establishment of Israel is a pivotal event
signaling the [[Second Coming of Christ]]
and the eventual [[End times]]. As a
result, Christian Zionists have
significantly contributed politically and
financially to Israeli nationalist forces,
with the understanding that Israel's role
is to facilitate the Second Coming of
Christ and the elimination of Judaism.<ref>
{{harvnb|Rabkin|2006}}:{{page
needed|date=August 2025}} "The massive
support extended to the State of Israel by
the millions of Christian supporters of
Zionism is overtly motivated by a single
consideration: that the return of the Jews
to the Holy Land will be a prelude to their
acceptance of Christ or, for those who fail
to do so, to their physical destruction. In
his book, The End of Days, Gershom
Gorenberg, a religious Jewish author,
deplores the messianic scenario dear to
many Christian Zionists, which includes the
conversion to Christianity of great numbers
of Jews and the destruction of those who
refuse. In his view, "the evangelical
scenario is a drama in five acts, where the
Jews disappear in the fourth" (Cypel).For
the evangelical preacher Jerry Falwell, the
founding of the State of Israel in 1948 has
been the most crucial event in history
since the ascension of Jesus to heaven, and
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 158/341 "proof that the second coming of Jesus
Christ is nigh.... Without a State of
Israel in the Holy Land, there cannot be
the second coming of Jesus Christ, nor can
there be a Last Judgement, nor the End of
the World" (Tremblay, 118).These groups
have provided massive political and
financial assistance to the most resolute
nationalist forces in Israeli society. In
their view, the principal function of the
State of Israel is to prepare for the
Second Coming of Christ and to eliminate
Judaism and those who profess it. This
would explain why Christian Zionists have
come to play an increasingly significant
role in the financial and political support
of the State of Israel."</ref>
− One of the principal
[[Protestantism|Protestant]] teachers who
promoted the biblical doctrine that the
Jews would return to their national
homeland was [[John Nelson Darby]]. His
doctrine of [[dispensationalism]] is
credited with promoting Zionism, following
his 11 lectures on the hopes of the church,
the Jew and the [[gentile]] given in Geneva
in 1840.<ref>{{cite book |last=Sizer
|first=Stephen |title=Christian Zionism:

Road-map to Armageddon? |publisher=IVP
|date=Dec 2005 |location=Nottingham
|page=298 |isbn=978-0-8308-5368-7}}</ref>
However, others like [[Charles Spurgeon|C H
Spurgeon]],<ref>Sermon preached in June
1864 to the British Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel among the
Jews</ref> [[Horatius Bonar|both Horatius]]
<ref>'The Jew', July 1870, The Quarterly
Journal of Prophecy</ref> and [[Andrew
Bonar]], [[Robert Murray M'Cheyne|Robert
Murray M'Chyene]],<ref>Sermon preached
November 17, 1839, after returning from a
"Mission of Inquiry into the State of the
Jewish People"</ref> and [[J. C. Ryle|J C
Ryle]]<ref>Sermon preached June 1864 to
London Society for promoting Christianity
among the Jews</ref> were among a number of
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 159/341 prominent proponents of both the importance
and significance of a Jewish return, who
were not dispensationalist. Pro-Zionist
views were embraced by many
[[Evangelicalism|evangelicals]] and also
affected international foreign policy.
+
+ One of the principal [[Protestant]]
teachers who promoted the biblical doctrine
that the Jews would return to their
national homeland was [[John Nelson
Darby]]. His doctrine of
[[dispensationalism]] is credited with
promoting Zionism, following his 11
lectures on the hopes of the church, the
Jew and the [[gentile]] given in Geneva in
1840.{{sfn|Spector|2009|p=15|ps=: "The
timing was propitious. Liberal theologians
in America and Higher Criticism scholars in
Europe were challenging the idea that the
Bible is the literal word of God, causing
great distress to Bible-believing
Christians. Embattled American evangelicals
welcomed Darby's emphasis on biblical
literalism and prophecy. Darby's focus on
the Jews' return to Palestine, their
centrality in the unfolding of divine
history, and their expected final
acceptance of their messiah has had a
profound impact on generations of devout
Protestants, particularly in the United
States."}}{{sfn|Wilkinson|2013|p=2|ps=: "In
a 2003 article for the Internet magazine,
the Globalist, Michael Lind introduced
readers to John Nelson Darby, claiming that
"Mr Darby's peculiar version of
Christianity has shaped the American South
for generations. And now, through
conservative Southern Republicans like
George W. Bush, it is shaping the Middle
East and the world." Darby has been
described by one critic as "the most
influential figure in the development of
Christian Zionism," and "its greatest
apostle and missionary." John Nelson Darby,
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 160/341 the founder of Plymouth Brethrenism, did
indeed make a pivotal contribution to the
development of Christian Zionism, but I
will demonstrate how his doctrines have
been misrepresented and misused by Brethren
and non-Brethren scholars alike."}}
{{sfn|Goldman|2018|p=4|ps=: "Mearsheimer
and Walt join a considerable number of
scholars who derive Christian Zionism from
the theological movement known as
premillennial dispensationalism. The basic
idea of premillennial dispensationalism is
that history is composed of stages that
culminate in the return of Jesus Christ to
establish the millennium—the thousand-year
reign of peace described by the Book of
Revelation. This idea was systematized in
the mid-nineteenth century by the AngloIrish theologian John Nelson Darby and promoted in the United States by
evangelists including Dwight Moody and
Cyrus I. Scofield."}} However, others like
[[Charles Spurgeon|C H Spurgeon]],
<ref>Sermon preached in June 1864 to the
British Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel among the Jews</ref>{{full citation
needed|date=August 2025}} [[Horatius
Bonar|both Horatius]]<ref>'The Jew', July
1870, The Quarterly Journal of
Prophecy</ref>{{full citation
needed|date=August 2025}} and [[Andrew
Bonar]], [[Robert Murray M'Cheyne|Robert
Murray M'Chyene]],<ref>Sermon preached
November 17, 1839, after returning from a
"Mission of Inquiry into the State of the
Jewish People"</ref>{{full citation
needed|date=August 2025}} and [[J C Ryle]]
<ref>Sermon preached June 1864 to London
Society for promoting Christianity among
the Jews</ref>{{full citation
needed|date=August 2025}} were among a
number of prominent proponents of both the
importance and significance of a Jewish
return, who were not dispensationalist. ProZionist views were embraced by many [[evangelicals]] and also affected
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 161/341 international foreign policy.{{citation
needed|date=August 2025}}
The largest Zionist organisation is
[[Christians United for Israel]], which has
10 million members and is led by [[John
Hagee]].{{sfn|Rubin|2010}}
{{sfn|Savage|2021}}{{sfn|Kornbluh|2022}}
The largest Zionist organisation is
[[Christians United for Israel]], which has
10 million members and is led by [[John
Hagee]].{{sfn|Rubin|2010}}
{{sfn|Savage|2021}}{{sfn|Kornbluh|2022}}
+
+ === Druze support ===
+
{{See also|Druze in
Israel#Politics|Druze#Relationship with
Jews}}
+
[[File:PikiWiki_Israel_1337_Druze_scouts_at_
jethro_holy_place_יתרו_בקבר_דרוזים_צופים.jpg|thum
b|[[Israeli Druze]] Scouts march to
Jethro's tomb. Today, thousands of Israeli
Druze belong to '[[Druze]] Zionist'
movements.{{sfn|Ashkenazi|2005}}]]
+ While most Israeli Druze identify as
ethnically [[Arab]],<ref>{{cite web
|date=May 10, 2016 |title=5 facts about
Israeli Christians
|url=http://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2016/05/10/5-facts-about-israelichristians/ |url-status=live |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201811110439 48/http://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2016/05/10/5-facts-about-israelichristians/ |archive-date=November 11, 2018 |access-date=March 12, 2018 |website=[[Pew
Research]]}}</ref> today, tens of thousands
of Israeli Druze belong to "Druze Zionist"
movements.{{sfn|Ashkenazi|2005}} A survey
conducted in 2008 by Dr. Yusuf Hassan of
[[Tel Aviv University]] found that out of
764 Druze participants, more than 94%
identify as "Druze-Israelis" in the
religious and national context.
{{sfn|Shtern|2008}} In 1973, [[Amal Nasser
el-Din]] founded the [[Zionist Druze
Circle]], a group whose aim was to
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 162/341 encourage the Druze to support the state of
Israel.{{sfn|Landau|1993|p=46}}
+
+
The Druze have aligned themselves more with
the Zionist ethos and have distanced
themselves from other Arab and Islamic
nationalist causes in Israeli society.
{{sfn|Nisan|2010|p=}}{{page
needed|date=August 2025}} Israeli Druze
citizens serve in the [[Israel Defense
Forces]].{{sfn|Stern|2005}} The JewishDruze partnership was often referred to as "a covenant of blood" ({{langx|he|ברית
דמים ({{in recognition of the shared
responsibility of defending Israel.
{{sfn|Firro|2006}}{{sfn|Rogan|2011|p=73}}
{{sfn|Nisan|2015|p=284|ps=: "This JewishDruze partnership was often referred to as a "covenant of blood," in recognition of
the common military yoke carried by the two
peoples for the security of the country."}}
=== Hindu support === === Hindu support ===
{{see also|India–Israel relations|Hindu
nationalism}}
{{see also|India–Israel relations|Hindu
nationalism}}
+
Before and after Israel's creation in 1948,
the [[Indian National Congress]] and the
Indian government initially opposed Zionism.
{{sfn|Siddiqui|2018|p=}}{{page
needed|date=August 2025}}
{{sfn|Vardhan|2021}}
− After Israel's creation in 1948, the
[[Indian National Congress]] government
opposed Zionism. Some writers have claimed
that this was done in order to get more
Muslim votes in India (where Muslims
numbered over 30 million at the time).<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers
2/paper131.html |title=India–Israel
Relations: The Imperatives for Enhanced
Strategic Cooperation – Subhash Kapila
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 163/341 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201002112339
57/http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers2/
paper131.html |archive-date=February 11,
2010 |publisher=South Asia Analysis Group
|website=southasiaanalysis.org |urlstatus=usurped |access-date=March 12, 2018}} </ref>
+
Zionism, seen as a national liberation
movement for the repatriation of the Jewish
people to their homeland then under British
colonial rule, appealed to many [[Hindu
nationalists]], who viewed their struggle
for [[Indian Independence
Movement|independence from British rule]]
and the [[Partition of India]] as national
liberation for [[Persecution of Hindus|longoppressed Hindus]].{{sfn|Osuri|2023}} [[Jawaharlal Nehru]], the first Prime
Minister of India, drew a connection
between the conflict in Palestine and HinduMuslim relations in India, calling it a British "imperialist diversion."
{{sfn|Osuri|2023}}
− In more current times, conservative Indian
parties and organizations tend to support
Zionism.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://us.rediff.com/news/2003/sep/10sh
aron11.htm |title=RSS slams Left for
opposing Sharon's visit: Rediff.com India
News |publisher=Us.rediff.com
|date=September 10, 2003 |access-date=June
3, 2010 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201006170735 38/http://us.rediff.com/news/2003/sep/10shar
on11.htm |archive-date=June 17, 2010}}
</ref> A 2012 international opinion survey
found that India was the most pro-Israel
country in the world.{{sfn|Eichner|2012}}
This has invited attacks on the
[[Hindutva]] movement by parts of the
Indian left opposed to Zionism, and
allegations that Hindus are conspiring with
the "[[Jewish Lobby]]."<ref>{{cite web
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 164/341 |url=http://ghadar.insaf.net/June2004/MainPa
ges/zionism.htm |title=Ghadar. 2004
|publisher=Ghadar.insaf.net |accessdate=June 3, 2010 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201604211157 47/http://ghadar.insaf.net/June2004/MainPage
s/zionism.htm |archive-date=April 21, 2016}}
</ref>
+
+
In more current times, conservative Indian
parties and organizations tend to support
Zionism.<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://us.rediff.com/news/2003/sep/10sh
aron11.htm |title=RSS slams Left for
opposing Sharon's visit: Rediff.com India
News |publisher=Us.rediff.com
|date=September 10, 2003 |access-date=June
3, 2010 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201006170735 38/http://us.rediff.com/news/2003/sep/10shar
on11.htm |archive-date=June 17, 2010}}
</ref> A 2012 international opinion survey
found that India was the most pro-Israel
country in the world.{{sfn|Eichner|2012}}
This has invited attacks on the
[[Hindutva]] movement by parts of the
Indian left opposed to Zionism, and
allegations that Hindus are conspiring with
the "[[Jewish Lobby]]."<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://ghadar.insaf.net/June2004/MainPa
ges/zionism.htm |title=Ghadar. 2004
|publisher=Ghadar.insaf.net |accessdate=June 3, 2010 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201604211157 47/http://ghadar.insaf.net/June2004/MainPage
s/zionism.htm |archive-date=April 21, 2016}}
</ref>{{better source needed|date=July
2025}}
== Anti-Zionism == == Anti-Zionism ==
{{Main|Anti-Zionism|Timeline of AntiZionism}}{{Main|Anti-Zionism|Timeline of AntiZionism}} 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 165/341 +
{{See also|Non-Zionism|New
Antisemitism|Criticism of the Israeli
government|Zionist Occupation Government
conspiracy theory}}
{{See also|Non-Zionism|New
Antisemitism|Criticism of the Israeli
government|Zionist Occupation Government
conspiracy theory}}
−
[[File:A 1936 caricature published in the
Falastin newspaper on Zionism and
Palestine.png|thumb|upright=1.35|right|The
Palestinian [[Arab Christian]]-owned
''[[Falastin]]'' newspaper featuring a
caricature on its June 18, 1936, edition
showing Zionism as a crocodile under the
protection of a British officer telling
Palestinian Arabs: "Don't be afraid!!! I
will swallow you peacefully...".
{{sfn|Sufian|2008|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}}]]
+
[[File:A 1936 caricature published in the
Falastin newspaper on Zionism and
Palestine.png|thumb|upright=1.35|right|The
Palestinian [[Arab Christian]]-owned
''[[Falastin]]'' newspaper featuring a
caricature on its June 18, 1936, edition
showing Zionism as a crocodile under the
protection of a British officer telling
Palestinian Arabs: "Don't be afraid!!! I
will swallow you peacefully...".
{{sfn|Sufian|2008|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}]]
− Zionism has been opposed by a wide variety
of organizations and individuals. Until
World War II, anti-Zionism was widespread
among Jews for varying reasons.
{{sfn|Grill|2021}}{{sfn|Kolsky|2009|p=
[https://books.google.com/books?
id=NoPZu79hqaEC&pg=PA337 337]}} Orthodox
Jews opposed Zionism on religious grounds,
as [[Jewish eschatology|preempting the
Messiah]],{{efn|"Though a little religious
support for Zionism existed, 'the majority
of Orthodox leaders condemned Zionism from
its very outset,' particularly the rabbis
of Eastern Europe. Their concerns were
twofold: they feared that Zionists were
overidealistic and were misleading the
Jewish people about what was possible; they
were also concerned that the Zionist
millennial vision was an attempt to preempt
the Messiah."{{Citation needed|date=January
2025}}}} Many secular or assimilationist
Jewish anti-Zionists identified more with
ideals of the Enlightenment and saw Zionism
as a reactionary ideology,{{sfn|Cohen|1987–
1988|p=}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
+ Zionism has been criticized and opposed by
a wide variety of organizations and
individuals. Until World War II, antiZionism was widespread among Jews for varying reasons.{{sfn|Grill|2021}}
{{sfn|Kolsky|2009|p=
[https://books.google.com/books?
id=NoPZu79hqaEC&pg=PA337 337]}} Orthodox
Jews opposed Zionism on religious grounds,
as [[Jewish eschatology|preempting the
Messiah]].{{efn|"Though a little religious
support for Zionism existed, 'the majority
of Orthodox leaders condemned Zionism from
its very outset,' particularly the rabbis
of Eastern Europe. Their concerns were
twofold: they feared that Zionists were
overidealistic and were misleading the
Jewish people about what was possible; they
were also concerned that the Zionist
millennial vision was an attempt to preempt
the Messiah."{{Citation needed|date=January
2025}}}} Many secular or assimilationist
Jewish anti-Zionists identified more with
ideals of the Enlightenment and saw Zionism
as a reactionary ideology,{{sfn|Cohen|1987–
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 166/341 {{sfn|Laqueur|1971|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} while left-wing Jews (including in
the [[General Jewish Labour Bund|Bund]])
believed that the Jewish question was best
solved in the diaspora through building a
socialist society.{{sfn|Balthaser|2020|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}{{sfn|Slucki|2009|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}
1988|p=}}{{page needed|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Laqueur|1971|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} while left-wing
Jews (including in the [[General Jewish
Labour Bund|Bund]]) believed that the
Jewish question was best solved in the
diaspora through building a socialist
society.{{sfn|Balthaser|2020|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Slucki|2009|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
−
Opposition to Zionism in the [[Jewish
diaspora]] was surmounted only from the
1930s onward, as conditions for Jews
deteriorated radically in Europe and, with
the Second World War, the sheer scale of
the [[Holocaust]] was felt.
{{sfn|Kolsky|2009|p=333}}
{{sfn|Penkower|1985|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} Thereafter, Jewish anti-Zionist
groups generally either disintegrated or
transformed into pro-Zionist organizations,
though [[List of Jewish anti-Zionist
organizations|many small groups]], and
bodies like the [[American Council for
Judaism]], conserved an earlier [[Reform
Judaism|Reform]] tradition of rejection of
Zionism.{{Citation needed|date=January
2025}}
+
Opposition to Zionism in the [[Jewish
diaspora]] was surmounted only from the
1930s onward, as conditions for Jews
deteriorated radically in Europe and, with
the Second World War, the sheer scale of
the [[Holocaust]] was felt.
{{sfn|Kolsky|2009|p=333}}
{{sfn|Penkower|1985|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} Thereafter, Jewish
anti-Zionist groups generally either
disintegrated or transformed into proZionist organizations, though [[List of Jewish anti-Zionist organizations|many
small groups]], and bodies like the
[[American Council for Judaism]], conserved
an earlier [[Reform Judaism|Reform]]
tradition of rejection of Zionism.
{{Citation needed|date=January 2025}}
There was a shift in the meaning of antiZionism after the events of the 1940s.

Whereas pre-1948 anti-Zionism was against
the hypothetical establishment of a Jewish
state in Palestine, post-1948 anti-Zionism
had to contend with the existence of the
State of Israel. This often meant taking a
retaliatory position to the new reality of
Jewish sovereignty in the Middle East. The
overriding impulse of post-1948 antiZionism is to dismantle the current State 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 167/341 of Israel and replace it with something
else.{{Citation needed|date=January 2025}}

of Israel and replace it with something
else.{{Citation needed|date=January 2025}}

−
Opposition to Zionism was overwhelmingly
common among the non-Jewish communities of
Palestine from the 1880s onwards.{{Citation
needed|date=February 2025}} [[Palestinian
nationalism]], the [[national movement]] of
the [[Palestinian people]] that espouses
[[Palestinian self-determination|selfdetermination]] and [[sovereignty]] over the [[region of Palestine]],<ref>de Waart,
1994, [https://books.google.com/books?
id=FMxKEAAAQBAJ&dq=%22armed+struggle%22+%22s
elf-determination%22+palestinian&pg=PA223
p. 223]. Referencing Article 9 of ''The
[[Palestinian National Charter]] of 1968''.

The [[Avalon Project]] has a copy here
[http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/plo
cov.asp]</ref> cohered in the early 20th
century, along with broader [[Arab
nationalism]] and the ideology of [[Greater
Syria]].{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|p=88}}
Palestinian nationalism later
internationalized and attached itself to
other ideologies, in particular [[Third
World socialism]] and [[Islamism]],
{{sfn|Joffe|2017}} and was embodied in
particular by the broadly secular
[[Palestinian Liberation Organisation]],
and later also by the socialist [[Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine]] and
the Islamist [[Hamas]].
{{sfn|Khalidi|2006|p=39}}
+
Opposition to Zionism was overwhelmingly
common among the non-Jewish communities of
Palestine from the 1880s onwards.{{Citation
needed|date=February 2025}} [[Palestinian
nationalism]], the [[national movement]] of
the [[Palestinians]] that espouses
[[Palestinian self-determination|selfdetermination]] and [[sovereignty]] over the [[region of Palestine]],<ref>de Waart,
1994, [https://books.google.com/books?
id=FMxKEAAAQBAJ&dq=%22armed+struggle%22+%22s
elf-determination%22+palestinian&pg=PA223
p. 223]. Referencing Article 9 of ''The
[[Palestinian_National_Charter]] of 1968''.

The [[Avalon_Project]] has a copy here
[http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/plo
cov.asp]</ref> cohered in the early 20th
century, along with broader [[Arab
nationalism]] and the ideology of [[Greater
Syria]].{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|p=88}}
Palestinian nationalism later
internationalized and attached itself to
other ideologies, in particular [[Third
World socialism]] and [[Islamism]],
{{sfn|Joffe|2017}} and was embodied in
particular by the broadly secular
[[Palestinian Liberation Organisation]],
and later also by the socialist [[Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine]] and
the Islamist [[Hamas]].
{{sfn|Khalidi|2006|p=39}}
− Although the left was initially mostly
supportive of Zionism,{{sfn|Shindler|2011|p=
[https://books.google.com/books?
id=NcaN0eYh7ckC&pg=PT45 45]}} [[Soviet antiZionism]] was influential in spreading antiZionism on the global left, {{sfn|Korey|1972|p=}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
+ Although the left was initially mostly
supportive of Zionism,{{sfn|Shindler|2011|p=
[https://books.google.com/books?
id=NcaN0eYh7ckC&pg=PT45 45]}} [[Soviet antiZionism]] was influential in spreading antiZionism on the global left, {{sfn|Korey|1972|p=}}{{page
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 168/341 and much of the [[New Left]] of the 1960s
took on anti-Zionism as a key tenet.
{{sfn|Améry|2021|pp=41–45}}
{{sfn|Linfield|2019|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}}
needed|date=March 2025}} and much of the
[[New Left]] of the 1960s took on antiZionism as a key tenet. {{sfn|Améry|2021|pp=41–45}}
{{sfn|Linfield|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
+
Today, opponents include Palestinian
nationalists, several states of the [[Arab
League]] and in the [[Muslim world]], many
on the political left, and some secular
Jews (such as [[Jewish Voice for Peace]]
and [[IfNotNow]] in the US),<ref
name="a280">{{cite web |last=Sunshine
|first=Spencer |title=Get ready for the new
wave: Young, passionately Jewish |website=
[[Jewish Telegraphic Agency]] |date=July 8,
2019
|url=https://www.jta.org/2019/07/08/ideas/ge
t-ready-for-the-new-wave-young-passionatelyjewish-and-anti-zionist |access-date=July 16, 2025 |archive-url= |archive-date=}}
</ref><ref name="eye">{{cite web
|first=Zainab |last=Iqbal |date=February 8,
2024 |title=Why so many young Jewish
Americans are anti-Zionist
|url=https://www.middleeasteye.net/bigstory/why-so-many-young-jewish-americansare-anti-zionist |work=[[Middle East Eye]] |access-date=May 24, 2025 |archive-url=
|archive-date=}}</ref> as well as the
[[Satmar]]{{sfn|Nadler|2010}}
{{sfn|Kaplan|2004|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}{{sfn|KerenKratz|2017|p=}}{{page needed|date=March 2025}} and [[Neturei Karta]] Jewish sects.
{{sfn|Fink|2024}}
−
Today, opponents include Palestinian
nationalists, several states of the [[Arab
League]] and in the [[Muslim world]], much
of the left, and some secular Jews,<ref>
{{bulleted list|
− | {{cite web |title=Not In Our Name ...

Jewish voices opposing Zionism
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 169/341 |url=http://www.nion.ca/ |accessdate=September 17, 2010 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201207132253 19/http://www.nion.ca/ |archive-date=July
13, 2012}}
−
| {{cite web |title=Jews Against Zionism
|url=http://www.jewsagainstzionism.org
|access-date=September 17, 2010 |urlstatus=usurped |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/200811210327 02/http://www.jewsagainstzionism.org/
|archive-date=November 21, 2008}}
−
| {{cite web |title=International Jewish
Anti-Zionist Network
|url=http://www.ijsn.net/home/ |accessdate=September 17, 2010 |archiveurl=https://swap.stanford.edu/20091120000830 /http%3A//www%2Eijsn%2Enet/home/ |archivedate=November 20, 2009}} −
}}</ref>{{primary source
inline|date=January 2025}} as well as the
[[Satmar]]{{sfn|Nadler|2010}}
{{sfn|Kaplan|2004|p=}}{{pn|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Keren-Kratz|2017|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} and [[Neturei Karta]]
{{sfn|Fink|2024}} Jewish sects.
− {{quote
box|width=30em|bgcolor=#F2F2F2|align=left|qu
ote=Those war crimes are being committed in
the name of my security, and my safety, and
my religion. And that really offends me
because it’s antithetical to everything I
have ever known Judaism to be.|source= —
Jewish anti-Zionist Hanna Stolzer<ref
name="eye">{{cite news |first=Zainab
|last=Iqbal |date=February 8, 2024
|title=Why so many young Jewish Americans
are anti-Zionist
|url=https://www.middleeasteye.net/bigstory/why-so-many-young-jewish-americansare-anti-zionist |work=[[Middle East Eye]] + {{quote
box|width=30em|bgcolor=#F2F2F2|align=left|qu
ote=Those war crimes are being committed in
the name of my security, and my safety, and
my religion. And that really offends me
because it's antithetical to everything I
have ever known Judaism to be.|source= —
Jewish anti-Zionist Hanna Stolzer<ref
name=eye/>}}
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 170/341 |access-date=May 24, 2025 |archive-url=
|archive-date=}}</ref>}}
−
Many [[List of Jewish anti-Zionist
organizations|Jewish anti-Zionist groups]]
operate both in Israel and the United
States, most notably [[Jewish Voice for
Peace]], whose thousands of members oppose
[[Israeli-occupied territories|Israeli
occupation]] of Palestinian territories.

These groups outwardly reject an inherent
union between Judaism and Zionism and, as a
result, face marginalization from Zionist
Jews in their community.<ref name=eye/>
+
Many [[List of Jewish anti-Zionist
organizations|Jewish anti-Zionist groups]]
operate both in Israel and the United
States, most notably Jewish Voice for
Peace, whose thousands of members opposes
[[Israeli occupation]] of Palestinian
territories. These groups outwardly reject
an inherent union between Judaism and
Zionism and, as a result, face animosity
and marginalization from Zionist Jews in
their community.<ref name=eye/>
−
The fascist far-right have also generally
espoused anti-Zionism, for antisemitic
reasons.{{sfn|Penslar|2006|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}{{sfn|Bland|2019|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}}
+
The fascist far-right have also generally
espoused anti-Zionism, for antisemitic
reasons.{{sfn|Penslar|2006|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
{{sfn|Bland|2019|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
− Reasons for opposing Zionism have been
varied, and they include: fundamental
disagreement that foreign born Jews have
rights of resettlement, the perception that
land confiscations are unfair; expulsions
of Palestinians; violence against
Palestinians; and alleged [[racism]].
{{sfn|LaBelle|2024|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}}{{sfn|Imseis|1999|pp=9–10, 19, 27–28,
30–31}} Arab states in particular have
historically strongly opposed Zionism.
{{sfn|Renton|2013|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}} The preamble of the [[African
Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights]],
which has been ratified by 53 African
countries {{As of|2014|lc=y}}, includes an
undertaking to eliminate Zionism together
with other practices including
[[colonialism]], [[neo-colonialism]],
[[apartheid]], "aggressive foreign military
+ Reasons for opposing Zionism have been
varied, and they include: fundamental
disagreement that foreign born Jews have
rights of resettlement, the perception that
land confiscations are unfair; expulsions
of Palestinians; violence against
Palestinians; and alleged [[racism]] and
[[supremacism]].<ref>{{bulleted list|
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 171/341 bases" and all forms of [[discrimination]].
<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.achpr.org/instruments/achpr/
|title=African Charter on Human and
Peoples' Rights / Legal Instruments / ACHPR
|website=achpr.org |access-date=March 12,
2018 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201301190130 07/http://www.achpr.org/instruments/achpr/|a
rchive-date=January 19, 2013 |urlstatus=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.achpr.org/instruments/achpr/
ratification/ |title=Ratification Table:

African Charter on Human and Peoples'
Rights |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201801190105 17/http://www.achpr.org/instruments/achpr/ra
tification/ |archive-date=January 19, 2018
|website=African Commission on Human and
Peoples' Rights |date=2014}}</ref>
−
=== Characterization as colonialist and
racist === +
=== Characterization as racist ===
{{See also|Racism in Israel#Zionism|Israel
and apartheid|Soviet anti-Zionism}}
{{See also|Racism in Israel#Zionism|Israel
and apartheid|Soviet anti-Zionism}}
[[File:2017.03.26 Anti-Israel Protest,
Washington, DC USA 01929
(33670862035).jpg|thumb|upright=1.35|right|P
ro-Palestinian protest with placards
demanding the US to stop funding of
"Israeli apartheid" in Washington, DC,
2017]]
[[File:2017.03.26 Anti-Israel Protest,
Washington, DC USA 01929
(33670862035).jpg|thumb|upright=1.35|right|P
ro-Palestinian protest with placards
demanding the US to stop funding of
"Israeli apartheid" in Washington, DC,
2017]]
− In December 1973, the UN passed a series of
resolutions condemning South Africa and
included a reference to an "unholy alliance
between [[Portuguese Colonial
War|Portuguese colonialism]], [[Apartheid]]
and Zionism."<ref>Resolution 3151 G
(XXVIII) of December 14, 1973, by the UN
General Assembly</ref> At the time there
was little cooperation between [[Israel –
South Africa relations|Israel and South
Africa]],{{sfn|Nadelmann|1981|p=}} although
the two countries would develop a close
+ In December 1973, the UN passed a series of
resolutions condemning South Africa and
included a reference to an "unholy alliance
between [[Portuguese Colonial
War|Portuguese colonialism]], [[Apartheid]]
and Zionism."<ref>Resolution 3151 G
(XXVIII) of December 14, 1973, by the UN
General Assembly</ref> At the time there
was little cooperation between [[Israel –
South Africa relations|Israel and South
Africa]],{{sfn|Nadelmann|1981|p=}} although
the two countries developed a close
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 173/341 relationship during the 1970s.
{{sfn|McGreal|2006}} Parallels have also
been drawn between aspects of South
Africa's apartheid regime and certain
Israeli policies toward the Palestinians,
which are seen as manifestations of racism
in Zionist thinking.{{sfn|Johnston|2007}}
relationship during the late 1970s.
{{sfn|McGreal|2006}} Parallels have also
been drawn between aspects of South
Africa's apartheid regime and certain
Israeli policies toward the Palestinians,
which are seen as manifestations of racism
in Zionist thinking.{{sfn|Johnston|2007}}
− In 1975 the [[UN General Assembly]] passed
[[Resolution 3379]], which said "Zionism is
a form of racism and racial
discrimination". According to the
resolution, "any doctrine of racial
differentiation of superiority is
scientifically false, morally condemnable,
socially unjust, and dangerous". The
resolution named the occupied territory of
Palestine, Zimbabwe, and South Africa as
examples of racist regimes. Resolution 3379
was pioneered by the Soviet Union and
passed with numerical support from Arab and
African states amidst accusations that
Israel was supportive of the apartheid
regime in South Africa.<ref>{{Cite web
|url=http://www.cfr.org/un/un-generalassembly-resolution-3379-racialdiscrimination/p11284 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201201301417 38/http://www.cfr.org/un/un-generalassembly-resolution-3379-racialdiscrimination/p11284 |title=UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, Racial
Discrimination (Council on Foreign
Relations, November 10, 1975) |website=
[[Council on Foreign Relations]] |archivedate=January 30, 2012}}</ref> In 1991 the resolution was repealed with [[UN General
Assembly Resolution 46/86]],<ref>{{Cite web
|title=260 General Assembly Resolution 46–
86 – Revocation of Resolution 3379 – 16
December 1991 and statement by President
Herzog |language=en |publisher=[[Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs]]
|url=http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%2520R
elations/Israels%2520Foreign%2520Relations%2
+ In 1975 the [[UN General Assembly]] passed
[[Resolution 3379]], which determined that
"Zionism is a form of racism and racial
discrimination". The resolution quotes from
the 1963 [[Declaration on the Elimination
of All Forms of Racial Discrimination]],
"any doctrine of racial differentiation or
superiority is scientifically false,
morally condemnable, socially unjust, and
dangerous". The resolution named the
occupied territory of Palestine, Zimbabwe,
and South Africa as examples of racist
regimes. Resolution 3379 was pioneered by
the Soviet Union and passed with numerical
support from Arab and African states amidst
accusations that Israel was supportive of
the apartheid regime in South Africa.<ref>
{{Cite web |url=http://www.cfr.org/un/ungeneral-assembly-resolution-3379-racialdiscrimination/p11284 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201201301417 38/http://www.cfr.org/un/un-generalassembly-resolution-3379-racialdiscrimination/p11284 |title=UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, Racial
Discrimination (Council on Foreign
Relations, November 10, 1975) |website=
[[Council on Foreign Relations]] |archivedate=January 30, 2012}}</ref> In 1991 the resolution was repealed with [[UN General
Assembly Resolution 46/86]],<ref>{{Cite web
|title=260 General Assembly Resolution 46–
86 – Revocation of Resolution 3379 – 16
December 1991 and statement by President
Herzog |language=en |publisher=[[Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs]]
|url=http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%2520R
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 174/341 520since%25201947/1988-
1992/260%2520General%2520Assembly%2520Resolu
tion%252046-86-%2520Revocation |accessdate=March 26, 2023 |archive-date=March 24, 2009 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/200903240511 51/http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%20Relat
ions/Israels%20Foreign%20Relations%20since%2
01947/1988-
1992/260%20General%20Assembly%20Resolution%2
046-86-%20Revocation
|website=www.mfa.gov.il}}</ref>{{better
source needed|date=July 2023}} after Israel
declared that it would only participate in
the [[Madrid Conference of 1991]] if the
resolution were revoked.
{{sfn|Frum|2000|p=320}}
elations/Israels%2520Foreign%2520Relations%2
520since%25201947/1988-
1992/260%2520General%2520Assembly%2520Resolu
tion%252046-86-%2520Revocation |accessdate=March 26, 2023 |archive-date=March 24, 2009 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/200903240511 51/http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Foreign%20Relat
ions/Israels%20Foreign%20Relations%20since%2
01947/1988-
1992/260%20General%20Assembly%20Resolution%2
046-86-%20Revocation
|website=www.mfa.gov.il}}</ref>{{better
source needed|date=July 2023}} after Israel
declared that it would only participate in
the [[Madrid Conference of 1991]] if the
resolution were revoked.
{{sfn|Frum|2000|p=320}}
− Arab countries sought to associate Zionism
with racism in connection with a [[World
Conference against Racism 2001|2001 UN
conference on racism]], which took place in
[[Durban]], South Africa,<ref>{{cite news
|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/
1484002.stm |title=Anger over Zionism
debate |date=September 4, 2001 |accessdate=March 12, 2018 |work=[[BBC News]] |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201811070303
39/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/14
84002.stm |archive-date=November 7, 2018
|url-status=live}}</ref> which caused the
United States and Israel to walk away from
the conference. The final text of the
conference did not connect Zionism with
racism. A human rights forum arranged in
connection with the conference, on the
other hand, did equate Zionism with racism
and censured Israel for what it called
"racist crimes, including acts of genocide
and ethnic cleansing".<ref>{{cite news
|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/15236

00.stm |title=US abandons racism summit
|date=September 3, 2001 |access-date=March
+ Arab countries sought to associate Zionism
with racism in connection with a [[World
Conference against Racism 2001|2001 UN
conference on racism]] in [[Durban]], South
Africa, which caused the United States and
Israel to walk away from the conference.

The final text of the conference did not
connect Zionism with racism. A human rights
forum arranged in connection with the
conference, on the other hand, did equate
Zionism with racism and censured Israel for
what it called "racist crimes, including
acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing".<ref>
{{cite news |date=September 4, 2001
|title=Anger over Zionism debate
|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/
1484002.stm |url-status=live |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201811070303 39/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/14
84002.stm |archive-date=November 7, 2018
|access-date=March 12, 2018 |work=[[BBC
News]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite news
|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/15236

00.stm |title=US abandons racism summit
|date=September 3, 2001 |access-date=March
12, 2018 |work=[[BBC News]] |archive2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 175/341 12, 2018 |work=[[BBC News]] |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201801040857 05/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1523600
.stm |archive-date=January 4, 2018 |urlstatus=live}}</ref> url=https://web.archive.org/web/201801040857
05/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1523600
.stm |archive-date=January 4, 2018 |urlstatus=live}}</ref> === Haredi Judaism and Zionism === === Haredi Judaism and Zionism === − {{See also|Haredim and Zionism}} + {{Main|Haredim and Zionism}} +
−
Haredi Jews number some 2,100,000 worldwide, constituting 14% of the total Jewish population in the world.
{{sfn|Staetsky|2022|p=3}} Most accept
though do not support the secular Israeli
state.{{sfn|Fox|2023}} A small number of
Orthodox organizations among these Haredi
reject Zionism as they view it as a
[[secular movement]] and reject
[[nationalism]] as a doctrine. in
Jerusalem, certain [[Hasidic
Judaism|Hasidic]] groups, most famously the
[[Satmar (Hasidic dynasty)|Satmar]]
Hasidim, as well as the larger movement
they are part of, the [[Edah HaChareidis]],
are opposed to its ideology for religious
reasons. Despite having his life saved by a
leader of the Zionist movement in 1944, one
of the best known Hasidic opponents of
political Zionism was [[Hungary|Hungarian]]
[[rebbe]] and [[Talmud]]ic scholar [[Joel
Teitelbaum]].{{sfn|Kaplan|2004|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} Although this group
of ultra-observant Jews do not support or
identify with Zionism as a movement or
ideology, in a poll taken in February 2024,
83% said they have a "very strong emotional
connection" to Israel, only a small
percentage less than the 87% of [[Modern
Orthodox Judaism|Modern Orthodox]] Jews who
reported having those same feelings.
{{sfn|Kornbluh|2024}}
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 176/341 +
Haredi Jews number some 2,100,000 worldwide, constituting 14% of the total Jewish population in the world.
{{sfn|Staetsky|2022|p=3}} Most accept
though do not support the secular Israeli
state.{{sfn|Fox|2023}} A small number of
Orthodox organizations among these Haredi
reject Zionism as they view it as a
[[secular movement]] and reject
[[nationalism]] as a doctrine. in
Jerusalem, certain [[Hasidic]] groups, most
famously the [[Satmar]] Hasidim, as well as
the larger movement they are part of, the
[[Edah HaChareidis]], are opposed to its
ideology for religious reasons. Despite
having his life saved by a leader of the
Zionist movement in 1944, one of the best
known Hasidic opponents of political
Zionism was [[Hungary|Hungarian]] [[rebbe]]
and [[Talmud]]ic scholar [[Joel
Teitelbaum]].{{sfn|Kaplan|2004|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} Although this
group of ultra-observant Jews do not
support or identify with Zionism as a
movement or ideology, in a poll taken in
February 2024, 83% said they have a "very
strong emotional connection" to Israel,
only a small percentage less than the 87%
of [[Modern Orthodox]] Jews who reported
having those same feelings.
{{sfn|Kornbluh|2024}}
−
[[File:Judaism condemns Israel's atrocities
-6 (52032176719).jpg|thumb|right|Members of
[[Neturei Karta]] holding Palestinian flags
and placards saying that "Judaism condemns
the state of Israel and its atrocities" in
London, 2022]]
− The [[Neturei Karta]], a tiny Orthodox
Haredi sect, is considered "the most
radical of the Extreme Orthodox groups",
{{sfn|Keren-Kratz|2016|pp=103, 110}} with
approximately 5,000 members worldwide that
make up about 0.03 percent of the world's
Jewish population.{{sfn|Sugarman|2017}}
Some of its members have said that Israel
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 177/341 is a "racist regime",<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://globalfire.tv/nj/03en/jews/ttjew
s.htm |title=We oppose the Zionists and
their 'state' |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201105152353 51/http://globalfire.tv/nj/03en/jews/ttjews.
htm |archive-date=May 15, 2011
|quote=vigorously and we continue our
prayers for the dismantlement of the
Zionist 'state' and peace to the world."
Rabbi E. Weissfish, Neturei Karta,
Representatives of Orthodox Jewry, US,
London, Palestine and worldwide.}}</ref>
compared Zionists to [[Nazis]],<ref>{{Cite
web |title=The Great Gulf Between Zionism
and Judaism
|url=https://www.nkusa.org/AboutUs/Zionism/g
reatgulf.cfm |website=www.nkusa.org
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201011280907
50/http://nkusa.org/AboutUs/Zionism/greatgul
f.cfm |archive-date=November 28, 2010}}
</ref> claimed that Zionism is contrary to
the teachings of the [[Torah]],<ref>{{cite
web |last=Neuberger |first=G. J.
|url=http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/zioni
sm/whatis.cfm |title=What is Zionism?
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201011140245
02/http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/zionism
/whatis.cfm |archive-date=November 14, 2010
|website=Jews against Zionism}}</ref> or
accused it of promoting antisemitism.<ref>
{{cite web
|url=http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/antis
emitism/zionismpromotes.cfm |title=Zionism
promotes antisemitism |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201011241218 39/http://www.jewsagainstzionism.com/antisem
itism/zionismpromotes.cfm |archivedate=November 24, 2010 |website=Jews against Zionism}}</ref>
=== Anti-Zionism and antisemitism === === Anti-Zionism and antisemitism === 2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 178/341 {{Main|Anti-Zionism#Anti-Zionism and
antisemitism|New Antisemitism}}
{{Main|Anti-Zionism#Anti-Zionism and
antisemitism|New Antisemitism}}
−
Critics of anti-Zionism have argued that
opposition to Zionism can be hard to
distinguish from antisemitism,<ref>{{cite
web |url=http://jcpa.org/phas/phas-wistrichf04.htm |title=Anti-Zionism and AntiSemitism |website=Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs |date=Fall 2004 |accessdate=November 17, 2012 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201211151023 37/http://jcpa.org/phas/phas-wistrichf04.htm |archive-date=November 15, 2012}} </ref><ref>{{cite journal |first=Kenneth L.
|last=Marcus |title=Anti-Zionism as Racism:

Campus Anti-Semitism and the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 |journal=William & Mary Bill of
Rights Journal |volume=15 |issue=3
|pages=837–891 |year=2007}}</ref> and that
criticism of Israel may be used as an
excuse to express viewpoints that might
otherwise be considered antisemitic.
{{sfn|Temko|2006}}
{{sfn|Kaplan|Small|2006|p=}}{{pn|date=March
2025}}
+ Critics of anti-Zionism have argued that
opposition to Zionism can be hard to
distinguish from antisemitism,<ref>{{cite
web |url=http://jcpa.org/phas/phas-wistrichf04.htm |title=Anti-Zionism and AntiSemitism |website=Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs |date=Fall 2004 |accessdate=November 17, 2012 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/201211151023 37/http://jcpa.org/phas/phas-wistrichf04.htm |archive-date=November 15, 2012}} </ref><ref>{{cite journal |first=Kenneth L.
|last=Marcus |title=Anti-Zionism as Racism:

Campus Anti-Semitism and the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 |journal=William & Mary Bill of
Rights Journal |volume=15 |issue=3
|pages=837–891 |year=2007}}</ref> and that
criticism of Israel may be used as an
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 179/341 excuse to express viewpoints that might
otherwise be considered antisemitic.
{{sfn|Temko|2006}}
{{sfn|Kaplan|Small|2006|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}}
−
Anti-Zionist writers such as [[Noam
Chomsky]], [[Norman Finkelstein]],
[[Michael Marder]], and [[Tariq Ali]] have
argued that the characterization of antiZionism as antisemitic obscures legitimate [[criticism of Israel]]'s policies and
actions, and that it is used to stifle
legitimate criticism of Israel.<ref>{{cite
web
|url=http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/51
04 |title=ZNet – Beyond Chutzpah |accessdate=June 25, 2009 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/200906251653 31/http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/5104
|archive-date=June 25, 2009}}</ref>
+
+
Anti-Zionist writers such as [[Norman
Finkelstein]],<ref>{{cite web
|url=http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/51
04 |title=ZNet – Beyond Chutzpah |accessdate=June 25, 2009 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/200906251653 31/http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/5104
|archive-date=June 25, 2009}}</ref> [[Noam
Chomsky]], [[Michael Marder]], and [[Tariq
Ali]] have argued that the characterization
of anti-Zionism as antisemitic obscures
legitimate [[criticism of Israel]]'s
policies and actions, and that it is used
to stifle legitimate criticism of Israel.
{{citation needed|date=October 2025}}
== Zionism and colonialism == == Zionism and colonialism == + === European colonialism ===
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 180/341 −
{{Overly
detailed|section|details=|date=February
2025}}
+ Zionism has been characterized as a form of
colonialism or settler colonialism by
various scholars. [[Joseph Massad]] argues
that Zionism was intrinsically linked to
European colonial thought from its
inception, shaped by antisemitism and
European imperial interests.
{{sfn|Massad|2006|pp=14–18}} [[Edward
Said]] similarly described the movement as
following the European colonial model,
particularly in its patronizing view of the
native Palestinian population, which it
regarded as backward.{{sfn|Said|1979|p=}}
{{page needed|date=March 2025}} [[Zeev
Sternhell]] describes Zionism as a movement
of "conquest", but disagrees that Jews
arriving in Palestine had a colonial
mindset.<ref>{{harvnb|Sternhell|2010}}:
"Berl Katznelson, the labour-movement
ideologist, never thought there could be
any doubt about it: 'The Zionist enterprise
is an enterprise of conquest', he said in
1929. And in the same breath: 'It is not by
chance that I use military terms when
speaking of settlement.' In 1922 Ben-Gurion
had already said the same: 'We are
conquerors of the land facing an iron wall,
and we have to break through it.'... [B]ut
to claim that the arrivals were white
settlers driven by a colonialist mind-set
does not correspond to historical reality."
</ref> [[Anita Shapira]] and [[Shlomo BenAmi]] also emphasize the importance of the "ethos" of the movement, framing Zionism as
a national liberation movement that was
"destined" or "forced" to use colonial
methods.{{sfn|Shapira|1992|p=355}}
{{efn|Notably, Shapira also states that
studying Zionism as a colonial movement is
"both legitimate and desirable", though she
notes that the reluctance to use these
concepts is understandable, since they were
associated with propaganda that vilified
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 181/341 Zionism and Israel and presented them as
enemies of the progressive, anti-colonial
movement. She argues that the settlercolonial framing may help "clarify the relations between the settling nation and
the native one", but adds that it needs to
be complemented by what she refers to as
perspective "from within" – the conceptual
framework though which the Zionist movement
viewed itself.<ref>
{{harvnb|Shapira|2016|p=898}}: "Use of that
model is both legitimate and desirable,
just as an understanding of the problems of
new immigrants to Israel would be furthered
by applying a conceptual framework
developed in relation to immigrants to the
United States, for instance. Reluctance to
use such concepts stemmed from the fact
that they were part of the propaganda that
stigmatized Zionism and Israel as belonging
to the camp of the forces of evil as
opposed to the progressive, anti-colonial
world... Defining a movement as
settlement-colonialism may well help to
clarify the relations between the settling
nation and the native one. Nonetheless, it
does not say much about other aspects of
the settler nation. To complete the picture
we need the perspective "from within" as
well: how and in what conceptual framework
did the society see itself and explain its
situation?"</ref>}}{{sfn|Ben-Ami|2007|p=3}}
Conversely, [[Nur Masalha]] argues that
Zionism cannot be understood as a national
liberation movement because it relied on
British colonial support, asserting that
"the State of Israel owes its very
existence to the British colonial power in
Palestine".{{sfn|Masalha|2014}}
− === European Colonialism ===
− Zionism has been characterized as a form of
colonialism or settler colonialism by
various scholars. [[Joseph Massad]] argues
that Zionism was intrinsically linked to
European colonial thought from its
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 182/341 inception, shaped by antisemitism and
European imperial interests.
{{sfn|Massad|2006|pp=14–18}} [[Edward
Said]] similarly described the movement as
following the European colonial model,
particularly in its patronizing view of the
native Palestinian population, which it
regarded as backward.{{sfn|Said|1979|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} [[Zeev Sternhell]]
describes Zionism disagrees as a movement
of "conquest", but disagrees that Jews
arriving in Palestine had a colonial
mindset.<ref>{{harvnb|Sternhell|2010}}:
"Berl Katznelson, the labour-movement
ideologist, never thought there could be
any doubt about it: 'The Zionist enterprise
is an enterprise of conquest', he said in
1929. And in the same breath: 'It is not by
chance that I use military terms when
speaking of settlement.' In 1922 Ben-Gurion
had already said the same: 'We are
conquerors of the land facing an iron wall,
and we have to break through it.'... [B]ut
to claim that the arrivals were white
settlers driven by a colonialist mind-set
does not correspond to historical reality."
</ref> [[Anita Shapira]] and [[Shlomo BenAmi]] also emphisize the importance of the "ethos" of the movement, framing Zionism as
a national liberation movement that was
"destined" or "forced" to use colonial
methods.{{sfn|Shapira|1992|p=355}}{{efn|
Notably, Shapira also states that studying
Zionism as a colonial movement is "both
legitimate and desirable", though she notes
that the reluctance to use these concepts
is understandable, since they were
associated with propaganda that vilified
Zionism and Israel and presented them as
enemies of the progressive, anti-colonial
movement. She argues that the settlercolonial framing may help "clarify the relations between the settling nation and
the native one", but adds that it needs to
be complemented by what she refers to as
perspective "from within" - the conceptual
framework though which the Zionist movement
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 183/341 viewed itself.<ref>
{{harvnb|Shapira|2016|p=898}}: "Use of that
model is both legitimate and desirable,
just as an understanding of the problems of
new immigrants to Israel would be furthered
by applying a conceptual framework
developed in relation to immigrants to the
United States, for instance. Reluctance to
use such concepts stemmed from the fact
that they were part of the propaganda that
stigmatized Zionism and Israel as belonging
to the camp of the forces of evil as
opposed to the progressive, anti-colonial
world... Defining a movement as
settlement-colonialism may well help to
clarify the relations between the settling
nation and the native one. Nonetheless, it
does not say much about other aspects of
the settler nation. To complete the picture
we need the perspective "from within" as
well: how and in what conceptual framework
did the society see itself and explain its
situation?"</ref>}}{{sfn|Ben-Ami|2007|p=3}}
Conversely, [[Nur Masalha]] argues that
Zionism cannot be understood as a national
liberation movement because it relied on
British colonial support, asserting that
"the State of Israel owes its very
existence to the British colonial power in
Palestine".{{sfn|Masalha|2014}}
Various proponents of Zionism have
characterized Zionism as colonial or
settler-colonial.<ref>{{bulleted list|
Various proponents of Zionism have
characterized Zionism as colonial or
settler-colonial.<ref>{{bulleted list|
Line 548: Line 579:
| {{harvnb|Jabotinsky|1923|pp=6–7|ps=: "It
does not matter at all which phraseology we
employ in explaining our colonising aims,
Herzl's or Sir Herbert Samuel's.

Colonisation carries its own explanation,
the only possible explanation, unalterable
and as clear as daylight to every ordinary
Jew and every ordinary Arab... Zionist
colonisation must either stop, or else
| {{harvnb|Jabotinsky|1923|pp=6–7|ps=: "It
does not matter at all which phraseology we
employ in explaining our colonising aims,
Herzl's or Sir Herbert Samuel's.

Colonisation carries its own explanation,
the only possible explanation, unalterable
and as clear as daylight to every ordinary
Jew and every ordinary Arab... Zionist
colonisation must either stop, or else
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 184/341 proceed regardless of the native
population."}}
proceed regardless of the native
population."}}
| {{harvnb|Finkelstein|2003|p=109}}: "The
'defensive ethos' was never the operative
ideology of mainstream Zionism. From
beginning to end, Zionism was a conquest
movement. The subtitle of Shapira's study
is 'The Zionist Resort to Force'. Yet,
Zionism did not 'resort' to force. Force was
—to use Shapira's apt phrase in her
conclusion—'inherent in the situation' (p.
357). Gripped by messianism after the
issuance of the Balfour Declaration, the
Zionist movement sought to conquer
Palestine with a Jewish Legion under the
slogan 'In blood and fire shall Judea rise
again' (pp. 83–98). When these apocalyptic
hopes were dispelled and displaced by the
mundane reality of the British Mandate,
mainstream Zionism made a virtue of
necessity and exalted labor as it proceeded
to conquer Palestine 'dunum by dunum, goat
by goat'. Force had not been abandoned,
however. Shapira falsely counterposes
settlement ('by virtue of labor') to force
('by dint of conquest'). Yet, settlement
was force by other means. Its purpose, in
Shapira's words, was to build a 'Jewish
infrastructure in Palestine' so that 'the
balance of power between Jews and Arabs had
shifted in favor of the former' (pp. 121,
133; cf. p. 211). To the call of a Zionist
leader on the morrow of Tel Hai that 'we
must be a force in the land', Shapira adds
the caveat: 'He was not referring to
military might but, rather, to power in the
sense of demography and colonization' (p.
113). Yet, Shapira willfully misses the
basic point that 'demography and
colonization' were equally force. Moreover,
without the 'foreign bayonets' of the
British Mandate, the Zionist movement could
not have established even a toehold, let
alone struck deep roots, in Palestine.

Toward the end of the 1930s and especially
after World War II, a concatenation of
| {{harvnb|Finkelstein|2003|p=109}}: "The
'defensive ethos' was never the operative
ideology of mainstream Zionism. From
beginning to end, Zionism was a conquest
movement. The subtitle of Shapira's study
is 'The Zionist Resort to Force'. Yet,
Zionism did not 'resort' to force. Force was
—to use Shapira's apt phrase in her
conclusion—'inherent in the situation' (p.
357). Gripped by messianism after the
issuance of the Balfour Declaration, the
Zionist movement sought to conquer
Palestine with a Jewish Legion under the
slogan 'In blood and fire shall Judea rise
again' (pp. 83–98). When these apocalyptic
hopes were dispelled and displaced by the
mundane reality of the British Mandate,
mainstream Zionism made a virtue of
necessity and exalted labor as it proceeded
to conquer Palestine 'dunum by dunum, goat
by goat'. Force had not been abandoned,
however. Shapira falsely counterposes
settlement ('by virtue of labor') to force
('by dint of conquest'). Yet, settlement
was force by other means. Its purpose, in
Shapira's words, was to build a 'Jewish
infrastructure in Palestine' so that 'the
balance of power between Jews and Arabs had
shifted in favor of the former' (pp. 121,
133; cf. p. 211). To the call of a Zionist
leader on the morrow of Tel Hai that 'we
must be a force in the land', Shapira adds
the caveat: 'He was not referring to
military might but, rather, to power in the
sense of demography and colonization' (p.
113). Yet, Shapira willfully misses the
basic point that 'demography and
colonization' were equally force. Moreover,
without the 'foreign bayonets' of the
British Mandate, the Zionist movement could
not have established even a toehold, let
alone struck deep roots, in Palestine.

Toward the end of the 1930s and especially
after World War II, a concatenation of
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 185/341 events—Britain's waning commitment to the
Balfour Declaration, the escalation of Arab
resistance, the strengthening of the
Yishuv, etc.—caused a consensus to
crystallize within the Zionist movement
that the time was ripe to return to the
original strategy of conquering Palestine
'by blood and fire'."
events—Britain's waning commitment to the
Balfour Declaration, the escalation of Arab
resistance, the strengthening of the
Yishuv, etc.—caused a consensus to
crystallize within the Zionist movement
that the time was ripe to return to the
original strategy of conquering Palestine
'by blood and fire'."
+
| {{harvnb|Liu|2022|p=190}}: "Jabotinsky
was a territorial maximalist who wanted
mass Jewish immigration resulting in the
creation of a state of Israel encompassing
all Biblical lands: 'If you wish to
colonize a land in which a people are
already living, you must provide a garrison
on your behalf. Or else – or else, give up
your colonization, for without an armed
force which will render physically any
attempts to destroy or prevent this
colonization, colonization is impossible
... Zionism is a colonizing adventure and
therefore it stands or falls by the
question of armed force.'"
− | {{harvnb|Liu|2022|p=190}}
+
| {{harvnb|Bar-Yosef|2012|pp=100–101}}:
"The most disturbing manifestation of
Herzl's infatuation with British
imperialism can be found in his ardent
determination to meet Cecil Rhodes. [...]
'How, then, do I happen to turn to you,
since this is an out-of-the-way matter for
you? How indeed? Because it is something
colonial, and because it presupposes
understanding of a development which will
take twenty or thirty years.'"
− | {{harvnb|Bar-Yosef|2012|pp=100–101}}
+
| {{harvnb|Nordau|Gottheil|1905|p=30}}:
"They take care that the existing and
promising beginnings of a Jewish
colonization shall be looked after and
maintained till the movement will be
possible on a large scale."
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 186/341 − | {{harvnb|Nordau|Gottheil|1905|p=30}}
+
| {{harvnb|Pessah|2020}}: "Yet Herzl's
Zionism was indeed rooted in his wish to
imitate the European colonialism of his
period."
−
}}</ref><ref>"After two thousand years of
struggle for survival, the reality of
Israel is a colonial state.' [[Avraham
Burg]] cited [[Tony Judt]],
[https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2003/10/23
/israel-the-alternative/ Israel:The
Alternative] [[New York Review of Books]]
23 October 2003</ref> [[Joseph Massad]]
wrote that, for political and ideological
reasons, starting in the 1930s, some
Zionist thinkers proposed that the Zionist
movement should avoid using terms related
to colonialism.{{efn|Massad depicts the
transition in the choice of terminology
within the Zionist movement in the mid-20th
century, as "colonialism" began to more
broadly develop a negative association.
{{sfn|Massad|2006|pp=14–18}}}} [[Rashid
Khalidi]] highlights how this move was an
attempted rebranding of Zionism as an
anticolonial movement.{{sfn|Khalidi|2020}}
{{page needed|date=February 2025}}
+ }}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Judt|2003}}: "As the
prominent Labor politician [[Avraham Burg]]
recently wrote, "After two thousand years
of struggle for survival, the reality of
Israel is a colonial state, run by a
corrupt clique which scorns and mocks law
and civic morality.""</ref> [[Joseph
Massad]] wrote that, for political and
ideological reasons, starting in the 1930s,
some Zionist thinkers proposed that the
Zionist movement should avoid using terms
related to colonialism.{{efn|Massad depicts
the transition in the choice of terminology
within the Zionist movement in the mid-20th
century, as "colonialism" began to more
broadly develop a negative association.
{{sfn|Massad|2006|pp=14–18}}}} [[Rashid
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 187/341 Khalidi]] describes this move as an
attempted rebranding of Zionism as an
anticolonial movement.
{{sfn|Khalidi|2020|ps=: "Unremarkably, once
colonialism took on a bad odor in the post–
World War II era of decolonization, the
colonial origins and practice of Zionism
and Israel were whitewashed and
conveniently forgotten in Israel and the
West. In fact, Zionism—for two decades the
coddled step-child of British colonialism—
rebranded itself as an anticolonial
movement. The occasion for this drastic
makeover was a campaign of sabotage and
terrorism launched against Great Britain
after it drastically limited its support of
Jewish immigration with the 1939 White
Paper on the eve of World War II. This
falling-out between erstwhile allies (to
help them fight the Palestinians in the
late 1930s, Britain had armed and trained
the Jewish settlers it allowed to enter the
country) encouraged the outlandish idea
that the Zionist movement was itself
anticolonial."}}{{page needed|date=February
2025}}
− Benny Morris dismisses the charge that
Zionism is a "classic nineteenth-century
European colonial venture," due to the fact
that it existed as a movement not to
exploit the populace or resources, but to
provide a safe haven for a native
population experiencing oppression
internationally.<ref>
{{harvnb|Morris|2020}}: "Colonialism is
commonly defined as the policy and practice
of an imperial power acquiring political
control over another country, settling it
with its sons, and exploiting it
economically. By any objective standard,
Zionism fails to fit this definition.

Zionism was a movement of desperate,
idealistic Jews from Eastern and Central
Europe bent on immigrating to a country
+ Benny Morris dismisses the charge that
Zionism is a "classic nineteenth-century
European colonial venture," due to the fact
that it existed as a movement not to
exploit the populace or resources, but to
provide a safe haven for a native
population experiencing oppression
internationally.<ref>
{{harvnb|Morris|2020}}: "Colonialism is
commonly defined as the policy and practice
of an imperial power acquiring political
control over another country, settling it
with its sons, and exploiting it
economically. By any objective standard,
Zionism fails to fit this definition.

Zionism was a movement of desperate,
idealistic Jews from Eastern and Central
Europe bent on immigrating to a country
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 188/341 that had once been populated and ruled by
Jews, not “another” country, and regaining
sovereignty over it. The settlers were not
the sons of an imperial power, and the
settlement enterprise was never designed to
politically or strategically serve an
imperial mother country or economically
exploit it on behalf of any empire. The
land was known to lack natural resources.

And most Zionists, rather than wanting to
exploit the natives, were indifferent to
their fate or wanted to simply see them
leave"</ref>
that had once been populated and ruled by
Jews, not "another" country, and regaining
sovereignty over it. The settlers were not
the sons of an imperial power, and the
settlement enterprise was never designed to
politically or strategically serve an
imperial mother country or economically
exploit it on behalf of any empire. The
land was known to lack natural resources.

And most Zionists, rather than wanting to
exploit the natives, were indifferent to
their fate or wanted to simply see them
leave"</ref>
−
=== The Transition from British sponsored
colonialism to the Israeli state === +
=== The transition from British sponsored
colonialism to the Israeli state ===
Gershon Shafir describes the use of
violence by a colonial metropole as
essential to settler colonization. Shafir
defines settler-colonialism as the creation
of a permanent home in which settlers
benefit from privileges withheld from the
indigenous population. He describes
colonization, the establishment of
settlements against the wishes of the
indigenous people, as the distinctive
characteristic of settler colonialism.
{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=794}}
Gershon Shafir describes the use of
violence by a colonial metropole as
essential to settler colonization. Shafir
defines settler-colonialism as the creation
of a permanent home in which settlers
benefit from privileges withheld from the
indigenous population. He describes
colonization, the establishment of
settlements against the wishes of the
indigenous people, as the distinctive
characteristic of settler colonialism.
{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=794}}
Line 566: Line 598:
=== Colonization and colonialism === === Colonization and colonialism === − Sternberg argues that it is important to
clearly distinguish between colonization
and colonialism as concepts.
{{sfn|Sternberg|2016|loc=The
Colonialism/Colonization Perspective on
Zionism/Israel}} For Shafir and Peled,
"colonization, namely territorial
dispossession and the settlement of
immigrant populations",
+ Sternberg argues that it is important to
clearly distinguish between colonization
and colonialism as concepts.
{{sfn|Sternberg|2016|loc=The
Colonialism/Colonization Perspective on
Zionism/Israel}} For Shafir and Peled,
"colonization, namely territorial
dispossession and the settlement of
immigrant populations",
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 189/341 {{sfn|Shafir|Peled|2002|p=37}} cannot
happen without colonialism and "the means
of violence of a colonial metropole".
{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=794}} In contrast,
Sternberg considers classical definitions
of colonization as broad enough to include
cases that did not require the
dispossession of the native population.
{{sfn|Sternberg|2016|loc=The
Colonialism/Colonization Perspective on
Zionism/Israel}}
{{sfn|Shafir|Peled|2002|p=37}} cannot
happen without colonialism and "the means
of violence of a colonial [[metropole]]".
{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=794}} In contrast,
Sternberg considers classical definitions
of colonization as broad enough to include
cases that did not require the
dispossession of the native population.
{{sfn|Sternberg|2016|loc=The
Colonialism/Colonization Perspective on
Zionism/Israel}}
−
Tuvia Friling depicts the Zionist movement
as operating differently from colonial
movements in terms of land acquisition.

Specifically, the Zionist movement acquired
land in the early years by purchasing it.
{{sfn|Friling|2016|p=852}} Sternberg in
contrast explains that it was not unique
for colonial movements to purchase land as
part of land acquisition, pointing to
similarities in North American colonialism.
{{sfn|Sternberg|2016|p=837}} Friling argues
that in contrast to European colonial
projects, the early Zionist leadership was
dominated by the labor movement with a
socialist ethos.{{sfn|Friling|2016|p=855}}
Shafir points to ideological drives in
American and Rhodesian settler colonies
that developed in service of the colonial
project. Similarly, Shafir says, the
Zionist labor movement used socialist
ideals largely in service of the national
movement.{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=799}}
In response to the argument that Zionism
could not be a colonial project, but should
instead be described as a project of
immigration, Shafir quotes [[Lorenzo
Veracini]]'s statement that settlers
sometimes hide "behind the persecuted, the
migrant, even the refugee... behind his
labor and hardship." Shafir goes on to
characterize Zionism as not unique, in the
In response to the argument that Zionism
could not be a colonial project, but should
instead be described as a project of
immigration, Shafir quotes [[Lorenzo
Veracini]]'s statement that settlers
sometimes hide "behind the persecuted, the
migrant, even the refugee... behind his
labor and hardship." Shafir goes on to
characterize Zionism as not unique, in the
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 190/341 sense that "[t]he ruthless ethnic cleanser
is commonly hidden behind the peaceful
settler who arrived in an 'empty land' to
start a new life."{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=799}}
sense that "[t]he ruthless ethnic cleanser
is commonly hidden behind the peaceful
settler who arrived in an 'empty land' to
start a new life."{{sfn|Shafir|2016|p=799}}
−
Alan Dowty describes the debate over the
relationship between Zionism and
colonialism as essentially a discussion of
"semantics". He defines colonialism as the
imposition of control by a "mother country"
on another people, for economic gain or for
the spreading of culture or religion. Dowty
argues that Zionism does not fit this
definition on the basis that "there was...
no mother country" and that Zionism did not
consider the local population in its plans.
<ref>{{harvnb|Dowty|2022}}: "They did not
recognize the Arab population of Palestine
as another people with their own collective
claims..."</ref> Efraim Karsh adopts a
similar definition and similarly concludes
that Zionism is not colonialism.
{{sfn|Karsh|2000}}{{page
needed|date=November 2024}} Dowty
elaborates that Zionism did not control the
local population since it ultimately failed
to remove the native people from Palestine.
{{sfn|Dowty|2022}} In his assessment of
whether Zionism is colonialism, Penslar
works with a broader definition of
colonialism than Dowty, which allows for
the country sponsoring the colonial
enterprise to be different from the country
of origin of the settlers.
{{sfn|Penslar|2023|pp=70–71, 82–83, and 95–
96}}
+
Alan Dowty describes the debate over the
relationship between Zionism and
colonialism as essentially a discussion of
"semantics". He defines colonialism as the
imposition of control by a "[[mother
country]]" on another people, for economic
gain or for the spreading of culture or
religion. Dowty argues that Zionism does
not fit this definition on the basis that
"there was... no mother country" and that
Zionism did not consider the local
population in its plans.<ref>
{{harvnb|Dowty|2022}}: "They did not
recognize the Arab population of Palestine
as another people with their own collective
claims..."</ref> Efraim Karsh adopts a
similar definition and similarly concludes
that Zionism is not colonialism.
{{sfn|Karsh|2000}}{{page
needed|date=November 2024}} Dowty
elaborates that Zionism did not control the
local population since it ultimately failed
to remove the native people from Palestine.
{{sfn|Dowty|2022}} In his assessment of
whether Zionism is colonialism, Penslar
works with a broader definition of
colonialism than Dowty, which allows for
the country sponsoring the colonial
enterprise to be different from the country
of origin of the settlers.
{{sfn|Penslar|2023|pp=70–71, 82–83, and 95–
96}}
=== Zionism as settler colonialism === === Zionism as settler colonialism === {{main|Zionism as settler colonialism}} {{main|Zionism as settler colonialism}} − Beyond characterizing it as a colonial
movement, Zionism has been more recently
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 191/341 described as a form of settler colonialism,
with scholarly proponents of this paradigm
including [[Edward Said]], Rashid Khalidi,
[[Noam Chomsky]], [[Ilan Pappe]], [[Fayez
Sayegh]], [[Maxime Rodinson]], {{Ill|George
Jabbour|ar|جبور جورج{{,]] Ibrahim AbuLughod]], Baha Abu-Laban, {{Ill|Jamil Hilal|ar|هلال ليمج{{, and [[Rosemary Sayigh]].
{{sfn|Sabbagh-Khoury|2022|loc=first
section}}<ref>{{harvnb|Tawil-Souri|2016|p=}}
{{pn|date=March 2025}} "Calling Israel a
settler colonial regime is an argument
increasingly gaining purchase in activist
and, to a lesser extent, academic circles."
</ref>
+
Beyond characterizing it as a colonial
movement, Zionism has been more recently
described as a form of settler colonialism,
with scholarly proponents of this paradigm
including [[Edward Said]], [[Rashid
Khalidi]], [[Noam Chomsky]], [[Ilan
Pappe]], [[Fayez Sayegh]], [[Maxime
Rodinson]], {{Ill|George Jabbour|ar|جورج
جبور{{,]] Ibrahim Abu-Lughod]], Baha AbuLaban, {{Ill|Jamil Hilal|ar|هلال ليمج{{, [[Rosemary Sayigh]]{{sfn|SabbaghKhoury|2022|loc=first section}}<ref> {{harvnb|Tawil-Souri|2016|p=}}{{page
needed|date=March 2025}} "Calling Israel a
settler colonial regime is an argument
increasingly gaining purchase in activist
and, to a lesser extent, academic circles."
</ref> and [[Nur Masalha]].
{{sfn|Masalha|2018|loc=Chapter 10}}
− The settler colonial framework on the
conflict emerged in the 1960s during the
[[Decolonisation of Africa|decolonization
of Africa]] and the [[Middle East]], and reemerged in Israeli academia in the 1990s led by Israeli and Palestinian scholars,
who challenged some of Israel's
foundational myths.{{sfn|SabbaghKhoury|2022|loc=Conclusion}}{{efn|"The settler colonial paradigm, linked to
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 192/341 Israeli critical sociology, post-Zionism,
and postcolonialism, reemerged following
changes in the political landscape from the
mid-1990s that reframed the history of the
Nakba as enduring, challenged the Jewish
definition of the state, and legitimated
Palestinians as agents of history.

Palestinian scholars in Israel lead the
paradigm's reformulation.{{harvnb|SabbaghKhoury|2022|loc=first section}}}} It built on the work of [[Patrick Wolfe]], an
influential theorist of settler colonial
studies who has defined settler colonialism
as an ongoing "structure, not an event"
aimed at replacing a native population
rather than exploiting it.{{sfn|Wolfe|2006}}
<ref>{{cite web |title=Forum on Patrick
Wolfe
|url=https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3437-
forum-on-patrick-wolfe |url-status=live
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202106210430
10/https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3437-
forum-on-patrick-wolfe |archive-date=June
21, 2021 |access-date=April 26, 2022
|website=[[Verso Books]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite
web |date=October 26, 2020 |title=What is
at Stake in the Study of Settler
Colonialism?
|url=https://developingeconomics.org/2020/10
/26/what-is-at-stake-in-the-study-ofsettler-colonialism/ |url-status=live |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202111252215
04/https://developingeconomics.org/2020/10/2
6/what-is-at-stake-in-the-study-of-settlercolonialism/ |archive-date=November 25, 2021 |access-date=April 26, 2022
|website=Developing Economics |language=en}}
</ref>
+
+ The settler colonial framework on the
conflict emerged in the 1960s during the
[[decolonization of Africa]] and the
[[Middle East]], and re-emerged in Israeli
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 193/341 academia in the 1990s led by Israeli and
Palestinian scholars, who challenged some
of Israel's foundational myths.
{{sfn|Sabbagh-Khoury|2022|loc=Conclusion}}
{{efn|"The settler colonial paradigm,
linked to Israeli critical sociology, postZionism, and postcolonialism, reemerged following changes in the political
landscape from the mid-1990s that reframed
the history of the Nakba as enduring,
challenged the Jewish definition of the
state, and legitimated Palestinians as
agents of history. Palestinian scholars in
Israel lead the paradigm's reformulation.
{{harvnb|Sabbagh-Khoury|2022|loc=first
section}}}} It built on the work of
[[Patrick Wolfe]], an influential theorist
of settler colonial studies who has defined
settler colonialism as an ongoing
"structure, not an event" aimed at
replacing a native population rather than
exploiting it.{{sfn|Wolfe|2006}}<ref>{{cite
web |title=Forum on Patrick Wolfe
|url=https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3437-
forum-on-patrick-wolfe |url-status=live
|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202106210430
10/https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3437-
forum-on-patrick-wolfe |archive-date=June
21, 2021 |access-date=April 26, 2022
|website=[[Verso Books]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite
web |date=October 26, 2020 |title=What is
at Stake in the Study of Settler
Colonialism?
|url=https://developingeconomics.org/2020/10
/26/what-is-at-stake-in-the-study-ofsettler-colonialism/ |url-status=live |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/202111252215
04/https://developingeconomics.org/2020/10/2
6/what-is-at-stake-in-the-study-of-settlercolonialism/ |archive-date=November 25, 2021 |access-date=April 26, 2022
|website=Developing Economics |language=en}}
</ref>
+
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 194/341 + == Palestinian experiences of Zionism ==
+
Many Palestinian scholars have argued that
Zionism is inseparable from the [[Nakba]],
the [[1948 Palestinian expulsion and
flight|ethnic cleansing]] of Palestinians
in and around 1948, and the [[ongoing
Nakba]], the ongoing conditions created by
the Nakba, including instances of [[Israeli
apartheid|apartheid]], [[Israeli-occupied
territories|occupation]], and [[Palestinian
genocide allegations|genocide]].<ref>
{{bulleted list|
+
| {{Cite journal |last=Rabea
|first=Eghbariah |date=May 2024
|title=Toward Nakba as a Legal Concept
|url=https://columbialawreview.org/content/t
oward-nakba-as-a-legal-concept/ |journal=
[[Columbia Law Review]] |language=en
|volume=124 |issue=4 |access-date=January
24, 2026 |archive-url= |archive-date=}}
+
| {{Cite news |last=Khalidi |first=Rashid
|date=November 22, 2023 |title=It's Time to
Confront Israel's Version of "From the
River to the Sea"
|url=https://www.thenation.com/article/world
/its-time-to-confront-israels-version-offrom-the-river-to-the-sea/ |archive-url= |archive-date= |access-date=February 2,
2026 |work=[[The Nation]] |language=en-US
|issn=0027-8378}}
+
| {{Cite AV media
|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?
v=SAjmHHt8Fk4 |title=Noura Erakat Addresses
the UN in Commemoration of the 77th
Anniversary of the Nakba |date=May 16, 2025
|last=Jadaliyya |access-date=February 2,
2026 |via=YouTube}}
+ | {{Cite web |last=Makdisi |first=Saree
|date=November 14, 2023 |title=Physical
Destruction in Whole or in Part
|url=https://www.nplusonemag.com/onlineonly/online-only/physical-destruction-inwhole-or-in-part/ |archive-url= |archive2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 195/341 date= |access-date=February 2, 2026
|website=[[n+1]] |language=en-US}}
+
| {{Cite news |last=Massad |first=Joseph
|date=July 30, 2025 |title=Israel's
genocide is the terminal stage of a settlercolony in crisis |url=https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/i
srael-genocide-terminal-stage-settlercolony-crisis |archive-url= |archive-date= |access-date=February 3, 2026 |work=
[[Middle East Eye]] |language=en}}
+
| {{Cite journal |last=Shalhoub-Kevorkian
|first=Nadera |date=September 19, 2025
|title=Five Pillars of Zionist Genocidal
Apparatus: A Palestinian Problematization
of Genocide Studies
|url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10
.1080/14623528.2025.2556589 |journal=
[[Journal of Genocide Research]]
|language=en |pages=1–13
|doi=10.1080/14623528.2025.2556589
|issn=1462-3528|url-access=subscription }}
+ }}</ref>
== See also == == See also ==
{{div col |colwidth=30em}} {{div col |colwidth=30em}}
+ * {{annotated link|Back to Africa}}
− * [[Golus nationalism]]
+ * {{annotated link|Golus nationalism}}
− * [[Jewish Autonomism]]
+ * {{annotated link|Hardal}}
+ * [[History of Zionism]]
+ * {{annotated link|Jewish Autonomism}}
* [[List of Zionists]] * [[List of Zionists]]
+ * {{annotated link|Palestinian nationalism}}
2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 196/341 − * [[Muscular Judaism]]
− * [[Palestinianism]] + * {{annotated link|Palestinianism}} + * {{annotated link|Yehud Medinata}}
− * [[Palestinian nationalism]]
− * [[Romanistan]] + * [[Zionist as a pejorative]]
− * [[Yehud Medinata]] + * [[Zionist lobby]]
+
* {{annotated link|Zionist political
violence}}
− * [[Zio (pejorative)]]
+ {{div col end}}
−
* [[Zionist Occupation Government
conspiracy theory]]
− * [[Zionist political violence]]
− * [[Haredim and Zionism]]
− * [[Hebrew Universalism (philosophy)]]
− * [[Haredi nationalism]]
− * [[Hardal]]
− * [[History of Zionism]]{{div col end}}
== Notes == == Notes ==
Line 609: Line 649:
 
* {{cite journal |last1=Aaronson
|first1=Ran |year=1996 |title=Settlement in
Eretz Israel – A Colonialist Enterprise?
"Critical" Scholarship and Historical
Geography |journal=[[Israel Studies]]
|volume=1 |issue=2 |pages=214–229
|publisher=[[Indiana University Press]]
|url=https://docs.google.com/viewer?
a=v&q=cache:8aPWE9P5iBoJ:130.102.44.246/jour
* {{cite journal |last1=Aaronson
|first1=Ran |year=1996 |title=Settlement in
Eretz Israel – A Colonialist Enterprise?
"Critical" Scholarship and Historical
Geography |journal=[[Israel Studies]]
|volume=1 |issue=2 |pages=214–229
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הציונית הדרוזית לתנועה 30 בחגיגות| transtitle=Herzl and hope in celebrating 30 (years of the) Druze Zionist movement
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Abraham Isaac Kook for Modern Orthodox
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theology to the diaspora: translating Rabbi
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2/26/26, 1:04 PM Zionism: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Zionism&diff=1340608433&oldid=1296492217 200/341

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction
The Haskala, Theodor Herzl, and
modern Zionism
The establishment of a Jewish
state
Zionism after the founding of
Israel
Anti-Zionism
Zionism
Zionism, Jewish nationalist movement
with the goal of the creation and support
of a Jewish national state in Palestine, the
ancient homeland of the Jews (Hebrew:

Eretz Yisraʾel, “the Land of Israel”). Though
Zionism originated in eastern and central
Europe in the latter part of the 19th
century, it is in many ways a continuation
of the ancient attachment of the Jews and
of the Jewish religion to the historical
region of Palestine. According to Judaism, Zion, one of the hills of ancient Jerusalem, is the place where God dwells.
“Palestine is our unforgettable historic homeland.” - Theodor Herzl in The Jewish State (1896) Anti-Zionism, which dates back to Zionism’s beginnings, drew significant attention amid the Israel-Hamas War, when some of the anti-war rhetoric took aim at Zionism and its adherents.

The Haskala, Theodor Herzl, and modern Zionism
British mandate of Palestine, 1917–
47 Start Download- Kitchen Canvas Open
2/26/26, 1:13 PM Zionism | Definition, History, Movement, & Ideology | Britannica https://www.britannica.com/print/article/657475 1/7
The father of modern Zionism
Theodor Herzl, a 19th-century
Austrian journalist who believed that
European society would never allow
Jews to assimilate, spurred the
organization of the Zionist movement.

Theodor Herzl sailing to Palestine
Political Zionist Theodor Herzl (in the
peaked cap) and his party, sailing
The Haskala (“Jewish Enlightenment”) movement of the late 18th century urged Jews to assimilate into Western secular culture. In the early 19th century interest in a return of the Jews to Palestine was kept alive mostly by Christian millenarians.

Despite the Haskala, eastern European Jews did not assimilate and, in reaction to tsarist pogroms, formed the Ḥovevei Ẕiyyon (“Lovers of Zion”) to promote the settlement of Jewish farmers and artisans in Palestine.

A political turn was given to Zionism by Theodor
Herzl, an Austrian journalist who regarded
assimilation as most desirable but, in view of
antisemitism, impossible to realize. Thus, he
argued, if Jews were forced by external pressure
to form a nation, they could lead a normal
existence only through concentration in one
territory. In 1897 Herzl convened the first Zionist
Congress at Basel, Switzerland, which drew up
the Basel program of the movement, stating
that “Zionism strives to create for the Jewish
people a home in Palestine secured by public
law.”
The center of the movement was established in
Vienna, where Herzl published the official weekly
Die Welt (“The World”). Zionist congresses met
yearly until 1901 and then every two years. When
the Ottoman government refused Herzl’s request
for Jewish autonomy in Palestine, he found
support in Great Britain. In 1903 the British
government offered 6,000 square miles (15,500
square km) of land in Uganda for settlement, but
the Zionists held out for Palestine.

At the death of Herzl in 1904, the leadership
moved from Vienna to Cologne and then to
Berlin. Prior to World War I, Zionism represented
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from Alexandria, Egypt, to Jaffa,
Ottoman Palestine (now in Tel Aviv–
Yafo, Israel), aboard the Russian ship
Imperator Nikolai II, circa 1898.

Chaim Weizmann
Later becoming Israel's first president
(1949–52) after its independence,
Chaim Weizmann was an
instrumental figure in the early
Zionist movement.
only a minority of Jews, mostly from Russia but
led by Austrians and Germans. It developed
propaganda through orators and pamphlets,
created its own newspapers, and gave an impetus to what was called a “Jewish renaissance” in letters and arts. The development of the Modern Hebrew language largely took place during that period.

The establishment of a Jewish state
The failure of the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the wave of pogroms and repressions that followed caused growing numbers of Russian Jewish youth to immigrate to Palestine as pioneer settlers. By 1914 there were about 90,000 Jews in Palestine; 13,000 settlers lived in 43 Jewish agricultural settlements (kibbutzim), many of them supported by the French Jewish philanthropist Baron Edmond de Rothschild. Many of the settlers in this period were Labor Zionists, a particular strand of Zionism that promoted collective enterprises (such as the kibbutzim) as a means to build a Jewish state and eventually constituted the bulk of the Israeli left.

Upon the outbreak of World War I, political
Zionism reasserted itself, and its leadership
passed to Russian Jews living in England. Two
such Zionists, Chaim Weizmann and Nahum
Sokolow, were instrumental in obtaining the
Balfour Declaration from Great Britain
(November 2, 1917), which promised British
support for the creation of a Jewish national
home in Palestine. The declaration was included
in Britain’s League of Nations mandate over
Palestine (1922). Meanwhile, Ze’ev (Vladimir)
Jabotinsky, whose Revisionist strand of Zionism
(which later constituted much of the Israeli right)
emphasized the need to secure selfdetermination through armed force, began organizing a Jewish self-defense movement in
Palestine. The Haganah, a Zionist military
2/26/26, 1:13 PM Zionism | Definition, History, Movement, & Ideology | Britannica https://www.britannica.com/print/article/657475 3/7
Kibbutz in the late 1930s
Kfar Ruppin, a kibbutz founded in
1938 along the northern Jordan
Valley, pictured in its early settlement.
organization that was later transformed into the core of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), was established in 1920.

In the following years the Zionists built up the
Jewish urban and rural settlements in Palestine,
improving autonomous organizations such as
the kibbutzim and solidifying Jewish cultural life
and Hebrew education. The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, which later became an elite research
institution, was founded in 1918 and opened in
1925 with the support of Jewish luminaries such
as Sigmund Freud and Albert Einstein. In March
1925 the Jewish population in Palestine was
officially estimated at 108,000, and it rose to about 238,000 (20 percent of the population) by 1933. Jewish immigration remained relatively slow, however, until the rise of Adolf Hitler in Europe. Nevertheless, the Arab population feared that Palestine would eventually become a Jewish state and bitterly resisted Zionism and the British policy supporting it. British forces struggled to maintain order in the face of a series of Arab uprisings. The strain of suppressing the Arab revolt of 1936–39, which was more extensive and sustained than earlier uprisings, ultimately led Britain to reassess its policies. In hopes of keeping the peace between Jews and Palestinian Arabs and retaining Arab support against Germany and Italy in World War II, Britain placed restrictions on Jewish immigration in 1939. The new restrictions were violently opposed by underground Revisionist groups such as the Stern Gang and Irgun Zvai Leumi, which committed acts of terrorism and assassination against the British and organized illegal Jewish immigration to Palestine.

The Holocaust—the large-scale extermination of European Jews by the Nazis—led many Jews to seek refuge in Palestine and many others, especially in the United States, to embrace Zionism. As tensions grew among Arabs and Zionists, Britain submitted the Palestine problem first to Anglo-U.S. discussion for a solution and later to the United Nations (UN), which on November 29, 1947, proposed partition of the country into separate Arab and Jewish states and the internationalization of 2/26/26, 1:13 PM Zionism | Definition, History, Movement, & Ideology | Britannica https://www.britannica.com/print/article/657475 4/7
Jerusalem (see United Nations Resolution 181). The creation of the State of Israel on May 14, 1948, triggered an invasion by the neighboring Arab countries that was soundly defeated by the Israeli army. (See 1948 Arab-Israeli War.) By the time armistice agreements were signed in 1949, Israel held more land than had been allotted to it under the UN partition plan. About 800,000 Arabs had also fled or been expelled from the area that became Israel (an event remembered today as “the Nakba” [from the Arabic word for “catastrophe”]), while Israel had to grapple with absorbing 850,000 Jews from the Middle East who fled or had been expelled from their countries.

Zionism after the founding of Israel
Thus, 50 years after the first Zionist Congress and 30 years after the Balfour Declaration, Zionism achieved its aim of establishing a Jewish state in Palestine, but at the same time, it became an armed camp surrounded by hostile Arab nations, and Palestinian organizations engaged in terrorism in and outside Israel. Securing self-determination for the Jewish people now required Israelis to defend the existence of the new state and work to establish its legitimacy among the international community, especially its Arab neighbors. A watershed moment toward peaceful relations took place in 1979 when Israel signed a peace treaty with Egypt, the most hostile of its neighbors, following the conclusion of the Camp David Accords. That treaty laid a foundation for autonomy for Palestinian Arabs under Israeli rule and, with the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, Israel gained formal recognition from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It subsequently entered a peace treaty with Jordan in 1994. In 2020 Israel established relations with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco through a series of agreements known collectively as the Abraham Accords. Despite the gradual acceptance of Israel within the Middle East, some relations that were once cordial (as with Iran before 1979 and Turkey before 2008) had severely deteriorated.

Conflict with Hamas in the Gaza Strip and Hezbollah in Lebanon in the mid-2020s likewise highlighted Israel’s ongoing struggle to live securely alongside its neighbors.

Zionism after Israel’s establishment was also forced to grapple with the question of balancing Jewish self-determination with democracy, particularly as concerns arose 2/26/26, 1:13 PM Zionism | Definition, History, Movement, & Ideology | Britannica https://www.britannica.com/print/article/657475 5/7
over the ability of Israel to maintain a demographic Jewish majority. Israel at its founding had a sizable Arab minority with a high birth rate. But it quickly saw a tremendous influx of immigrants as Jews arrived in large numbers from Arab countries and as Zionists promoted an “ingathering of the exiles” in which Jews around the world were encouraged to immigrate. After the Six-Day War (1967) Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and other predominantly Arab territories placed more than a million additional Arabs under Israel’s de facto rule.

Israeli sovereignty (and offer of citizenship) was applied to residents of East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights and not the other territories, but uncertainty over the long-term status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip prompted concerns that Israel would eventually have to choose between losing its Jewish majority or denying democratic rights to the Palestinian Arabs under its military occupation.

For many Labor Zionists, a two-state solution was the ideal way to ensure Israel could be a democratic state with a Jewish majority. But for many Revisionist Zionists, the proximity and terrain of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip presented an existential security risk for the already tiny state of Israel. A small minority of Zionists called for Israel to assert full control of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, since those territories include towns, regions, and holy sites that they considered integral to the history of the Jewish people.

Anti-Zionism
Zionism has faced opposition from its inception. Before Israel gained independence in 1948, some religious Jews opposed Zionism because they believed Judaism forbids a Jewish state in Israel before the coming of the Messiah; some marginal groups, most famously the Neturei Karta, still subscribe to this view.

Some secular Jews believed Zionism would harm their ability to assimilate into non-Jewish societies, while many critics, both Jewish and non-Jewish, consider the disenfranchisement of Palestinian Arabs to be an inevitable consequence of asserting a Jewish state in the territory that Jews consider as their homeland. Other critics fundamentally reject the model of the nation-state as inherently prejudicial, and thus oppose all forms of nationalism. Non-Jews have sometimes opposed Zionism as an extension of or mask for antisemitism. Despite the diversity of Zionism as an ideology, which includes iterations that consider the rights of Palestinians to be fundamental to Zionism’s success, policies carried out by the 2/26/26, 1:13 PM Zionism | Definition, History, Movement, & Ideology | Britannica https://www.britannica.com/print/article/657475 6/7
Israeli government that harm or suppress Palestinians are often conflated by antiZionists as representing Zionism as a whole. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), a watchdog against antisemitism that also seeks to counter criticism of Israeli policies, considers opposition to Zionism to be misdirected and to have a marginalizing effect on Jews, often without intent:

Sometimes, people make anti-Zionist statements without an understanding of what Zionism or anti-Zionism is, but rather because they think opposing Zionism is the same as opposing Israeli government policy. In these cases, there might not be a realization that this disavowal of Zionism and Zionists can have the effect of rejecting the fundamental legitimacy of Jewish statehood and those who feel a connection to it, including most Jewish people.

Although there is no consensus over the extent to which anti-Zionism is antisemitic, anti-Zionism can sometimes be indistinguishable from antisemitism in its expression, at times employing antisemitic tropes or having a marginalizing effect on Jews. For more discussion on the distinction between legitimate criticism of Israel and antisemitism, see antisemitism: antisemitism in the 21st century.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica This article was most recently revised and updated by Adam Zeidan.

CITATION INFORMATION
ARTICLE TITLE: Zionism
WEBSITE NAME: Encyclopaedia Britannica
PUBLISHER: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.

DATE PUBLISHED: 23 December 2025
URL: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Zionism
ACCESS DATE: February 26, 2026
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2/26/26, 1:13 PM Zionism | Definition, History, Movement, & Ideology | Britannica https://www.britannica.com/print/article/657475 7/7

Evaluating Internet Resources
Unlike similar information found in newspapers or television broadcasts, information available on the Internet is not regulated for quality or accuracy; therefore, it is particularly important for the individual Internet user to evaluate the resource or information. Keep in mind that almost anyone can publish anything they wish on the Web. It is often difficult to determine authorship of Web sources, and even if the author is listed, he or she may not always represent him or herself honestly, or he or she may represent opinions as fact. The responsibility is on the user to evaluate resources effectively. Remember to evaluate Wikipedia articles too; Evaluating Wikipedia gives some tips.

Ask yourself these questions before using resources from the Internet:

Author
Is the name of the author/creator on the page?
Are his/her credentials listed (occupation, years of experience, position or education)?
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2/26/26, 1:05 PM Evaluating Internet Resources | Georgetown University Library https://library.georgetown.edu/tutorials/research-guides/evaluating-internet-content 1/5 Is the author qualified to write on the given topic? Why? Is there contact information, such as an email address, somewhere on the page?
Is there a link to a homepage?
If there is a link to a homepage, is it for an individual or for an organization?
If the author is with an organization, does it appear to support or sponsor the page?
What does the domain name/URL reveal about the source of the information, if anything?
If the owner is not identified, what can you tell about the origin of the site from the address?
Note: To find relevant information about the author, check personal homepages on the Web, campus directory entries and information retrieved through search engines. Also check print sources in the Library Reference area; Who's Who in America, Biography Index, and other biographical sources can be used to determine the author's credentials.

Purpose
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Scholarly audience or experts?
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If not stated, what do you think is the purpose of the site? Is the purpose to:

Inform or Teach?
Explain or Enlighten?
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Sell a Product?
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Is the information covered fact, opinion, or propaganda? Is the author's point-of-view objective and impartial?
Is the language free of emotion-rousing words and bias? Is the author affiliated with an organization?
Does the author's affiliation with an institution or organization appear to bias the information?
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Accuracy
Are the sources for factual information clearly listed so that the information can be verified?
Is it clear who has the ultimate responsibility for the accuracy of the content of the material?
Can you verify any of the information in independent sources or from your own knowledge?
Has the information been reviewed or refereed?
Is the information free of grammatical, spelling, or typographical errors?
Reliability and Credibility
Why should anyone believe information from this site?
Does the information appear to be valid and well-researched, or is it unsupported by evidence?
2/26/26, 1:05 PM Evaluating Internet Resources | Georgetown University Library https://library.georgetown.edu/tutorials/research-guides/evaluating-internet-content 3/5 Are quotes and other strong assertions backed by sources that you could check through other means?
What institution (company, government, university, etc.) supports this information?
If it is an institution, have you heard of it before? Can you find more information about it?
Is there a non-Web equivalent of this material that would provide a way of verifying its legitimacy?
Currency
If timeliness of the information is important, is it kept up-to-date? Is there an indication of when the site was last updated? Links
Are links related to the topic and useful to the purpose of the site? Are links still current, or have they become dead ends? What kinds of sources are linked?
Are the links evaluated or annotated in any way?
Note: The quality of Web pages linked to the original Web page may vary; therefore, you must always evaluate each Web site independently.

Conclusion
Be very critical of any information you find on the Web and carefully examine each site.

Web pages are susceptible to both accidental and deliberate alteration, and may move or disappear with no notice.

Print out or download all pages you plan to use in your research so that your bibliography will be complete and accurate. 2/26/26, 1:05 PM Evaluating Internet Resources | Georgetown University Library https://library.georgetown.edu/tutorials/research-guides/evaluating-internet-content 4/5 Are you sure the Web is where you want to be? It may take an hour to find the answer to a question on the Web that would take a Reference Librarian two minutes to find. When in doubt, ask a Librarian!
2/26/26, 1:05 PM Evaluating Internet Resources | Georgetown University Library https://library.georgetown.edu/tutorials/research-guides/evaluating-internet-content 5/5

City of Beverly Hills
Library and Community Services
Material Selection policy
General Library Objectives
The Beverly Hills Public Library provides free service, on equal terms, to all individuals and groups in the community, both children and adults. The basic objectives of the Library are the provision and preservation of books and audiovisual materials, access to electronic resources and programs which aid the individual in the pursuit of education, information and the creative use of leisure time.

Responsibility for Selection of Materials
The ultimate responsibility for the selection of books and other materials, as for all Library activities, rests with the Director of Library and Community Services, who operates within the framework of policies established by the City Council. The Director must be able to answer to the City Manager and to the public for actual selections made by the staff and therefore must have the right to order or to reject any material.

The task of book selection is divided among the professional staff members who are responsible for particular sections of the collection. The staff uses and checks all recognized periodicals, newspapers, professional journals and online resources as well as calling upon their educational background and professional judgement. The selection of periodicals, audiovisual materials and electronic databases follow comparable procedures.

Criteria for Selection of Materials
The materials for the Library are selected with due regard to the general residential and business community which reflects differences in education, reading ability, interests and needs. In order to fulfill the diverse requirements expected from the Library collection, the overall selection of materials is inclusive rather than exclusive.

The criteria for non–fiction include: timeliness and potential usefulness; the significance and importance of the subject; the accuracy of material; the reputation of the author; the reputation of the publisher; the availability of the book elsewhere; the availability of other information on the subject; the format of the book with respect to durability and the ability to be handled; the price in relation to subject and need; and inclusion in standard bibliographies and indexes.

In fiction no single standard of subject matter or literary quality can be set up. The Library acquires fiction, which can be serious or amusing, realistic or fantastic. The Library’s general objective is, as far as possible, to choose well–written books over those that are incompetently written.

In the acquisition of both fiction and non–fiction, suggestions from patrons are welcome and are given serious consideration.

The Library also recognizes its obligations to provide reference and research materials for direct answering of specific questions and for continuing research. Gifts of materials or funds to enrich the Library collection are gratefully accepted. However, the Library reserves the right to refuse any conditions placed upon gifts of materials or funds.
1 Basis for the Exclusion of Materials
A single library cannot acquire all materials published and must of necessity employ a policy of selectivity in acquisition. Materials are eliminated from consideration on the basis of the criteria outlined above.

The Beverly Hills Public Library strives not to present a particular point of view but to include representative viewpoints, especially on controversial questions or subjects of general concern. This may mean selecting some materials that espouse an unpopular viewpoint or that are written in an extreme or sensational manner. It is not the purpose of the Library to cater to trivial, antisocial, or prurient interests, but no public institution has the right to judge what people may or may not read, hear or look at. The Library recognizes that citizens must form their own opinions and make their own decisions, and is primarily concerned with providing materials that will help them do so intelligently.

The Library places some materials on closed shelves not for the purpose of censorship but to protect the materials because they may be costly, rare, out of print, prone to defacement, or physically unsuited to open shelf use. These books are circulated freely to adults upon request. Materials for children are restricted only in the recognition by the Library that the ultimate supervision of a child’s reading or viewing or listening is the responsibility of the parent or legal guardian.

The Library’s Right to Choose
The Library will not consider the addition or withdrawal of any material solely because it is approved and sponsored, or disapproved of and objected to, for partisan or doctrinal reasons.

The Library has the right to reject or select books and other materials independently of outside influence.

The Library subscribes to the Library Bill of Rights, and the statements of the American Library Association concerning Access to Electronic Information, Services and Networks, and the Diversity in Collection Development (attached).
21 February 2002
2 Library Bill of Rights
American Library Association
The American Library Association affirms that all libraries are forums for information and ideas, and that the following basic policies should guide their services.

1. Books and other library resources should be provided for the interest, information, and enlightenment of all people of the community the library serves. Materials should not be excluded because of the origin, background, or views of those contributing to their creation.

2. Libraries should provide materials and information presenting all points of view on current and historical issues. Materials should not be proscribed or removed because of partisan or doctrinal disapproval.

3. Libraries should challenge censorship in the fulfillment of their responsibility to provide information and enlightenment.

4. Libraries should cooperate with all persons and groups concerned with resisting abridgement of free expression and free access of ideas.

5. A person’s right to use a library should not be denied or abridged because of origin, age, background, or views.

6. Libraries, which make exhibit spaces and meeting rooms available to the public they serve, should make such facilities available on an equitable basis, regardless of the beliefs or affiliations of individuals or groups requesting their use.

Adopted 18 June 1948
Amended 2 February 1961, 27 June 1967 and 23 January 1980 by the ALA Council. 3 Diversity in Collection Development
American Library Association
Librarians have a professional responsibility to be inclusive, not exclusive, in collection development and in the provision of interlibrary loan. Access to all materials legally obtainable should be assured to the user and policies should not unjustly exclude materials even if offensive to the librarian or user.

Collection development should reflect the philosophy inherent in Article 2 of the Library Bill of Rights. A balanced collection reflects diversity of materials, not equality of numbers. Collection development responsibilities include selecting materials in the languages in common use in the community, which the library serves. Collection development and the selection of materials should be done according to professional standards and established selection and review procedures.

Librarians have an obligation to protect library collections from removal of materials based on personal bias or prejudice, and to select and support the acquisition of materials on all subjects that meet, as closely as possible, the needs and interest of all persons in the community which the library serves. This includes materials that reflect political, economic, religious, social, minority, and sexual issues.

Intellectual freedom, the essence of equitable library services, promotes no causes, furthers no movements, and favors no viewpoints. It only provides for free access to all expressions of ideas through which any and all sides of a question cause, or movement may be explored. 4 Access to Electronic Information, Services, and Networks:

An Interpretation of the Library Bill of Rights
Introduction
The world is in the midst of an electronic communications revolution. Based on its constitutional, ethical, and historical heritage, American librarianship is uniquely positioned to address the broad range of information issues being raised in this revolution. In particular, librarians address intellectual freedom from a strong ethical base and an abiding commitment to the preservation of the individual’s rights.

Freedom of expression is an inalienable human right and the foundation for self-government. Freedom of expression encompasses the freedom of speech and the corollary right to receive information. These rights extend to minors as well as adults. Libraries and librarians exist to facilitate the exercise of these rights by selecting, producing, providing access to, identifying, retrieving, organizing, providing instruction in the use of, and preserving recorded expression regardless of the format or technology.

The American Library Association expresses these basic principles of librarianship in its Code of Ethics its and in the Library Bill of Rights and its Interpretations. These serve to guide librarians and library governing bodies in addressing issues of intellectual freedom that arise when the library provides access to electronic information, services, and networks.

Issues arising from the still-developing technology of computer-mediated information generation, distribution, and retrieval need to be approached and regularly reviewed from a context of constitutional principles and ALA policies so that fundamental and traditional tenets of librarianship are not swept away.

Electronic information flows across boundaries and barriers despite attempts by individuals, governments, and private entities to channel or control it. Even so, many people, for reasons of technology, infrastructure, or socio-economic status do not have access to electronic information.

In making decisions about how to offer access to electronic information, each library should consider its mission, goals, objectives, cooperative agreements, and the needs of the entire community it serves.

The Rights of Users
All library system and network policies, procedures or regulations relating to electronic resources and services should be scrutinized for potential violation of user rights.

User policies should be developed according to the policies and guidelines established by the American Library Association, including Guidelines for the Development and Implementation of Policies, Regulations, and Procedures Affecting Access to Library Materials, Services and Facilities.

Although electronic systems may include distinct property rights and security concerns, such elements may not be employed as a subterfuge to deny users’ access to information. Users have the right to be free of unreasonable limitations or conditions set by libraries, librarians, system administrators, vendors, network service providers, or others. Contracts, agreements, and licenses entered into by libraries on behalf of their users should not violate this right. Users also have a right to information, training and assistance necessary to operate the hardware and software provided by the library. 5 Users should not be restricted or denied access for expressing or receiving constitutionally protected speech. Users’ access should not be changed without due process, including, but not limited to, formal notice and a means of appeal.

Users have both the right of confidentiality and the right of privacy. The library should uphold these rights by policy, procedure, and practice. Users should be advised, however, that because security is technically difficult to achieve, electronic transactions and files could become public. The rights of users who are minors shall in no way be abridged.

Equity of Access
Electronic information, services, and networks provided directly or indirectly by the library should be equally, readily and equitably accessible to all library users. American Library Association policies oppose the charging of user fees for the provision of information services by all libraries and information services that receive their major support from public funds. It should be the goal of all libraries to develop policies concerning access to electronic resources in light of Economic Barriers to Information Access: an Interpretation of the Library Bill of Rights and Guidelines for the Development and Implementation of Policies, Regulations and Procedures Affecting Access to Library Materials, Services and Facilities.

Information Resources and Access
Providing connections to global information, services, and networks is not the same as selecting and purchasing material for a library collection. Determining the accuracy or authenticity of electronic information may present special problems. Some information accessed electronically may not meet a library’s selection or collection development policy. It is, therefore, left to each user to determine what is appropriate. Parents and legal guardians who are concerned about their children’s use of electronic resources should provide guidance to their own children.

Libraries and librarians should not deny or limit access to information available via electronic resources because of its allegedly controversial content or because of the librarian’s personal beliefs or fear of confrontation. Information retrieved or utilized electronically should be considered constitutionally protected unless determined otherwise by a court with appropriate jurisdiction.

Libraries, acting within their mission and objectives, must support access to information on all subjects that serve the needs or interests of each user, regardless of the user’s age or the content of the material.

Libraries have an obligation to provide access to government information available in electronic format.

Libraries and librarians should not deny access to information solely on the grounds that it is perceived to lack value.

In order to prevent the loss of information, and to preserve the cultural record, libraries may need to expand their selection or collection development policies to ensure preservation, in appropriate formats, of information obtained electronically.

Electronic resources provide unprecedented opportunities to expand the scope of information available to users. Libraries and librarians should provide access to information presenting all points of view. The provision of access does not imply sponsorship or endorsement. These principles pertain to electronic resources no less than they do to the more traditional sources of information in libraries.

Adopted by the ALA Council, 24 January, 1996
6 Beverley
Simmons
Digitally signed by Beverley Simmons
DN: CN = Beverley Simmons, C = US,
O = City of Beverly Hills, OU = Library/
Community Services
Reason: I am approving this document
Date: 2007.08.09 09:00:30 -07'00'

Community Services Department
Beverly Hills Public Library

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Beverly Hills City CouncilMarch 4, 2026

Beverly Hills City Council
March 4, 2026