AGENDA
Special Meeting
City Council Chamber - 1243 National City
Boulevard, National City, CA
Ron Morrison, Mayor
Marcus Bush, Vice-Mayor – District 4 Scott W. Huth, Interim City Manager Luz Molina, Councilmember- District 1 Barry J. Schultz, City Attorney Jose Rodriguez, Councilmember -District 2 Shelley Chapel, MMC, City Clerk Ditas Yamane, Councilmember – District 3
_______________________________________________________________________
The City Council also sits as the City of National City Community Development Commission, Housing Authority, Joint Powers Financing Authority, and Successor Agency to the Community Development Commission as the National City Redevelopment Agency
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AGENDA
Special Meeting
City Council Chamber - 1243 National City
Boulevard, National City, CA
Ron Morrison, Mayor
Marcus Bush, Vice-Mayor – District 4 Scott W. Huth, Interim City Manager Luz Molina, Councilmember- District 1 Barry J. Schultz, City Attorney Jose Rodriguez, Councilmember -District 2 Shelley Chapel, MMC, City Clerk Ditas Yamane, Councilmember – District 3
_______________________________________________________________________
The City Council also sits as the City of National City Community Development Commission, Housing Authority, Joint Powers Financing Authority, and Successor Agency to the Community Development Commission as the National City Redevelopment Agency
Gracias por participar en las reuniones del gobierno local y del Consejo de la Ciudad de National City.
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Ubicación: Las reuniones regulares del Concejo Municipal se llevan a cabo en la Cámara del Consejo ubicada en el Ayuntamiento, 1243 National City Boulevard, National City, CA 9195 0, las reuniones están abiertas al público.
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del Concejo Municipal.
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AGENDA
Special Meeting
Tuesday, September 2, 2025, 4:00 p.m.
City Council Chamber - 1243 National City Boulevard
National City, CA
Pages
1. CALL TO ORDER
2. ROLL CALL
3. PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE TO THE FLAG
4. PUBLIC COMMENT (Public Comment will be restricted to Agenda Items Only) (Public Comment will be restricted to Agenda Items only)
5. CLOSED SESSION 3
5.1 CONFERENCE WITH LABOR NEGOTIATORS
Government Code Section 5457.6
Employee Organizations:
Municipal Employees’ Association (SEIU, Local 221),
National City Firefighters Association (Local 2744), and Police Officers Association (POA),
Unrepresented Groups: Executive, Confidential, and Management Agency Designated Representatives:
Steven Berliner (Labor Negotiator)
Scott Huth (Interim City Manager)
Bruce Foltz (Finance Director)
Alicia Hicks (Human Resources Director)
Conchita Waite (Human Resources)
5.2 CONFERENCE WITH LEGAL COUNSEL – ANTICIPATED LITIGATION Significant Exposure to Litigation
Government Code Section 54956.9(d)(2)
Number of Potential Cases: 1
5.3 CONFERENCE WITH LEGAL COUNSEL – ANTICIPATED LITIGATION Significant Exposure to Litigation
Government Code Section 54956.9(e)(3)
Claimant: Josie Flores Clark
6. ADJOURNMENT
August 26, 2025
Mayor Ron Morrison
City of National City
1243 National City Blvd.
National City, CA 91950
Re: Josie Clark v. City of National City et al.
Dear Mayor Morrison:
We represent Josie Clark, who submits this Claim pursuant to Gov. Code § 910. Hyperlinks provide access to all supporting evidence, all of which is incorporated by reference into this Claim as the factual basis.
I. PARTIES TO THE ACTION
Plaintiff Josie Clark (“Clark” or “Plaintiff”) is an adult resident of San Diego County (the “County”). Clark has been employed by Defendant City of National City since July 9, 2007. At all material times, Clark worked directly for the City of National City’s Mayor Ron Morrison (“Morrison”).
Prospective Defendant1 La Vista Mortuary, Inc. is a California corporation headquartered in San Diego County, and at all material times was licensed by the California Cemetery and Funeral Bureau (“CFB”) as a Funeral Establishment (CFB No. 2231) and Crematory (CFB No. 414).
Defendant La Vista Enterprises, Inc. is a California corporation headquartered in the County.
Prospective Defendant Villalobos Investment Company, Inc. is a California corporation headquartered in the County, and at all material times was owned, managed, and controlled by Prospective Defendant Micaela Polanco aka Micaela Polanco Villalobos as its Chief Executive Officer, Secretary, and Chief Financial Officer. La Vista Mortuary, Inc., La Vista Enterprises, Inc., and Villalobos Investment Company, Inc. (collectively “LVMP”) did business as La Vista 1 “Prospective defendants” are not themselves subject to the Government Claims Act (Gov. Code § 810 et seq.).
However, because this Claim also names a public entity and its employees, Plaintiff must wait until the Claim is rejected—or 45 days have passed—before filing suit. (Gov. Code § 912.4).
Item 5.3
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 3 of 73 Memorial Park, and held a Certificate of Authority–Cemetery (CFB No. 590). At all material times, LVMP employed the following employees: Martha Hernandez (“Hernandez”), who was a licensed Cemetery Salesperson (CFB No. 61100) under Polanco’s broker license; Gabriela Magana (“Magana”), also a licensed Cemetery Salesperson under Polanco (CFB No. 38940); Rosaura Marin (“Marin”); and Pablo Bermudez (“Bermudez”). Prospective Defendant Micaela Polanco aka Micaela Polanco Villalobos (“Polanco”) is an adult resident of Bonita, California, and at all material times was a licensed Cemetery Broker (CFB No. 1119), Cemetery Manager (CFB No. 286), Funeral Director (CFB No. 3084), and Crematory Manager (CFB No. 851) for LVMP. Polanco is married to Prospective Defendant Maria Luisa McCarthy (“McCarthy”), who at all materials times resided in Bonita with Polanco and acted as Polanco’s
partner
in
the
management
and
operation
of
LVMP
as
a
self-proclaimed
“
owner
”
and
its
“
Executive
Director
.”
In
March
2007,
McCarthy
obtained
a
licensed
Cemetery
Salesperson
license (CFB No. 39315). Polanco and McCarthy are coercive actors with malignant personalities who deceive, dominate, manipulate, and gaslight people around them as techniques of
psychological
abuse
designed
to
make
themselves
feel
they
are
in
control
of
the
people,
places,
and
things
in
their
worlds.
Prospective Defendant Patricia Teran aka Patricia Teran-Vega (“Teran”) is an adult County resident, and at all material times was a licensed Cemetery Salesperson (CFB No. 57385) operating under Polanco’s broker license, and was employed by LVMP as a Family Services Counselor.
Prospective
Defendant
Scott
Richard
Hamilton
(“Hamilton”)
is
an
adult
County
resident,
and
at
all
material
times
was
employed
by
LVMP
as
a
Mortuary
Supervisor.
Respondent City of National City (“City”) is a public entity governed by a City Council—a legislative body composed of five Councilmembers: the Mayor, who is elected at large (citywide), and four Councilmembers 2 elected by voters within four distinct districts. The Council makes all land ‑ use decisions after hearing recommendations from a Planning Commission, which consists of appointed community members and relies on technical guidance from the Planning Division of the City’s Community Development Department. The Planning Division also assists developers and residents with project coordination and compliance. It is well
understood—and
widely
practiced—that
mayors
and
other
city
leaders
routinely
meet
with
developers
to
help
recruit
investment,
advance
public
‑
private
partnerships,
and
steer
local
development
initiatives.
3 Yet
this
standard
function
has
perversely
become
a
basis
for
Polanco
3 See, e.g., the Mayor’s Leadership Role in Economic Development (Mayors must proactively initiate and facilitate economic
development
strategies,
including
engaging
stakeholders
and
private
developers)
planning.blogspot.com;
and
“
Mayors
play
an
integral
role
in
urban
development
…
by
collaborating
with
…
developers
”
socialstudieshelp.com
.
2 Luz Molina, Marcus Bush, Ditas Yamane, Jose Rodriguez 3 Page 4 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 4 of 73 and McCarthy’s allegations, recast as evidence of covert wrongdoing rather than ordinary governance.
Respondent Jose Rodriguez (“Rodriguez”) is an adult County resident, and at all material times was
a
City
Councilmember,
an
“
elected
official
”
as
defined
by
Gov.
Code
§
815.3,
and
a
“
supervisor
”
as
defined
by
Gov.
Code
§
12926(t).
At
all
material
times,
he
was
bound
by
the
mandatory duties contained in the City’s Code of Ethics and Conduct (“Policy 119”). On July 30, 2025, Rodriguez confirmed his intention to campaign for the City’s mayoral seat. Respondent Lydia Flores-Hernandez (“Flores-Hernandez”) is an adult County resident, and at all material
times
was
employed
by
the
City
as
its
“
Human
Resources
Director
”
to
carry
out
the
duties
of
the
City
Manager’s
office.
At
all
material
times,
she
was
a
“
supervisor
”
as
defined
by
Gov.
Code
§
12926(t),
and
was
bound
by
the
mandatory
duties
contained
in
Policy
119.
Respondent Elyana Delgado (“Delgado”) is an adult County resident, and at all material times was
employed
by
the
City
as
a
“
Recreation
Supervisor
&
Miss
National
City
Liaison
”
to
carry
out
the
duties
of
the
Community
Services
Director.
Respondent
Juanita
Castaneda
(“Castaneda”)
is
an
adult
County
resident,
and
at
all
material
times
was
employed
by
the
City
as
a
“
Recreation
Supervisor
&
Miss
National
City
Liaison
”
to
carry
out
the
duties
of
the
Community
Services
Director.
Respondent
Ron
Williams
(“Williams”)
is
an
adult
County
resident,
and
at
all
material
times
was
employed
by
the
City
as
its
“
Information
Technology
Manager
”
to
carry
out
the
duties
of
the
City
Manager’s
office.
Respondent
Karla
Apalategui
(“Apalategui”)
is
an
adult
County
resident,
and
at
all
material
times
was
an
employee
of
the
City,
the
President
of
the
National
City
Municipal
Employee
Association
(“MEA”),
and
sat
on
the
Executive
Board
of
MEA’s
exclusive
representative,
SEIU Local 221. City employees regarded Apalategui, Delgado, Castaneda, and Williams
as
a
group
of
contentious
employees,
collectively
known
as
the
“
Clique
.”
At
all
material
times,
each
member
of
the
Clique
was
a
“
supervisor
”
as
defined
by
Gov.
Code
§
12926(t)
and
bound
by
the
mandatory
duties
contained
in
Policy
119.
At all material times, Respondents were bound by the mandatory duties stated in California’s Fair
Employment
and
Housing
Act,
Gov.
Code,
§
12900
et
seq.
(“FEHA”),
e.g.,
the
duty
not
to
harass,
retaliate,
or
otherwise
discriminate
against
Clark
because
of
her
gender
or
protected
activity.
At
all
material
times,
Respondents
and
Prospective
Defendants
were
prohibited
by
Civ.
Code
§
51(b)
(Unruh
Civil
Rights
Act)
and
by
Civ.
Code
§
52.1 (Bane
Act)
from
harassing
or
otherwise
discriminating
against
Clark
because
of
her
gender.
II. STATEMENT OF FACTS
This Claim arises from a personal tragedy suffered by Josie Clark and her family on November 11,
2024,
when
she
discovered
the
decomposing
body
of
her
43-year-old
nephew,
Javier
4 Page 5 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 5 of 73 Francisco Escarsega II (“Javier”), who was born on May 30, 1981. Clark treated and referred to Javier as her “ son ” and “ mijo .” In most workplaces, such a loss is met with compassion, not exploitation.
What
occurred
in
the
aftermath—both
with
former
close
friendships
(namely
Polanco
and
McCarthy)
and
within
her
workplace
at
City
Hall—was
anything
but
normal.
Because
of
the
overlapping
events,
statements,
and
actions
spanning
nearly
nine
months,
the
account
that
follows
is
not
simply
a
chronology—it
is
a
reconstruction
built
from
multiple
forms
of
evidence,
arranged
to
make
a
complicated
story
clear
to
the
reader.
Instead of attachments, all supporting materials are provided through the use of hyperlinks, most of which will direct any electronic device being used to read this Claim to a Google Drive folder owned
and
controlled
by
Gilleon
Law
Firm,
APC,
which
holds
the
documents,
photographs,
videos,
etc.
When
possible,
the
hyperlinks
will
direct
the
device
to
public
web
pages,
e.g.,
references
to
California’s
Cemetery
and
Funeral
Bureau,
the
City’s
web
pages,
news
articles,
etc.
The terms “ gaslight ,” “ gaslighting ,” and “ gaslit ” appear throughout this Claim to describe recurring
patterns
of
conduct
by
Respondents,
Prospective
Defendants,
and
their
associates.
These
terms
are
not
employed
for
rhetorical
effect,
but
to
identify
conduct
in
which
deception
was
the
intended
strategy
from
the
outset.
The
Oxford
English
Dictionary
defines
“
gaslighting
”
as
“
the
action
of
manipulating
someone
by
psychological
means
into
doubting
their
own
perceptions,
memories,
or
understanding
.”
Its
core
meaning
is
a
calculated
effort
to
mislead—particularly
when
objective
evidence
undermines
the
manipulator’s
position—making
denial,
distortion,
and
fabrication
the
preferred
tools
over
honest
acknowledgment.
In the coming pages, this pattern of distortion and irony will be revisited in detail. For now, the narrative
turns
to
the
deep
personal
context
that
made
these
events
so
devastating—beginning
with
the
Clark
family’s
long
and
meaningful
history
at
La
Vista
Memorial
Park.
A. Legacy of Burials at La Vista Memorial Park The Clark family’s interments at LVMP span multiple generations, reflecting what is often referred
to
in
the
funeral
and
cemetery
industry
as
a
“legacy”—a
tradition
in
which
a
cemetery
becomes
the
chosen
resting
place
for
members
of
the
same
family
across
decades.
That
legacy
begins
with
Clark’s
sister,
Yolanda
Escarsega
(“Yolanda”),
whose
death
in
April
1992
is
central
to
this
matter
and
to
the
events
that
follow.
Yolanda’s death will be addressed in greater detail later. At the time, she and her son, Javier, had briefly
taken
refuge
with
her
(and
Clark’s)
mother
in
San
Diego,
having
fled
Sacramento,
where
they
had
lived
with
Javier’s
abusive
father,
Javier
Francisco
Escarsega
Jr.
(“Javier
Frank”).
When
Javier
Frank
discovered
their
whereabouts
and
traveled
to
San
Diego
intending
to
force
them
back,
Yolanda
tragically
ended
her
life.
She
was
buried
at
LVMP,
where
Clark’s
(and
Yolanda’s)
5 Page 6 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 6 of 73 grandfather was also buried three years later. After her death, Javier returned to Sacramento with his
father,
Javier
Frank.
Eight years after Yolanda’s death, on September 30, 2000, a woman with whom Javier was in a relationship gave birth to a boy, who was named Javier Francisco Escarcega III. The boy’s birth certificate identified Javier as the “ Father of Child .” The boy was later adopted by Guadalupe Lopez, a man who became his legal father, and his name was changed to Daniel Gary Henry Lopez (“Lopez”). His birth certificate was also amended to reflect Lopez’s new name and to identify Guadalupe Lopez as his father. Pursuant to Cal. Probate Code § 6451, the adoption “
sever[ed]
the
relationship
of
parent
and
child”
between
Javier
and
Lopez.
Javier lived with his father until Javier Frank passed away in September 2005. Javier was supposed
to
inherit
the
family
home,
but
Javier
Frank’s
family
took
possession
of
the
home
and
expelled
him.
At
24 years
old
and
homeless,
Javier
found
his
way
back
to
San
Diego,
where
Clark
took
him
into
her
home
and
treated
him
as
part
of
her
immediate
family.
Clark
referred
to
Javier
as
her
son,
and
Clark’s
other
children
treated
him
as
their
brother.
In June 2008, Clark’s father passed away and was buried at La Vista Memorial Park, near Yolanda and Clark’s grandfather. Around that time, Clark wrote about her family’s legacy at La Vista Memorial Park, and her budding friendship with Polanco and McCarthy, in a testimonial 4 that
remains
on
LVMP’s
website,
as
follows:
That friendship would grow significantly over the years. Between 2008 and November 2024, Polanco
and
McCarthy
developed
a
close
friendship
with
Clark
and
her
family.
The
Clarks
attended
Polanco
and
McCarthy’s
wedding
as
well
as
McCarthy’s
daughter’s
quinceañera,
and
the
couples
welcomed
each
other’s
families
into
their
homes
for
gatherings,
parties,
and
holiday
dinners.
Polanco
and
McCarthy
also
leveraged
Clark’s
position
as
the
Mayor’s
assistant,
accompanying
her
to
City
events
to
network
for
LVMP.
4 Mayor Morrison's testimonial—another former friend of Polanco and McCarthy—still appears on their website. 6
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 7 of 73 On May 31, 2021, Clark’s mother passed away and was buried in the same plot as Clark’s father.
McCarthy
attended
the
funeral
as
a
mourner,
with
Teran
and
Hamilton
present
as
LVMP
employees.
Despite
this
long-term
friendship,
Clark
was
never
close
enough
to
Polanco
or
McCarthy
to
perceive
the
patterns
of
conduct
characterized
by
manipulation
and
lack
of
empathy.
Those
traits
surfaced
with
devastating
clarity
in
November
2024,
when
Polanco
and
McCarthy
turned
to
gaslighting—accusing
Clark
of
the
very
misconduct
they
themselves
were
committing.
Exploiting
their
roles
as
morticians,
with
control
over
her
son’s
remains,
they
manipulated
Clark’s
grief
to
deceive
and
dominate
her,
ultimately
sabotaging
development
of
the
real
property
adjacent
to
LVMP
that
they
sought
to
acquire.
B. Polanco v. the California Cemetery and Funeral Bureau On February 3, 2023 and February 15, 2023, the CFB cited and fined Polanco for “ unprofessional conduct … by failing to submit the marker proof approval for a decedent’s headstone
until
after
Bureau
involvement
and
further,
installing
said
headstone
on
the
wrong
grave .” The CFB also cited and fined LVMP for “ unprofessional conduct ,” on February 3, 2023 and February 15, 2023, related to fees LVMP was charging its customers for headstones. C. Polanco v. the San Diego County Air Pollution Control District The following year brought new trouble for Polanco and McCarthy, particularly when County’s Air
Pollution
Control
District
(“APCD”)
discovered
through
“source
testing”
that
for
at
least
four
months
in
2024,
LVMP’s
crematory
had
been
exposing
the
citizens
of
National
City
to
nearly three times the high-end limit of “particulate matter” emitted during the cremation of expired humans. When the APCD air-tested LVMP’s crematory on August 15, 2024, it “failed due to exceeding their particulate matter emissions permit condition.” Polanco was cited in “ [T]wo Notice of Violations (one for each source test exceedance), ” the most recent on, “ August 15,
2024
Source
Test
Results
:
Particulate
Matter
results:
0.27 gr/dscf
…
the
crematory
exhaust
stack
total
particulate
grain
loading
shall
not
exceed
0.10 grains/dscf
at
12%
CO2
by
volume
excluding auxiliary fuel CO2. (Rule 53.d.2) ” (emphasis and hyperlink in original). LVMP’s response was not to accept responsibility, but instead to attack the messenger, accusing the
APCD
of
unspecified
misconduct.
The
agency—vested
by
statute
with
the
authority
to
safeguard
the
public
by
inspecting
crematories
and
enforcing
air
quality
standards—swiftly
dismantled McCarthy’s accusations, making clear that its actions were lawful, necessary, and firmly supported by the evidence:
To address Luisa [McCarthy’s] concern about a potential conflict of interest with SDAPCD
conducting
the
source
test
and
then
enforcing
the
result
-
I
would
like
to
7 Page 8 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 8 of 73 reply that La Vista has the right to hire their own source test company to conduct the
source
test
as
stated
in
Permit
Condition
15. In an email dated November 4, 2024, asking Clark for help with a City business license issue, Polanco openly acknowledged her crematory’s ongoing air pollution troubles: I have been extremely busy with an audit and also going up to the Air Pollution Board
due
to
us
not
being
[able]
to
pass
the
Source
test.
We
have
not
been
able
to
operate
our
crematory
as
usual.
So
I
am
super
stressed
right
now
trying
to
fix
everything
to
get
back
to
normal.
(emphasis
added).
Less than a month later, McCarthy, LVMP’s “ Executive Director ” (and holder of a Delinquent CFB License) would step onto her soon-to-be well-worn City Hall soapbox to proclaim LVMP’s “ highest standards of air pollution control .” She was using projection to hypocritically chastise LVMP’s
competitor,
Robert
Zakar
(“Zakar”),
and
members
of
his
honorable,
civic-minded
family,
Eddy
Brikho
and
Joey
Brikho
(the
“Brikhos”)
about
their
request
for
a
categorical
exemption (Class 32) from the California Environmental Quality Act (“CEQA”). Mortician that she is, McCarthy managed a deadpan calm as she hurled a stone 5 straight through her own glass
house—a
moment
worth
both
reading
and
watching.
With the straight face
6 only a mortician in her own glass parlor could muster, McCarthy delivered
these
shameless
lines—ones
that
deserve
to
be
both
read
and
watched:
Hello, my name is Luisa McCarthy… we have a crematorium … and we have to go
above
and
beyond
to
ensure
that
we
are
held
to
the
highest
standards
of
air
pollution
control
.
And
it
is
a
lot
of
money,
but
you
have
to
do
what
you
have
to
do
in
order
to
comply
and
make
sure
that
it's
done
right.
So
I
can't
be
here
in
a
conscious
[sic]
mind
and
not
ask
for
the
same….
If
we
have
to
do
it
right
and
…
we
serve
the
community
of
National
City
and
at
large,
then
the
people
also
deserve
to
have
that,
right?
If
I
put
myself
in
their
shoes
and
I
live
there
and
wake
up
to
the
fumes
every
day
,
in
the
morning,
at
night,
throughout
the
day
with
my
kids,
et
cetera,
et
cetera,
that
would
be
a
big
red
flag.
So
I
just
say,
just
do
it,
right?
…
[I]t's
only
the
right
thing
to
do
.
(emphasis
added).
6 Six months later, McCarthy’s hypocritical crusade against air pollution and hidden records showed no signs of slowing
down,
appearing
on
Fox News
to
accuse
another
kettle
of
being
black—this
time,
a
biofuel
company:
“
Local
business
owner
Luisa
McCarthy
also
brought
forward
letters
from
the
California
Air
Resources
Board
she
believes
were
also
not
disclosed.
‘Where
it
stipulates
in
bold
about
how
the
project
will
further
expose
residents
to
elevated
levels
of
pollution,’
McCarthy
said.”
5 At the Council meeting on January 21, 2025, McCarthy’s wife, Polanco, would hurl her own: “ I would like to see fewer
…
pollution-generating
businesses,”
noting
that
the
City
was
in
“the
top
percentage
of
pollution,
top
asthma
.”
8 Page 9 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 9 of 73 D. Polanco v. The Zakar Family (aka The Brikhos) Back in July 2024, Zakar and his own funeral home, East County Mortuary, Inc. (“ECMI”), formalized their National City operations (“AAA Cremations”) a couple of miles from LVMP. Clark and Zakar knew each other through Zakar’s cousins, Eddy and Joey. Polanco was well aware
of
Clark’s
friendship
with
Zakar
and
the
Brikhos,
who
Polanco
referred
to
as
“
your
Iraqi
friends
”
when
speaking
to
Clark.
Polanco, McCarthy, and LVMP did not welcome the competition from Zakar and AAA Cremations,
especially
when
its
crematory
was
failing
air
pollution
tests.
In
particular,
Polanco
and
McCarthy
feared
that
Zakar
would
compete
with
them
in
retail
flower
sales,
which
comprised
a
substantial
portion
of
LVMP’s
revenue.
In
August
2024,
Zakar
sent
Clark
a
text
asking
for
Polanco’s
telephone
number.
Zakar
called
Polanco
and
left
her
a
voicemail,
but
she
never
returned
his
call.
On
October
29,
2024,
ECMI
filed
documentation
with
the
County
of
San
Diego
after
issuing
public
notice
to
begin
doing
business
as
AAA
Cremations.
In early November 2024, the City mailed a Notice of Public Hearing for “ a proposed development comprised of a new service station, convenience store with request for off-sale alcohol
(ABC
Type-21),
drive-through
car
wash,
drive-through
eating
place,
and
five
residential
units
with
a
zone
variance
request
”
(“the
Project”).
Polanco
was
the
first
addressee
on
the
mailing list for the November 8 notice: “ Rec #: 1 ... Villalobos Investment Co Inc ,” addressed to LVMP’s address at 3191 Orange St, National City. The Project was proposed “t o be located on vacant
properties
on
the
north
side
of
Sweetwater
Road
between
Olive
Street
and
Orange
Street
”
owned
by
Muraoka
Enterprises,
Inc.
and
Emerald-Gold,
LLC
(“the
Project
property”
or
“the
Muraoka
property”),
and
leased
to
Zakar
and
the
Brikhos
(“the
Zakar
family”).
E. Clark Discovers Javier’s Body
On November 11, 2024, having not heard from Javier and learning he had not shown up for work,
the
Clark
family
contacted
the
Sheriff’s
Department
who
met
them
at
Javier’s
home
in
Boulevard,
CA.
In
the
Sheriff’s
Incident
Report,
Dep.
Mario
Saldana
described
Clark’s
traumatic
discovery
of
her
son’s
body:
9
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 10 of 73 On November 12, 2024, the County Medical Examiner performed an autopsy on Javier’s body, concluding the “ Cause of Death ” was “ Sudden death associated with cardiac dilatation of unknown
etiology
.”
The
Medical
Examiner
wrote,
“
The
autopsy
demonstrated
[a]
moderately
decomposed
man
with
no
significant
traumatic
injuries….
Toxicological
testing
detected
alcohol
in
his
liver
(0.027%;
probably
due
to
decomposition)
and
no
common
drugs
of
abuse
.”
F. Three Morticians: One with Integrity, Two with Hidden Agendas On November 13, 2024, at 9:39 a.m. Polanco texted condolences to Clark, writing, “ Josie, I just heard what happened with your son I am so sorry Just want you to know that I am here for you .” Clark called Polanco and left a voicemail, later replying by text, “ it's an indescribable pain .” Given her family’s legacy with LVMP, it went without saying that Clark wanted Javier buried in the
same
cemetery
as
his
mother,
grandmother,
grandfather,
and
great-grandfather.
The
same
day,
around
3:00
p.m.,
Clark
spoke
to
Polanco
and
emphasized
that
she
wanted
Javier
buried
near
Yolanda
before
she
left
on
December
2,
2024,
for
a
trip
to
Virginia
to
spend
a
month
with
her
daughter
who
was
giving
birth.
Clark
asked
Polanco
if
the
burial
could
take
place
on
November
23, 2024, texting, “ Can we have a service and everything next Saturday? ” Polanco replied that a November 23 burial was possible: “ It will depend on when he is released into our care .” Later in the evening, Clark sent a text to Polanco and McCarthy, saying, “ Thank you both so much. I appreciate and love you both very much … Your thoughtfulness will always remain in my heart,
you
are
here
for
me.
”
McCarthy
replied,
“
My
dearest
Josie,
our
hearts
are
broken
just
knowing
you
are
in
such
immense
pain.
A
pain
like
no
other.
Please
know
you
are
not
alone.
We
love
you
very
much.
”
Javier’s
body
was
released
to
LVMP’s
care
the
following
day,
November
14,
2024.
G. LVMP's Binding Promise to Clark: Javier Will Be Buried with His Mother The next day, November 15, 2024, Clark met with Polanco at LVMP to sign funeral contracts and
submit
vital
information
to
the
County
for
Javier’s
death
certificate.
Pursuant
to
Cal.
Health
10
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 11 of 73 & Safety Code § 7100, Clark had the unequivocal “ right to control the disposition of [Javier’s] remains.
”
Clark was horrified to hear from Polanco, however, that the County would not allow Javier’s body
to
be
buried
because
of
its
condition
and
odor.
Polanco
told
Clark
that
cremation
was
her
only
option.
Cremation
was
not
a
part
of
the
Clark’s
family
legacy
of
casket
burials,
and
it
conflicted
with
some
of
her
family
members’
religious
beliefs.
Clark
asked,
“
Can
they
do
that?
”
and
Polanco
replied,
“
Absolutely.
”
The
truth:
absolutely
not.
The
County
does
not
refuse
burials
due
to
odor
or
decomposition,
but
Clark
had
no
reason
to
believe
Polanco’s
assurance
was
false.
1. LVMP and Clark Enter Into Written Contracts for Javier’s Funeral In reliance on Polanco’s representation, on November 15, 2024, Clark executed the following six documents
(collectively
“November
15 Documents”):
a)
La
Vista
Memorial
Park
Interment/Entombment/Disinterment Authorization Form (“Interment Authorization”); b) La Vista Crematory Authorization for Cremation (“Cremation Authorization”); c) Cemetery Interment Rights, Merchandise, and Services Purchase/Security Agreement, numbered 25773, which referred to a separate headstone contract numbered 25774 (“Cemetery Contract No. 25773”), d) a second Cemetery Interment Rights, Merchandise, and Services Purchase/Security Agreement, numbered 25774, for a headstone aka marker (“Headstone Contract No. 25774”), e) Statement of Funeral Goods and Services Selected/Purchase Agreement (“Cremation Contract No. 24141”), and f) Declaration for Disposition of Cremated or Hydrolyzed Human Remains (“Disposition Declaration.”) LVMP also executed the November 15 Documents, which included three contracts, Cemetery Contract
No.
25773,
Headstone
Contract
No.
25774,
and
Cremation
Contract
No.
24141
(collectively
“November
15 Contracts”)
agreeing
that
Javier’s
body
would
be
cremated,
the
remains
placed
in
a
“
small
cremation
”
container,
which
would
be
lowered
into
Yolanda’s
plot
and
placed
inside
the
vault
containing
her
casket.
The
funeral
service
would
be
witnessed
graveside
by
a
“Large
Service
40+”
of
friends
and
family.
Pursuant
to
the
Headstone
Contract,
a
28”
x
16”
Oxford
Granite
headstone
would
mark
Yolanda’s
plot
to
memorialize
the
mother
and
son
resting
below:
11 Page 12 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 12 of 73 For Cemetery Contract No. 25773, LVMP unilaterally gave Clark a “friends and family” rate of $6,340.36,
writing
“
Gratis
”
to
indicate
a
reduction
of
“$6,328.86.”
Cremation
Contract
No.
24141
stated
that
“
total
charges
”
were
“
$1,602.12
”
but
that
“
La
Vista
Mortuary
to
pay
cremation
”
in
the
amount
of
“
$1,495.00
,”
with
a
“
balance
do
”
(due
from
Clark)
of
$107.12.
Headstone
Contract
No.
25774
totaled
$1,296.40
without
any
indication
of
reduced
charges,
except
that
LVMP
was
providing
“
accidization
”
(acidization/cleaning)
at
“
No
Charge
.”
The
burial was tentatively scheduled for November 30, 2024. Clark paid LVMP a deposit totaling $1,403.52. 2. LVMP Botches Javier’s Death Certificate As LVMP’s Funeral Director, Polanco was solely responsible for providing the County with complete
and
accurate
information
to
prepare
Javier’s
death
certificate,
using
California’s
Electronic
Death
Registration
System
(“EDRS”).
Health
&
Safety
Code
§
102790
states,
“
The
funeral
director
shall
obtain
the
required
information
…
from
the
person
or
source
best
qualified
to supply this information. ” The Funeral Director’s Handbook, issued by the National Center for Health Statistics states, “ An accurate death record is the responsibility of the funeral director, both
as
a
service
to
the
decedent’s
family
and
as
the
cornerstone
of
the
nation’s
death
registration
system.
”
Health
&
Safety
Code
§
103775
goes
further,
stating
that
a
funeral
director
is
guilty
of
a
misdemeanor
if
she
“
fails
to
furnish
correctly
any
information
in
his
or
her
possession
that
is
required
by
this
part,
or
furnishes
false
information
affecting
any
[death]
certificate.
”
As
part
of
this
obligation,
Teran
verified
that
she
completed
an
unbiased,
objective
“blind check” of the information provided by Clark. Polanco, McCarthy, Teran, and Hamilton knew that Javier’s mother, Yolanda, was buried at LVMP,
that
Javier
was
Clark’s
nephew,
and
that
Lopez
was
Clark’s
biological
great-nephew
who
had
been
adopted
when
he
was
fifteen
years
old.
Despite
this
knowledge,
LVMP
wrote
“
Josie
12
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 13 of 73 Clark, Mother ” in EDRS field 26, labeled, “ Informant Name and Relationship. ” LVMP’s knowledge that Yolanda, not Clark, was Javier’s mother was made clear when it entered Yolanda’s
name
into
EDRS
fields
35,
36,
and
37,
for
“
Mother/Parent’s
Legal
Birth
Names
.”
(McCarthy
would
later
gaslight
the
public
at
a
Council
Meeting
by
accusing
Clark,
not
LVMP,
for
“
two
death
certificates.
Hmm.
One
that
says
‘mother’
and
the
one
that
we
asked
her
to
rectify
to
say
what
is
truthful—and
that’s
‘aunt’
”).
H. Polanco v. Clark Three days later, on November 18, 2024, Javier’s employer contacted Clark to inform her that, pursuant
to
company
policy,
the
employer
would
pay
for
Javier’s
burial
expenses.
Clark
immediately
contacted
Polanco
to
tell
her
what
Javier’s
employer
had
said.
Polanco
responded
that
Clark
would
need
to
sign
new
contracts
at
LVMP’s
full
(non-reduced)
rates,
which
amounted
to
a
disavowal
and
breach
of
the
November
15 contracts.
Polanco,
McCarthy,
and
Teran
would
later
gaslight
the
public
about
Clark,
not
themselves,
demanding
new
cemetery
contracts,
e.g.,
Teran’s
comment
at
a
Council
meeting:
“
La
Vista
gave
[Clark]
a
free
burial,
right?
Interment
and
all
the
services
involved.
And
then,
a
couple
of
weeks
later,
she
came
back
requesting
to
redo
the
contract
with
more
items
on
it
.”
1. Clark Maintains Ethical Boundaries—Polanco Calls It Betrayal During the November 18 call, Polanco confronted Clark about the Project, which she had learned about,
either
as
a
recipient
written
notice
from
the
City,
or
from
her
“
neighbors
”
(according
to her letter to the City, dated November 27, 2024) or when “ a family member of ours came in to do a marker for their loved ones … and left me a copy of the information ” (as she said at a City Planning
meeting
on
December
2,
2024).
When
Clark
asked
which
development
she
was
referring
to,
Polanco
replied,
"
You
know,
the
one
your
Iraqi
friends
are
planning
."
Polanco was angry that Clark had not informed her of the Project or offered to use her position as the
Mayor’s
assistant
to
block
it.
Clark
explained
that
she
could
not
do
anything
that
may
give
the
appearance
of
a
conflict
of
interest.
Polanco
nonetheless
insisted
that
Clark
schedule
a
meeting
with
the
Zakar
family.
Correctly
sensing
that
her
friend
for
the
past
sixteen
years,
in
possession
of
Javier’s
remains,
was
turning
on
her,
Clark
agreed
to
sign
new
funeral
contracts.
After
the
call,
Clark
contacted
Eddy,
who
agreed
to
meet
with
Polanco
and
McCarthy
on
November
25,
2024.
2. The Breach Later that afternoon (November 18), LVMP began emailing Clark with demands that Lopez, Javier’s
adopted-out
son
with
no
legal
right
of
disposition,
sign
the
November
15 Documents.
13 Page 14 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 14 of 73 LVMP had already determined that Lopez had no right to disposition over Javier’s remains and had
executed
the
November
15 Documents
based
on
that
knowledge.
Nonetheless,
at
4:20
p.m.,
Hamilton sent Clark an email, subject line, “ cremation authorization front and back pages. ” Hamilton attached three documents, two of which were duplicates of a document that described the
cremation
process
(which
Clark
had
signed
on
November
15).
Apparently
thinking
he
was
sending
the
front
of
the
Cremation
Authorization,
Hamilton
wrote,
“
Here
is
the
front
page
and
back
page
you
signed.
Both
pages
have
space
for
him
to
sign
as
a
second
person.
”
(Hamilton
would
not
send
Clark
the
front
page
until
December
2,
2024).
A new document, labeled “Affidavit,” was attached for Lopez’s notarized signature, releasing LVMP from all legal liability. Hamilton wrote, “ Also I need him to fill out the affidavit page giving you rights. It must be notarized. ” Ten minutes later, Hamilton sent Clark another email, subject line “ disposition form ,” attaching a copy of the Disposition Declaration that Clark had signed
on
November
15. Hamilton
wrote,
“
I
need
the
disposition
form
his
signature
also
.”
Clark
immediately forwarded all four documents to Lopez, emailing, “ Hi mijo, Please follow the instructions of Scott from the mortuary. Please send it back to him and my email .” At the public hearing that evening (November 18) to discuss the Project, Polanco’s and McCarthy’s
neighbors
were
present
for
public
comments.
After
acknowledging
they
had
received
notice
of
the
hearing,
they
voiced
their
traffic-related
opposition
to
the
Project.
The
hearing
was
continued
to
December
2,
2024.
The next day, November 19, 2024, in performance of the Headstone Contract, Teran emailed Clark a draft of “the headstone proof.” The message carried an undertone of pressure that would steadily intensify over the following weeks: “ Keep in mind that without your signature, unfortunately
I
won't
be
able
to
place
the
order
.”
3. Polanco’s Bait-and-Switch: Friendship Rate Becomes a Profit Grab The next day, November 20, 2024, Clark texted Polanco, asking if they could meet to “ redo the contract ,” as Polanco had demanded on November 18. Polanco scheduled a meeting for at 9:00 a.m. the next day. On November 21, 2024, at 8:29 a.m., Polanco texted Clark, “ Josie, I will be running a little late but Scot and Pati are already re doing [t]he contracts … [which] will also include
the
overtime
fees.
”
Polanco
never
showed
up
for
the
9 a.m.
meeting.
Instead, Teran presented Clark with new documents to sign, backdated to November 15, 2024, including:
1)
another
cemetery
contract
with
a
new
number
(25784)
totaling
$11,880.43
(“Backdated Cemetery Contract No. 25784”) and 2) another cremation contract, number unchanged from (2024141), that totaled $3,169.32 (“Backdated Cremation Contract No. 14 Page 15 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 15 of 73 2024141”). LVMP did not ask Clark to sign a new headstone contract. Instead, the headstone charges, now totaling $2,790.72, were included in the Backdated Cemetery Contract No. 25784.
In
sum,
LVMP
increased
the
amount
it
was
charging
Clark,
from
$7,743.88
to
$15,049.75,
which
was
a
difference
of
$7,305.87.
(Polanco
would
later
accuse
Clark
of
trying
to
profit
from
her
son’s
death
and
his
employer’s
generosity,
claiming
Clark
“
asked
me
to
give
her
$7,000
out
of
the
$15,049
the
employer
was
to
pay
for
cemetery
and
funeral
arrangements
”).
Before leaving the November 21 meeting, Clark asked Teran about Hamilton’s November 18 request
that
Lopez
sign
the
November
15 Documents
and
notarize
the
Affidavit.
Teran
told
Clark
that
Lopez
only
needed
to
sign
the
Interment
Authorization.
Teran
confirmed
the
same
when
she
emailed Clark, “ Attached you will find the Interment Authorization Doc. that needs to be signed by Francisco Javier Escarsega II's son…. That's the only signature that we need from him in order
for
the
burial
to
take
place
.”
4. The Brikhos Get Pressured for Perks—Clark Gets Blamed Eddy, Polanco, and McCarthy met on November 25, 2024, at a Starbucks store on Bonita Rd. in Chula Vista (“the November 25 meeting”). At Polanco’s request, Clark also attended the initial part of the meeting but left before it ended. Clark was still suffering from Javier’s death, the discovery
of
his
decomposing
body,
and
the
hostility
and
coercion
she
was
receiving
from
long-term
friends
who
continued
to
hold
his
remains.
Clark was particularly troubled when Polanco presented Eddy with a quid pro quo offer, telling him
that
she
(and
McCarthy)
would
not
publicly
oppose
the
Project
if
the
Zakar
family
agreed
to
sell
them
alcohol
and
fuel
at
a
substantial
discount
and
paid
for
a
large
sign
for
LVMP.
Before
leaving,
Clark
reiterated
that
she
could
not
take
sides
given
her
employment
with
the
City.
Polanco asked her to create a group text, which Clark did, at 12:37 p.m., stating, “ Hello, Eddy, Joey, Luisa and Mica. ” The Starbucks Meeting continued, during which Polanco expressed her concern that Zakar would
compete
with
her
retail
flower
business
and
build
a
mortuary
storefront
as
part
of
the
Project.
They
conveyed
to
Eddy—effectively
as
a
threat—that
they
could
raise
any
number
of
pretexts
to
oppose
the
Project.
7 Eddy
had
little
option
but
to
agree
to
Polanco’s
and
McCarthy’s
demands.
Polanco
stated
she
would
prepare
a
written
agreement
to
formalize
the
deal.
Polanco’s
and
McCarthy’s
last-minute
attempt
to
extort
the
Zakar
family—demanding
value
in
exchange
for
withholding
opposition—occurred
one
week
before
the
public
meeting
with
the
City’s
Planning
Department
on
December
2,
2024.
7 Cal. Penal Code §§ 518–519.
15 Page 16 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 16 of 73 Under California law, extortion occurs when property or value is obtained through consent induced
by
wrongful
threats,
including
threats
of
economic
harm
unconnected
to
any
legal
claim
or
right.
Courts
have
held
that
when
a
party
conditions
silence
or
withdrawal
of
opposition
on
receiving
a
benefit,
that
conduct
constitutes
extortion
as
a
matter
of
law.
8 By
contrast,
there
is
nothing
unlawful
about
a
developer
voluntarily
offering
benefits
to
surrounding
residents
who
have
no
legal
authority
over
a
project.
Such
arrangements
resemble
Community
Benefits
Agreements,
9 which
are
common
contractual
tools
and
not
crimes.
5. Stalling Javier’s Burial, Polanco and McCarthy Devise an Ambush The same day as the Starbucks meeting, November 25, Lopez signed and emailed Hamilton the Interment
Authorization
Form
that
Teran
had
confirmed
was
“
the
only
signature
[needed]
from
him in order for the burial to take place .” Nonetheless, Lopez also signed and returned the three documents Hamilton had emailed Clark on November 18. As directed, Lopez backdated his signatures to November 15, 2024. At no time did Hamilton or anyone else at LVMP inform Lopez
that
his
signature
was
missing
on
any
documentation.
With the December 2 hearing approaching, Polanco stalled her promise to formalize the quid pro quo
deal
reached
at
Starbucks.
Likewise,
LVMP
stalled
its
obligations
to
Clark,
ensuring
Javier’s
burial
would
not
happen
before
Clark
left
town
for
her
daughter’s
high-risk
pregnancy
back
east.
At 11:58 a.m., on November 26, 2024,
10 Polanco texted Eddy directly, stating: Thank you for making the time to meet with us. I also hope we can build a better long
term
relationship,
especially
since
it
started
a
little
rocky.
I
need
the
name
and
address
of
who
and
where
I
should
the
letter
to.
Addressing
everything
we
spoke
about
yesterday.
Eddy immediately replied, and provided the email addresses for Joey Brikho (“Joey”) and himself.
Four
hours
later,
at
4:33
p.m.
that
same
day,
November
26,
Polanco
used
the
group
text
created by Clark to request additional information from Eddy 11 : “ I also need the following please for the agreement we spoke about yesterday: May I have your full name and the business address 11 Clark
remained
silent
on
the
group
thread
from
November
26 through
December
2;
her
first
reply
appears
on
December
3,
2024.
10 Polanco,
McCarthy,
and
their
attorneys
later
alleged
that
Eddy
had
attempted
to
influence
them
with
“
offers
”
without
offering
any
evidence,
while
withholding
this
two-person
message
showing
the
opposite.
9 Community Benefits Agreements
are
private,
legally
enforceable
contracts
between
developers
and
community
groups
in
which
the
developer
agrees
to
provide
specified
community
benefits
(e.g.,
affordable
housing,
living
wage
jobs,
environmental
enhancements)
in
exchange
for
public
support
of
the
project.
8 Flatley v. Mauro (2006) 39 Cal.4th 299, 327–330 (demanding payment in exchange for not publicizing allegations held
to
be
extortion
as
a
matter
of
law;
litigation
privilege
did
not
apply);
Mendoza v. Hamzeh (2013) 215
Cal.App.4th
799
(threats
to
expose
alleged
tax
fraud
in
order
to
collect
money
constituted
extortion).
16 Page 17 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 17 of 73 and or business name to whom to address the agreement to ?” Eddy replied at 5:33 p.m., providing
the
additional
information.
The following morning, Wednesday, November 27, 2024, at 10:28 a.m., Polanco acknowledged Eddy’s reply, “ Thank you! ” That same day, Polanco and McCarthy wrote a letter to the City, making their opposition to the Zakar project clear: We understand the grieving process of our families who have lost their loved ones.
We
have
a
responsibility
and
duty
to
our
families
to
bring
these
issues
to
your
attention
because
they
are
detrimental
to
the
families
that
we
serve
and
to
our
community.
Our
main
concerns
are
for
environmental
issues,
proper
signage,
lighting
and
traffic
control
for
La
Vista
Memorial
Park
and
surrounding
areas.
It
is
crucial
for
our
families
to
avoid
traffic
problems
or
be
involved
in
a
traffic
accident
due
to
the
overflow
caused
by
this
new
proposed
development.
Later that evening, November 27, at 5:25 p.m., Hamilton sent Clark another email entitled “ disposition of cremated remains ,” attached a copy of the Disposition Declaration signed only by Clark, and wrote, “ Hello Josie, I need his signature on this one form below yours. You will see an x
by
the
date.
”
Hamilton
sent
this
despite
having
already
received
Lopez’s
signed
Disposition
Authorization
two
days
earlier,
on
November
25,
2024.
In
his
email,
Hamilton
said
nothing
to
Clark
about
the
Affidavit,
the
Cremation
Authorization
that
he
had
failed
to
attach
to
his
dated
November
18,
2024,
or
any
other
document
that
LVMP
was
insisting
that
Lopez
sign.
Two days later, Friday, November 29, 2024, having received nothing from Polanco to formalize the deal, Eddy used the group text to follow up with Polanco, writing, “ Happy Thanksgiving I wanted to follow up I thought you were going to send a letter over what we discussed the other day.
I
have
not
received
anything
.”
The
following
evening,
Saturday,
November
30,
2024,
Polanco replied to Eddy’s text—also addressing Clark: Eddie and Josie, I have not finalized the letter in regards to what we spoke about when
we
met
on
Monday
over
25th.
It
has
been
the
worst
time
to
do
this
especially
with
all
the
Holidays.
I'll
get
back
to
you
in
Monday
[December
2].
I
have
had
no
time
especially
with
the
City
Planning
meeting
so
soon
Dec
2 at
6:00
pm
I
need
to
see
if
we
can
move
the
meeting
forward
because
I
have
had
no
time
to
read
what
was
proposed
to
the
City
of
National
City
or
the
County
of
SD.
The following afternoon, Sunday, December 1, 2024, Polanco again addressed “ Eddy and Josie ,” in a text message that began with a list of excuses for her delayed reply. Although Polanco would later deny it, even accusing Eddy Brikho of attempting to bribe her, Polanco’s text message listed out
the
quid
pro
quo
exchange
she
was
demanding
in
return
for
not
opposing
the
Project.
17 Page 18 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 18 of 73 Polanco sent Eddy the following text message, which confirmed her ongoing attempted extortion,
which
would
later
be
revealed
as
the
source
of
“
many
sleepless
nights
12 ”:
The following morning, Monday, December 2, 2024, at 8:55 a.m., Eddy replied, confirming he would comply with Polanco’s demands, stating, “ Everything is correct 1-Signage yes…. 2- Yes we
will
work
with
you
to
get
you
discounted
diesel
from
our
street
Price.
3-
Yes
we
will
give
you
alchole
at
our
Cost….
”
Later,
Eddy
followed
up,
clarifying
his
understanding
of
Polanco’s
demands,
writing,
“
I
agree
with
all
of
your
requests
as
long
as
you
are
at
today's
meeting
and
council
meeting
in
full
support
of
our
project
like
we
talked
about
.”
13 Continuing
with
her
flagrant
efforts
to
make
it
look
like
Clark
was
part
of
the
deal,
while
confirming
her
fear
that
Zakar would use the Project to compete with her mortuary business, Polanco replied, adding a term: “ Eddie and Josie I forgot the no competition clause and I wanted to have the agreement in writing
”:
13 With his texts, Eddy reaffirmed—in writing—the oral contract reached at Starbucks. While an agreement produced
through
extortion
cannot
be
enforced
by
the
extorting
party
(Polanco),
such
contracts
are
not
automatically
void;
they
are
voidable
at
the
election
of
the
coerced
party
(Zakar
family).
See
,
Civ.
Code
§§
1567, 1569. Thus,
Polanco
and
McCarthy
could
not
enforce
their
demands,
but
the
Zakara
family—who
engaged
in
no
unlawful
conduct—could
potentially
assert
breach
of
contract.
See
,
Flatley
,
Id.
at
327–330.
12 At the February 4, 2025 Council meeting, Polanco attempted a brazen reversal—casting her own extortion scheme onto
Eddy
Brikho—through a calculated display of gaslighting: “ [A]fter many sleepless nights studying this project …
I
was
told
to
meet
up
with
the
developer
to
oppose
the
project.
We
were
offered
gas,
liquor
discounts,
a
sign,
traffic
light,
et
cetera,
et
cetera.
We
turned
the
offer
down
…
after
…
learning
more
about
the
project
….”
18
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 19 of 73 Polanco ended her text with yet another attempt to implicate Clark in her own extortion: “ Can you
and
Josie
both
reply
to
this
text
so
I
can
be
assured
this
will
be
done
please
before
our
meeting.
”
However,
Joey
joined
the
conversation,
adding
a
tone
of
transparency
that
may
have
sparked
Polanco’s
future
revolt.
Joey
made
the
mistake
of
telling
Polanco
that
his
family
was
not
going to violate any rules, writing, “ We will do our best to cooperate with an all City guidelines so that we can make sure we are always in compliance and accommodate your request. ” Meanwhile, LVMP continued to stall Javier’s burial. At 10:15 a.m. (December 2), Hamilton sent Clark an email with the subject line, “ FRONT OF AUTHORIZATION ” (All caps in original), and attached the Cremation Authorization that LVMP and Clark had executed seventeen days earlier, on November 15, 2024. Hamilton pressured Clark to obtain Lopez’s signature, writing, “ HI JOSIE,
I
NEED
HIM
TO
SIGN
THE
FRONT
OF
THE
AUTHORIZATION
TOO.
I
PUT
X
IN
BOTH
SPOTS
NAME
ADDRESS
JUST
LIKE
YOU
SIGNED
IT.
I
NEED
TO
CREMATE
SOON
”
(all-caps
in
original).
Hamilton
said
nothing
about
his
failure
to
attach
the
front
page
when
he
emailed
Clark
on
November
18,
2024.
Clark was on her way to the airport, leaving for the East Coast to be with her daughter, when she saw
Hamilton’s
email.
She
was
already
feeling
overwhelmed
by
the
sudden
and
dramatic
change
in
Polanco’s
tone
and
treatment
toward
her
ever
since
November
18,
2024,
when
Polanco
confronted
Clark
about
the
Zakar
project.
Clark
called
Polanco
and
mentioned
Hamilton’s
demanding
Lopez’s
signature
on
documentation
that
was
not
needed
when
the
November
15 documents
were
executed.
Polanco
snapped,
“
We
need
what
we
need!
Scott
knows
what
he
is
doing
and
you
need
to
give
Scott
what
he
is
asking
for.
”
When
Clark
responded,
“
Okay,
thank
you,
please
let
me
know
when
I
can
lay
my
son
to
rest
with
my
sister
,”
Polanco
ended
the
call
saying,
“
Okay.
Bye
.”
At
11:44
a.m.,
realizing
that
Polanco
and
McCarthy
had
been
stringing
him
along
and
that
he
would
be
walking
into
an
ambush
at
the
City
Planning
a
few
hours
away,
Eddy
confronted them both, replying:
19
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 20 of 73 Hi Mica And Luisa Are you saying your not gonna be there to speak in support of my
project.
I
was
under
the
impression
that
you
would
both
be
there
to
speak
in
support
of
my
project.
I'm
very
confused.
Please
let
me
know
what
your
intentions
are.
At 1:28 p.m., Polanco replied with more excuses, still trying to concoct evidence that Clark was an active participant in the quid pro quo scheme: I am very confused … don't know what all is being proposed … have not had time
…
I
will
be
at
the
meeting
and
share
your
conditional
support
but
I
will
be
asking
for
more
time
…
need
to
hear
the
concerns
of
all
our
families
and
neighbors … Josie can you please respond to this text and let me know that you agree with what Eddie just wrote us on what we agreed upon.
6. Polanco and McCarthy Ambush the Zakar Family (and Clark) The City Planning meeting commenced at 6:00 p.m. that evening, December 2, 2024, to discuss whether
to
recommend
the
Project’s
approval
to
the
City
Council,
with
the
last
opportunity
being
December
10,
2024,
as
the
Council
would
not
convene
again
until
January
21,
2025.
The
Commission
met
to
consider
a
recommendation
by
the
Planning
Staff
to
approve
the
Project,
which was detailed in a 26 page document entitled, “Planning Commission Staff Report” (“Staff Report”). Like every Commission meeting, the one held on December 2 corresponded to a document entitled “Planning Commission Meeting Complete Packet,” which anyone can access through the Commission’s web page. Polanco and McCarthy brought in five of their LVMP employees 14 to appear and voice “ public comment[s] in opposition of ” the Project. However, according to the Speaker’s Slips 15 (obtained by PRA Request 25-559) that they submitted prior to the Commission meeting, Polanco and McCarthy represented that their own comments would be “ neutral .” 16 In addition, other persons
who
would
soon
reveal
locked-step
alignment
with
Polanco’s
and
McCarthy’s
attorney-directed
scripts,
appeared
to
avoid
opposition,
such
as
Sandra
Scheller,
Doyle
and
Alisha
Morrison,
and
their
daughter
Ashley
Morrison.
16 On March 3, 2025, Polanco and McCarthy would appear at the first Commission meeting after December 2, demanding
changes
to
the
December
2 Minutes
regarding
their
positions
on
the
Project.
Despite
their
Speaker
Slips
—McCarthy crossed out “ In Opposition ” and marked “ Neutral ” with an “ x ,” and Polanco marked “ Neutral ” in both English
and
Spanish—they
each
misled
the
Commission
with
claims
that
they
had
strongly
opposed
the
Project.
At
the
following
Commission
meeting,
on
April
21,
2025,
Polanco
again
pressed
for
changes.
With
galling
hypocrisy,
Polanco
said,
“I’m not trying to blame anybody. I’m trying to attack the problem, and not the people .”
15 To make a public comment at a City meeting for an “ Item ” on the agenda, a person must submit a “Speaker Slip ”
and
check
a
box
indicating
whether
their
comment
on
that
Item
will
be
“
In
Favor
,”
“
In
Opposition
,”
or
“
Neutral
.”
14 See , Speaker Slips for: Teran, Hernandez, Magana, Marin, and Bermudez. 20 Page 21 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 21 of 73 During their comments, neither Polanco nor McCarthy acknowledged their extortion attempt, repeatedly
confirmed
in
text
messages.
Eddy
did,
however,
telling
the
Planning
Committee:
I met with the owners of La Vista … I thought we came to a good agreement and they
had
some
concerns
and
I
did
everything
in
my
power
to
address
them.
I
even
went
above
and
beyond.
They
were
worried
about
their
visibility,
that
no
one
knows
where
the
funeral
home
is.
I
offered
to
put
a
monument
sign
on
my
property
showing
where
La
Vista
is.
I
explained
to
them
that
we
have
a
current
traffic
study,
and
explained
to
them
that
we
were
putting
a
current
traffic
light.
On
top
of
that,
they
needed
a
discount
on
fuel.
I
offered
that
to
them.
Whatever
they
wanted.
Whatever
they
wanted,
I
offered
them.
The Commission did not follow the “ Staff recommendation ” to “ Approve ” the Project. In a 4 to 2 vote,
the
Commission’s
recommendation
“
to
deny
”
would
be
accurately
reflected
in
the
Minutes,
later
prepared
and
posted
online.
The
Minutes
did
not,
however,
accurately
reflect
the
Commissioners’
reasoning
for
the
denial.
According
to
the
Minutes,
they
denied
“
the
project
due
to
staff
findings
of
public
safety,
air
pollution
from
the
gas
station,
and
public
nuisance
.”
(emphasis
added).
The
30-page
“
Staff
Report
”
did
not
include
a
“
finding
…
of
nuisance
.”
The
word
“
nuisance
”
only
appeared
twice,
on
page
7,
“
According
to
the
Noise
and
Nuisance
Element
of
the
City’s
General
Plan
”
(staff
recommended
restrictions
on
the
car
wash
hours
of
operation),
and
page
16,
“
No
Nuisance
”
(emphasis
in
original).
The Commission’s purported “ finding ” that the Project constituted a “ nuisance ” would become a grossly
exaggerated
talking
point,
repeated
by
Polanco,
McCarthy,
their
attorneys,
and
their
supporters
in
the
weeks
to
come.
Eventually,
they
began
referring
to
it
as
“
the
nuisance
project
,”
as
if
it
were
an
established
legal
conclusion
rather
than
a
procedural
term
used
in
a
single
meeting.
Those
scripted
public
comments
followed
a
sham
lawsuit
Polanco
filed
on
January
24,
2025—discussed
in
detail
below—in
which
she
alleged
that
Clark
or
Morrison
had
been
improperly
influenced
by
the
Zakar
family
in
return
for
“
financial
favors
”
and
had
“
engaged
in
communications
with
National
City
Planning
staff
regarding
the
Project’s
approval
.”
As for the so-called “ findings ” of a nuisance, the City’s website hosts the full three-and-a-half-hour video of the December 2 meeting, and the record speaks for itself. The following seven-minute clip from the end of that meeting shows all that needs to be seen:
21 Page 22 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 22 of 73 In short, thirteen minutes before the 3 ½ hour Commission meeting ended, a motion to continue was
seconded
to
permit
the
Zakar
family
to
consider
changes
to
the
Project
that
would
address
the
public’s
concerns.
With
the
motion
to
continue
seconds
from
passing,
Commissioner
Beryl
Forman
17 (“Forman”),
announced,
“
I
guess
I'm
concerned
with
the
word
continue
,”
moving
to
deny
the
Project
outright.
Before
the
motion
to
deny
had
been
seconded,
however,
a
deputy
city
attorney
interjected,
telling
the
Chair,
“
So,
making
a
motion
to
deny
the
project
will
have
to
be
based
on
findings.
”
The
attorney
turned
to
the
Planning
Division,
asking,
“
Staff,
did
you
have
any
findings
that
we
discussed
earlier?
”
The
Planning
Division’s
reply
made
it
clear
that
the
answer
was
“No”—the
staff
had
made
no
such
findings
18 :
Um, as far as meeting with the applicant and redesigning or denying, uh, I think it would
be
helpful
to
be
a
little
more,
uh,
specific
about
what
your
impact
concerns
might
be.
You
know,
the
findings
for
denial
could
be
specific
over
noise,
traffic,
air
quality.
You
know,
if
you’re
talking
about
residents
over
a
gas
station,
is
that
an
air
quality
concern?
Are
we
looking
at
a
nuisance?
…
[T]here
are
several
findings
that
could
potentially
be
vetted
by
the
Commission.
(emphasis
added)
The Planning Division staff member clarified for the Commission that the Zakar family could “
appeal
”
19 to
the
City
Council
at
its
meeting
scheduled
for
December
10,
2024,
which
was
the
reason
the
Commission
felt
obliged
to
state
some
sort
of
“finding”
for
its
denial,
but
no
such
finding
was
made
prior
to
the
Commission’s
vote
to
deny.
If
anything,
the
staff
that
was
purportedly
influenced
by
the
Mayor
or
Clark
to
recommend
the
Project,
steered
the
Commission
toward
a
denial.
Regardless
of
their
bogus
charges,
Polanco
and
McCarthy
had
won
a
significant
battle,
although
the
Commission
would
not
confirm
the
denial
for
another
week.
19 Technically,
it
was
not
an
“
appeal
,”
as
the
Commission’s
“
denial
”
was
only
a
recommendation
to
the
Council.
18 This
black-and-white
(Staff
Report
and
transcript
of
meeting)
was
later
confirmed
at
the
Council
meeting
on
April
1,
2025,
when
Martin
Reeder,
the
Asst.
Dir.
of
Community
Development,
said,
“
So
with
the
findings
for
this,
we
came
up
with
findings
for
approval.
We
didn't
actually
end
up
writing
any
findings
for
denial
.”
17 After her incoherent tirade on June 8, Commissioner Forman resigned having posed for TV cameras, handed documents
to
the
media
during
session, and echoed Team Aguirre’s many rants, e.g., saying she “ distrusted ” the Commission
because
its
Minutes
did
not
reflect
public
comments
(despite
verbatim
video
and
transcripts
on
the
City’s website). When asked if she wanted to “ make a motion to amend the minutes to reflect what you would like them
to
reflect
,”
Forman
replied,
“
I
don't
wanna
do
that
because
I
have
such
distrust.
”
22
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 23 of 73 I. Polanco and McCarthy Press On v. Clark, Morrison, and the Zakar Family The next morning, December 3, 2024, at 8:01 a.m., Clark used the group text with Polanco, McCarthy, and Eddy, to refute Polanco’s attempts to drag her into the quid pro quo deal. 20 Although
it
had
angered
Polanco
when
she
said
something
similar,
Clark
repeated
that
she
could
not
get
involved
in
the
group
discussions
over
the
Project:
Hi Eddy and Mica … I facilitated [the November 25] meeting as a request from Mica.
As
a
City
Employee
and
as
a
project
that
is
going
through
the
process,
I
cannot
side
with
one
or
the
other.
This
is
a
situation
that
you
both
need
to
either
compromise
or
not.
I
wish
you
both
nothing
but
the
best.
Two hours later, at 10:05 a.m., Hamilton emailed Clark, subject line, “ affidavit ,” in which he addresses Lopez: “ Daniel please fill out this document I am providing and return it, as soon as possible.
Please
drop
by
a
local
notary
office
and
have
it
notarized
in
front
of
them.
You
will
sign
it, in their presence. ” A few hours later, at 3:18 p.m., Polanco sent an email to Clark’s Hispanic Chamber of Commerce address, subject line, “Fwd: Declaration for disposition of cremation…,” attaching
a
document
entitled,
“
Mica's
declaration
for
disposition
of
cremated.pdf
.”
As
if
the
November
15 cemetery
contracts
never
existed,
Polanco
wrote,
“
When
we
met
on
November
18th,
2024,
with
you
and
Scott,
I
was
clear
about
getting
all
the
signatures
from
your
nephew’s
son
(Daniel
Gary
Henry
Lopez),
to
protect
all
parties
(including
you
and
La
Vista
Memorial
Park
and
Mortuary)
.”
Polanco
ended
the
with
a
renewed
demand
for
a
notarized
release
agreement
before
moving
forward
with
Javier’s
burial:
“
We
have
not
yet
received
the
Notarized
Affidavit
…
Please
have
Daniel
Gary
Henry
Lopez
us
the
Notarized
affidavit
to
enable
us
to
finalize
the
funeral
arrangements.
”
Polanco’s
attached
Hamilton’s
that
had
failed
to
include
the
Cremation
Form.
A few minutes later, at 3:25 p.m. (December 3), Polanco sent another email to Clark’s Chamber of Commerce address, forwarding Hamilton’s November 18 email (and his attachments, which still
did
not
include
the
form
he
was
demanding
Lopez
sign).
By
then,
two
different
LVMP
employees
had
contradicted
Hamilton’s
November
18 demand,
advising
Clark
that
only
a
single
document
was
required
and
making
no
mention
of
notarization.
In
reality,
Lopez
had
no
legal
right
of
disposition
and
was
never
required
to
sign
or
notarize
any
such
document.
He
eventually
did
so
only
because
Clark,
under
pressure
from
LVMP,
asked
him
to
comply.
Polanco’s
December
3 email,
therefore,
relied
on
an
earlier
demand
that
had
already
been
undermined
by
LVMP
itself.
Polanco,
in
an
underlined,
bolded,
enlarged-font
message
that
conveyed
her
fury,
wrote:
20 This was Clark’s first reply to any of Polanco’s group text messages, following her silence from November 26 through
December
2. 23 Page 24 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 24 of 73
A few hours later, at 6:00 p.m., Polanco, McCarthy, their employees, and friends appeared at the City
Council
meeting
to
continue
opposing
the
Project—which,
by
that
point,
had
all
but
died.
Polanco’s
public
comments
made
clear
that
she
was
still
angry
at
Clark
for
not
informing
her
of
the
Project,
stating:
“
I
was
quite
upset
because
I
thought
I
was
a
friend
of
[the
Mayor’s]
and
a
friend
of
Josie’s.
But
I
was
blindsided
by
the
fact
that
neither
one
of
them
told
me
.”
Additional comments from Sandra Scheller echoed Polanco’s December 2 text regarding the “
competition
clause
”
that
she
wanted
in
the
“
agreement
in
writing
”
to
confirm
the
quid
pro
quo
extortion
attempt.
Recalling
Zakar’s
comments
to
the
Planning
Commission
the
night
before,
Scheller
stated:
And one of the things that scared me the most when we were listening to Robert Zakar
was
that
he
wanted
to
do
what
was
called
competition.
He
used
the
word
competition.
And
if
you
listen
to
that,
um,
in
yesterday's
hearing,
I
don't
think
National
City
is
about
competition
…
And,
and
what
I'd
like
to
say
to
Robert
Zakar,
if
you
want
competition,
pick
on
somebody
your
own
size,
go
after
Mike
Tyson.
But
please
don't
go
after
this
amazing
community.
That same evening, Mayor Morrison presided over the Council’s public censure of Councilmember
Rodriguez
for
misuse
of
public
funds,
including
a
campaign-related
“
turkey
giveaway
”
financed
with
taxpayer
money.
Humiliated
by
the
censure,
Rodriguez
appeared
eager
to
redirect
public
attention
toward
a
controversy
that
did
not
involve
him—or
turkeys.
Hearing
the
accusations
leveled
at
Morrison
and
Clark,
Rodriguez
sensed
an
opportunity
and
perhaps
a
political
alliance:
an
enemy-of-his-enemy
in
Mica
Polanco.
J. Polanco and McCarthy Press On v. Clark, Morrison, and the Zakar Family With Rodriguez now joining their cause, Polanco and McCarthy escalated their attacks—spinning
fictionalized
misconduct
to
discredit
the
City,
defame
Clark,
and
destabilize
Morrison—all
while
Polanco
quietly
eyed
the
Project
Property
for
herself.
Even
as
Clark
focused
24
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 25 of 73 on the ongoing mishandling of Javier’s remains, Polanco shifted the fight to a new front: a sprawling,
unfocused
public
records
request
designed
to
set
up
a
sham
lawsuit.
1. Polanco’s Garbled PRA Request 24-679 (That Set Up a Sham PRA Lawsuit) On December 4, 2024, the morning after the last Council meeting, Polanco submitted a request for public records to the City (“Request 24-679”) pursuant to the California Public Records Act (Gov. Code, § 6250 et seq.) (“PRA”). Polanco made no effort to craft a reasonable request. Her list
of
people
and
entities
for
“
communications
between
”
included
“
all
National
City
officials,
all
San
Diego
County
officials,
and
anyone
representing
the
City
of
National
City
or
San
Diego
County,
Caltrans
Engineering
Department
….
”
She
did
not
narrow
her
request
by
subject
matter
or
timeframe.
Quite
literally,
Polanco’s
Request
24-679
sought
“
communications
between
”
thousands
of
unidentified
people
about
anything—and,
in
the
case
of
National
City,
dating
back
to
its
incorporation
in
1887.
Her
list
also
included
the
APCD,
Clark,
Morrison,
the
Brikhos,
and
Zakar:
On December 9, 2024, the City Clerk asked for clarification, emailing Polanco, “ Your request is overly broad [and] missing important information required to pull records such as a date range, who
the
communications
are
between,
subject
matter
if
applicable
etc.”
Later
that
afternoon,
Polanco replied that she had previously sent another list of names, presumably adding onto the list already contained in Request 24-679, but in neither email did Polanco provide the requested clarifications.
2. From Deceit to Strategy: Polanco Finds A Lawyer to Refine the Lie By the time Polanco provided the request clarifications for Request 24-679—which would become
the
basis
for
a
lawsuit
filed
six
weeks
later—she
and
McCarthy
had
already
retained
“
legendary
”
21 attorney,
Michael
Aguirre,
of
Aguirre
&
Severson,
LLP
(“Aguirre”),
who
had
21 Luisa McCarthy, City Council meeting, February 4, 2025. 25
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 26 of 73 served as San Diego City Attorney from 2004 to 2008. Aguirre’s initial strategy—which evolved over
time—was
to
target
Clark
at
her
most
vulnerable
moment,
fabricate
a
claim
that
the
City
was
violating
the
Public
Records
Act
(“PRA”),
and
then
file
a
so-called
PRA
lawsuit,
a
proceeding
in
which
the
petitioner
asks
the
court
to
compel
a
public
agency—in
this
case,
the
City—to
produce
records
allegedly
withheld.
22 For
clarity
in
this
Claim,
that
case
will
be
referred
to
as
the
“First
Lawsuit,”
even
though,
at
this
point
in
the
timeline,
it
had
not
yet
been
filed.
Aguirre knew the First Lawsuit would give him the ability to take—and threaten to take—depositions
of
City
employees
(or
anyone
else,
for
that
matter),
issue
subpoenas,
and
shield
his
clients,
his
firm,
himself,
and
their
allies
(“Team
Aguirre”)
from
legal
liability
(e.g.,
defamation)
for
the
allegations
made
in
the
lawsuit,
regardless
of
their
truth.
More
importantly,
Aguirre
understood
that
the
media
could
freely
report
anything
filed
in
court—or
said
at
Council
meetings—under
the
protection
of
privilege.
23 As it turned out, however, reporters with integrity quickly recognized that Team Aguirre’s “
evidence
”
was
either
empty
or
affirmatively
contradicted
their
claims.
By
mid-February
2025,
the
tactics
of
Team
Aguirre
were
already
drawing
public
pushback.
What
had
begun
as
a
calculated
campaign
of
provocation
and
misinformation
was
starting
to
be
recognized
for
what
it
was.
It
did
not
take
long
for
Mayor
Morrison
to
confront
Team
Aguirre’s
campaign
directly.
At
the
February
18,
2025,
Council
meeting,
he
summed
up
Polanco
and
McCarthy’s
then-nascent
campaign:
“
[A]
couple
of
individuals
…
are
doing
their
best
to
just
try
to
cause
as
much
havoc
as
possible
…
making
all
kinds
of
crazy
claims
…
a
bunch
of
lies
…
without
a
shred
of
evidence
.”
The
following
two-minute
clip
sets
the
stage
for
what
comes
next
in
this
Claim.
Before Aguirre could file the First Lawsuit, however, he knew an enforceable PRA request had to
be
submitted
to
the
City.
The
ulterior
purpose
of
Polanco's
First
Lawsuit
would
have
nothing
to
do
with
any
failure
on
the
City’s
part
to
comply,
and
as
such
all
Aguirre
needed
was
a
plausible
allegation
coupled
with
a
confusing
narrative.
Polanco
had
already
submitted
Request
23 A fuller discussion of Team Aguirre’s strategy and misuse of the Civ. Code § 47
privilege
follows.
22 Gov. Code § 6258 states, “ any person may institute proceedings for injunctive or declaratory relief, or for a writ of
mandate,
to
enforce
the
right
to
inspect
or
receive
a
copy
of
public
records
.”
26
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 27 of 73 24-679,
24 but its incoherence gutted any possible—much less plausible—argument that it provided
a
legitimate
basis
for
the
First
Lawsuit.
As
such,
on
December
9,
2024,
25 at
5:02
p.m.,
Aguirre submitted an entirely new request for public records (“Request 24-688”) that contained the exact language that the yet-to-be-filed First Lawsuit would allege were “requested clarifications ” to Request 24-679 supposedly provided “ on December 10, 2024. ” 26 3. Aguirre Terrorizes a Grieving Mother and Her Husband On December 10, 2024, at 12:54 p.m., Aguirre placed a harassing call to Clark’s personal cell phone,
identifying
himself
as
counsel
for
Polanco
and
McCarthy.
At
the
time,
Clark
was
in
Virginia
supporting
her
daughter,
who
was
in
labor.
During
the
call,
Aguirre
warned
that
Clark
could
be
“
in
a
lot
of
trouble
,”
and
extended
the
same
threat
to
her
husband,
a
County
District
Attorney’s
Office
investigator.
He
offered
no
clarification
or
legal
basis
for
his
statements
and
ended
the
call
without
explanation.
In another clear attempt to manufacture evidence of wrongdoing by Clark, Polanco sent an email to
Clark’s
official
City
address
at
3:34
p.m.
EST
that
same
afternoon.
Having
already
confirmed
that
Aguirre
was
representing
her,
Polanco
proceeded
to
commit
a
calculated
and
unambiguous
act
of
deceit—apparently
designed
to
fabricate
a
paper
trail
suggesting
Clark
was
attempting
to
extort
her.
Polanco
wrote:
I am confirming the conversation you had earlier today with my attorney, Michael Aguirre
…,
that
I
will
be
unable
to
pay
any
sums
to
you
in
connection
with
the
funeral
and
cemetery
services
for
Javier
Francisco
Escarsega
II.
The phrasing and formality of the message—uncharacteristic of Polanco’s prior communications—strongly
suggest
it
was
drafted
by
someone
else,
likely
her
attorney.
Polanco’s
then
escalated
into
a
malicious
and
manipulative
attempt
to
pressure
Clark,
falsely
26 The same day Clark authorized Zakar to pick up Javier’s body
from
LVMP.
25 The same day Lopez returned the notarized “ Affidavit ”
to
LVMP.
24 On August 12, 2025, the City issued a statement, saying, “ Since January 2025, the City has received more than 27 individual
records
requests
from
Ms.
Micaela
Polanco
and
her
legal
team
,”
resulting
in
“
the
release
of
more
than
1,000
pages
of
responsive
materials.
”
That’s
an
understatement.
Team
Aguirre’s
PRA
binge
began
on
December
4,
2024,
with
Request
No.
24-679.
It
alone
resulted
in
the
release
of
more
than
1,000
pages.
See
,
Screen Recording.
27
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 28 of 73 implying that Javier’s burial was in jeopardy unless she arranged for his cremation by the end of the
day:
I propose that we proceed ahead with the cremation on Monday December 16, 2024
and
the
cremated
remains
of
Javier
Francisco
Escarsega
II
will
be
available
for
you
at
our
office
after
December
17,
2024.
Please
confirm
your
approval
by
return
by
today
December
10,
2024.
Terrified by the escalating pressure and deception, Clark called Robert Zakar for guidance. After she
explained
the
events
that
had
unfolded
since
the
execution
of
the
November
15 documents,
Zakar offered to take over the arrangements. Clark then executed an Authorization for Release, formally authorizing “ the release and removal of the remains to ” ECMI. As she had done on November
15,
2024,
when
entering
into
cemetery
contracts
with
LVMP,
Clark
confirmed
her
authority
to
control
the
disposition
of
Javier’s
remains,
affirming:
“
I
represent
that
I
am
the
legal
next
of
kin,
or
I
am
acting
as
an
authorized
agent
for
the
legal
next
of
kin.
”
4. With the Project’s File Closed, Aguirre Begins a New Script On December 10, 2024, Joey emailed the City’s Planning Department, formally withdrawing the Project
application.
“
We
will
place
it
on
hold
for
now,”
he
wrote,
“to
revise
the
project
and
come
back
to
meet
with
the
City
staff
to
see
how
we
can
find
a
project
that
will
work
for
that
intersection.
”
Before
public
comments
began,
Mayor
Morrison
announced:
“
The
Sweetwater
Road
gasoline
station
project—that
project
has
been
withdrawn.
They
have
withdrawn
the
application,
so
that
project
no
longer
exists
and
will
not
be
on
tonight's
agenda.
”
Polanco, McCarthy, and their friends had nonetheless shown up at the Council meeting to speak in
opposition
to
the
Project.
Polanco
chose
not
to
make
a
comment.
McCarthy
spoke,
but
not
about
the
Project—at
least
not
directly.
Instead,
she
took
personal
aim
at
Mayor
Morrison,
stating:
“
On
a
personal
note,
this
year
has
been
brutal
for
me
personally
…
I’ve
had
a
lot
of
loss,
and
I’ve
had
a
lot
of
betrayal.
I’m
now
mourning
a
friendship
that
I
once
had
with
Mayor
Ron
Morrison.
”
Likewise, McCarthy’s friend Alisha Morrison used her time to recite a parable about “ two wolves
”
fighting—one
good,
the
other
evil—and
concluded
that
the
wolf
who
wins
is
“the
one
you
feed.”
Another
of
McCarthy’s
friends,
Sandra
Scheller,
also
spoke,
describing
what
she
and
others
would
have
done
to
“
the
applicant—who
would’ve
had
his
property
…
boycotting,
and…
and
not
letting
him
thrive
in
a
business
.”
28 Page 29 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 29 of 73 Councilmember Rodriguez, listening intently, recognized a new ally in McCarthy 27 and her
cohorts’
increasingly
vitriolic
campaign
against
Mayor
Morrison.
Rodriguez
observed
that,
for
some
reason,
McCarthy,
Polanco,
and
their
circle
were
targeting
a
common
enemy:
the
Mayor—the
same
figure
Rodriguez
blamed
for
his
own
public
censure
just
a
week
earlier.
Notably,
three
City
employees
soon
to
be
involved
in
McCarthy
and
Polanco’s
escalating
campaign
were
Delgado,
Castaneda,
and
Apalategui—three-quarters
of
“The
Clique.”
Although
the
City
Council
would
not
meet
again
until
January
21,
2025,
forces
were
already
aligning
and
battle
lines
were
being
drawn.
5. Unbridled Betrayal: Polanco’s Escalated Abuse of a Former Friend and Grieving Mother The following day, December 11, 2024, ECMI took possession of Javier’s body without LVMP voicing
any
concerns
about
Clark’s
right
of
disposition.
That
evening,
Clark
received
a
text
from
Zakar asking if the cremation could occur the following day, December 12. Clark responded, “ Yes, he’s finally going to rest! ” Clark’s moment of relief was short-lived. Questioning Polanco’s November
15 representations
that
the
County
would
not
allow
Javier’s
remains
to
be
buried
unless
first
cremated,
Clark
asked
Zakar,
“
Please
reassure
me
that
we
have
no
choice
but
to
cremate
him.
”
When
Zakar
expressed
confusion,
Clark
explained,
“
La
Vista
told
me
I
had
no
choice
because
of
the
body
condition
and
the
health
department
only
permitted
cremation
.”
Zakar’s reply felt like a punch to her gut:
Clark was standing near her daughter who was in labor when she received Zakar’s text message.
Clark
left
the
hospital
room
and
braced
for
what
she
was
about
to
hear.
When
Zakar
informed
Clark
that
she
was
not
required
to
cremate
Javier’s
body,
she
fell
to
her
knees
and
wept
in
the
hospital hallway. Around the same time of her call with Zaker, Clark received an email from Teran regarding a rendering for Javier’s headstone, asking for Cark’s “ signature approval to place the order. ” After Clark approved the rendering, at 3:34 p.m., Teran emailed her, promising to “ keep in touch for the rest of the process. ” The next day, December 12, 2024, Javier’s body was
cremated.
Over the next several days, Clark repeatedly asked for an update on the headstone order and plans
to
bury
Javier’s
remains
in
Yolanda’s
plot.
LVMP
ignored
Clark’s
inquiries,
except
for
a
27 According to Garcia, “ Molina stated that she believed that Rodriguez began communicating with McCarthy in December
when
they
worked
on
a
city
development
project
together
.”
29
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 30 of 73 message from Teran, on December 17, 2024, promising to send Clark proof of the headstone rendering that she had previously approved. The following day, December 18, 2024, Clark received a flurry of emails and letter from LVMP “ cancelling ” Cemetery Contract No. 25773 (which LVMP had already breached) and Backdated Cemetery Contract No. 25784, “ per advice of
our
Counsel.
”
One
of
the
December
18 emails
to
Clark
demonstrated
LVMP’s
continuing
performance
Headstone
Contract
No.
25774,
with
Teran
writing,
“
Regarding
the
Contract
#25774,
Please
confirm
if
you
want
me
to
complete
the
marker
with
a
color
cameo
.”
Overwhelmed by shock, terror, and grief, the next day, December 19, 2024, Clark begged LVMP to
reconsider,
emailing
Hamilton,
“
I
would
like
to
move
forward
with
the
burial
services
for
my
son
as
previously
discussed,
scheduled
for
Sunday,
January
12,
2025.
I
would
also
like
to
confirm
that
his
ashes
will
be
interred
on
top
of
his
mother’s
grave,
as
was
agreed
upon
.”
Clark
also
replied
to
Teran
about
Headstone
Contract
No.
25774,
“
Do
you
have
an
estimated
date
of
how
long
it
will
take
to
receive
the
headstone
and
replace
it
with
the
existing
one?
I
look
forward
to
seeing
the
proof.
”
Neither
Hamilton
nor
Teran
replied.
On
December
23,
2024,
Clark
emailed
Hamilton again, writing: I wanted to reach out to you again before the holidays. Please let me know about the
status
of
the
burial
of
my
Son
as
planned
on
January
12th.
We
have
family
members
making
travel
arrangements
and
we
need
to
make
final
plans
for
the
services
so
that
he
can
be
interned
with
his
family
members
that
have
gone
before
him.
I
look
forward
to
hearing
from
you
as
soon
as
possible.
Please
acknowledge
receipt
of
this
email.
Hamilton did not respond until December 26, 2024, when he emailed Clark, “ We are in receipt of your email. We will get back to you by the end of the week, after we review everything with our legal counsel. ” Four days later, on December 30, 2024, LVMP emailed a letter addressed to “Ms. Flores-Clark” demanding even more documentation than it had begun demanding on November 18,
2024,
when
Polanco
confronted
Clark
over
her
refusal
to
violate
Policy
119.
When
Clark
returned
to
San
Diego
on
January
4,
2025,
she
picked
up
the
urn
containing
Javier’s
remains
from
ECMI
and
brought
them
home.
Javier’s
urn
has
remained
there
ever
since.
K. January 16–24: PRA Setup, Secret Commissioner Dinner, and $2.25M Offer Polanco’s First Lawsuit was never about obtaining public records—it was a calculated legal maneuver
to
weaponize
litigation
privilege,
conceal
damaging
facts,
and
escalate
a
coordinated
campaign
against
Clark
and
the
City.
According
to
Polanco’s
First
Lawsuit,
“
on
January
16,
2025,
counsel
for
Petitioner
sent
the
following
to
[the
City]
…
To
aid
your
production
we
are
pinpointing
the
writings
we
are
asking
you
to
provide
within
14 days
”—by
January
30,
2025.
This
demand
laid
the
groundwork
for
a
sham
failure-to-comply
narrative,
one
that
could
be
weaponized
in
litigation
regardless
of
the
Project’s
already
“
dead
”
status.
Even
as
she
railed
30 Page 31 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 31 of 73 against imagined improprieties, Polanco was quietly engaging in her own: on January 17, she privately
hosted
two
Planning
Commissioners
for
dinner,
concealing
from
them
that
the
Project
was
still
on
her
mind—an
invitation
neither
Commissioner
would
have
accepted
had
they
known
her
true
intentions.
The following day, January 18, 2025, through her realtor, Sharon Smith (“Smith”), Polanco 28 privately
offered
to
purchase
the
Project
property
from
the
Muraoka
family
for
$2,250,000
cash
(“
no
loan
contingency
”)
with
“
Close
Of
Escrow
(COE)
…
60 Days
after
Acceptance,
”
meaning
that
as
soon
as
the
Muraoka
family
could
get
the
property
free
and
clear
of
encumbrance
such
as
the
long-term
lease
with
the
Zakar
family,
Polanco
would
purchase
it
for
$2.25
million
in
an
all-cash
transaction—i.e.,
immediate
payment
by
wire
or
certified
funds,
with
no
loan
contingency
(the
“$2.25M
Offer”).
Polanco and McCarthy would hide the $2.25M Offer from Clark, the City Council, the Planning Commission,
everyone
in
Clark’s
circle,
their
own
employees,
and
even
members
of
the
public
on
their
team,
as
they
continued
their
ruse
at
public
meetings
(and
on
camera).
Polanco’s
secret
would
not
be
revealed
until
nearly
five
months
later,
on
June
17,
2025,
under
the
truly
bizarre
circumstances
described
later
in
this
brief.
At the time, however, Polanco was still publicly portraying herself as a disinterested, benevolent member
of
the
public
who
cared
for
the
well-being
of
the
“citizens
of
National
City,”
particularly
their
lungs.
On
January
21,
2025,
at
the
Council’s
first
meeting
since
December
10,
2024,
Polanco
and
McCarthy
appeared
to
give
public
comments.
Polanco
spoke
about
National
City’s
air
pollution
problem—without
acknowledging
her
crematory’s
egregious
history
of
“
particulate
matter
”
pollution—while
McCarthy
offered
insincere
compliments
to
Councilmember
Yamane
before
pivoting
to
a
disparaging
remark
about
Clark’s
recent
promotion.
28 Polanco executed the “ Vacant Land Purchase Agreement and Joint Escrow Instructions ” (and “ Residential Units Purchase
Addendum
”)
as
“
Micaela
Polanco
Villalobos
”
on
behalf
of
“
Villalobos
Investment
Co.
”
31
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 32 of 73 Their performances were notable for what they omitted: neither mentioned the Project, the upcoming
January
30 production
deadline
(a
date
Aguirre
himself
set
in
his
January
16 demand),
nor
Polanco’s
secret
$2.25M
Offer
three
days
earlier.
They
also
failed
to
disclose
the
January
17 dinner
with
the
two
Planning
Commissioners—an
event
that,
if
judged
by
the
very
standard
Polanco
had
been
applying
to
others,
would
have
been
improper.
On January 24, 2025—six days before the City’s deadline to produce records—Aguirre filed a lawsuit
against
the
City,
ostensibly
to
compel
production
of
public
records
related
to
the
withdrawn Project (the “First Lawsuit”). Polanco’s complaint made no practical sense: the Project had been withdrawn, the Planning Commission had rejected it, and no appeal was pending.
The
urgency
for
public
records
was
manufactured.
If
Polanco
had
genuinely
wanted
those
records,
she
could
have
waited
four
more
days
until
the
January
30 deadline—or,
as
it
turned
out,
only
until
January
29,
2025,
when
the
City
produced
thousands
29 of
pages
in
response
to
Request
24-679.
Several
weeks
later,
City
Attorney
Barry
Schultz
addressed
the
Council
and
public
to
cut
through
the
confusion,
making
clear
that
the
First
Lawsuit
was
filed
early,
that
documents
were
produced
before
the
deadline,
and
that
despite
this,
Team
Aguirre
insists
the
City
did
not
produce
everything:
L. “Neighborhood United” Joins Team Aguirre
On January 27, 2025—just three days after Polanco filed her First Lawsuit and after her $2.25M Offer
to
the
Muraokas
was
rejected—McCarthy
and
Polanco’s
allies
were
already
laying
the
groundwork
for
a
parallel
campaign.
That
evening,
a
group
calling
itself
“
Neighborhood
United
”
met
at
the
Lincoln
Acres
Community
Center
to
unveil
“
big
dreams
”
for
the
.68-acre
parcel
at
Orange
Street
and
Sweetwater
Road.
The
project
site,
long
zoned
for
mixed-use
development,
had
recently
been
the
subject
of
the
Zakar
family’s
proposed
car
wash,
gas
station,
and
apartments.
But
with
that
plan
rejected
in
December,
McCarthy
and
her
neighbors
moved
quickly
to
commission
an
architect
to
draw
up
a
“
community-driven
”
alternative.
The
conceptual
29 The City’s website shows that 258 “ documents ” were produced on January 29, 2025, with more to follow. A video recorded
on
August
9,
2025, demonstrates what anyone with a computer can verify: many of the 258 documents contained
multiple
pages—some
numbering
in
the
hundreds.
Now
imagine
if
the
City
had
been
forced
to
comply
with
Request
24-679
exactly
as
Polanco
drafted
it
on
December
4,
when
her
request
literally
sought
“
communications
”
between
thousands
of
people
dating
back
138
years.
32
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 33 of 73 plan was revealed on January 27 and reported in the press the following day. (Voice of San Diego, “ Big Dreams for Little Corner,” page 5).
The message was carefully tailored. McCarthy and her group disavowed liquor stores, gas stations, and vapes—echoing Polanco’s public remarks just six days earlier, on January 21, when she urged Council to start the new year with a “ healthier National City ” by approving “ fewer alcohol
stores,
fewer
gas
stations,
fewer
vape
stores,
fewer
pollution-generating
businesses,
and
less
fast
food
”
while
promoting
“
organic
food,
grocery
stores,
healthier
restaurants,
[and]
farm-to-table
options.
”
The
rhetorical
symmetry
was
striking:
what
Polanco
presented
from
the
dais
as
the
voice
of
“
our
families
”
was
soon
echoed
in
Neighborhood
United’s
architect-drawn
vision
for
the
very
parcel
she
herself
had
just
tried
to
buy.
By February, the messaging took on an even more coordinated form. A flyer circulated in Lincoln Acres announced a February 20 community meeting to discuss development of the disputed parcel. The flyer directed attendees to contact Alicia Morrison—identified in Sharon Smith’s
March
21 email
as
the
face
of
a
“
campaign
”
against
commercial
use.
Just
days
later,
Smith
(Polanco’s
realtor)
sent
the
Muraokas’
agents
an
referencing
the
flyer
and
portraying
Neighborhood
United
as
an
independent
opposition
group.
Yet
Smith
simultaneously
warned
that
if
the
“
campaign
”
continued,
“
the
value
[would]
start
dropping
.”
The
intent
was
clear:
to
frighten
the
Muraokas
into
reconsidering
Polanco’s
offer
by
staging
a
community-driven
resistance
movement
while
concealing
the
fact
that
the
movement’s
leaders
were
the
very
same
people
behind
Polanco’s
bid.
The sleight of hand only deepened as Aguirre entered the chorus. On May 6, he invoked Aristotle’s
theory
of
persuasion
to
justify
their
campaign,
announcing:
“
We
are
the
tools
of
persuasion
…
and
when
persuasion
doesn’t
work
in
California,
we
have
the
right
to
recall
.”
He
and
his
clients
had
already
learned
to
exploit
Civil
Code
§
47’s
litigation
privilege
as
a
shield
for
their
false
and
defamatory
statements,
strategically
using
the
Council
podium
as
their
bully
pulpit.
What
was
presented
as
civic
engagement
was
in
fact
coordinated
pressure—using
a
lawsuit
on
one
track
and
a
faux
community
group
on
another,
both
aimed
at
coercing
the
property
owners
into
a
cheaper
sale.
Aguirre’s appeal to Aristotle was itself a distortion. 30 Neighborhood United’s effort—masked as
“
community
engagement
”—was
not
persuasion
at
all,
but
intimidation
and
falsehood,
calculated
to
manufacture
leverage
and
conceal
Polanco’s
true
business
interests.
30 Aristotle described persuasion as resting on three pillars: ethos (credibility), pathos (emotional appeal), and logos (logic
grounded
in
truth).
He
cautioned
that
“
all
that
one
gains
by
falsehood
is
not
to
be
believed
when
he
speaks
the
truth.
”
Aguirre’s
invocation
of
Aristotle
to
justify
intimidation
tactics
and
recalls
was
a
distortion:
rather
than
persuading
by
truth,
Team
Aguirre
relied
on
falsehoods
and
manufactured
crises.
33 Page 34 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 34 of 73
M. “The Louder He Talked of His Honor, the Faster We Counted Our Spoons” 31 On February 4, 2025, Aguirre sent the Council an “ Interim Report ,” declaring, “ [W]e find there to
be
a
compelling
reason
to
determine
how
and
why
the
National
City
Planning
Staff
came
to
recommend
a
Project
the
City’s
Planning
Commission
determined
was
materially
defective.
”
But
his
proclamation
only
raised
a
more
obvious
question:
What,
exactly,
was
so
“
compelling
”
about
a
system
of
checks
and
balances
that
had
done
exactly
what
it
was
designed
to
do?
What
public
interest
was
served
by
performing
a
post-mortem
on
a
project
already
dead
and
buried?
When
Aguirre
addressed
the
Council
that
same
evening,
he
struggled
to
articulate
anything
concrete:
And when you have a situation, uh, where we're seeking public records related to a specific
project,
you
have
to
always
balance:
does
the
interest
in
concealment
outweigh
the
interest
in
disclosure?
And
the
reason
that
we've
given
you
these
reports
about
this
particular
project
is
to
try
to
make
the
case
to
you
that
the
interest
of
public
disclosure,
of
clean,
100%
disclosure
about
how
a
particular
project
came
to
the
Planning
Commission
that
was
so
irregular
that
it
was
rejected
by
the
Planning
Commission
based
on
a
finding
that
it
was
a
nuisance.
As detailed in Section H, nothing in the Planning Commission’s December 2 record or in the 26-page
Staff
Report
contained
any
factual
finding—or
even
substantive
discussion—that
the
project
constituted
a
“
nuisance
.”
Nevertheless,
Polanco’s
First
Lawsuit
and
Aguirre’s
“
Interim
Report
”
eleven
days
later
presented
the
opposite
impression.
The
actual
record
from
December
2 shows
that
Commissioner
Forman—prompted
in
the
final
minutes
of
the
meeting—moved
to
deny
the
project,
citing
only
a
need
for
a
“
complete
redesign
”
(based
on
her
previously
stated
opposition
to
“
autocentric
”
designs)
as
her
stated
reason.
No
commissioner
articulated,
discussed,
or
adopted
any
“
nuisance
”
finding.
The
staff
report
contained
no
such
determination,
and
the
only
mention
of
the
word
“
nuisance
”
during
the
meeting
was
in
a
Planning
Division
staffer’s
off-hand
list
of
possible
findings
the
Commission
could
consider
if
it
wished—not
findings
the
Commission
ever
adopted.
National City’s own conditional use permits do not contain any definition of “ nuisance ” that could
support
the
sweeping
claims
Aguirre
wanted
to
make.
That
limitation
appears
to
have
sent
him
searching
elsewhere
for
stronger
language.
The
definition
he
ultimately
used
matches
almost
verbatim
boilerplate
from
out-of-jurisdiction
CUP
guidelines—material
he
could
only
have
found
by
deliberately
looking
beyond
National
City’s
records.
A
broad
search
such
as
“definition
of
nuisance
conditional
use
permit
California”
or
“nuisance
be
injurious
or
31 The Conduct of Life : By Ralph Waldo Emerson
34 Page 35 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 35 of 73 detrimental public interest CUP” quickly produces the Woodland and Santa Rosa planning documents
containing
his
chosen
phrasing.
32 This misrepresentation was central to Aguirre’s broader campaign of deceit. While the First Lawsuit
itself
was
styled
as
a
PRA
case,
the
fabricated
“
nuisance
”
finding
supplied
a
false
evidentiary
hook
for
his
and
Polanco’s
public
rhetoric.
By
importing
that
language
into
the
First
Lawsuit,
followed
by
the
February
4 meeting
(with
his
“
Interim
Report
”),
both
expressly
attributing
a
“
finding
”
of
“
nuisance
”
to
the
Planning
Commission,
Aguirre
was
not
“summarizing”
the
record—he
was
manufacturing
it.
Put
simply,
the
“nuisance”
claim
was
legally
unnecessary
to
a
PRA
action,
but
strategically
useful
to
fuel
their
smear
campaign
and
to
give
reporters
a
soundbite.
That same afternoon, Voice of San Diego published an article repeating allegations from the First Lawsuit that the Project “ may have been the subject of improper influence ” and that Clark had received
“
financial
favors
.”
Aguirre
himself
had
fed
the
paper
those
quotes,
using
the
platform
to
imply criminal conduct while cloaking his statements in the qualified privilege of Civil Code § 47(d)(1). The article also carried Polanco’s promise to provide “ details about allegations in the lawsuit ” at an upcoming Council meeting—signaling the prearranged nature of what was to come.
Polanco took the microphone next, revealing her lack of understanding of the planning process by
stating
she
had
spent
“
many
sleepless
nights
studying
this
project
and
trying
to
figure
out
how
it
got
as
far
as
the
Planning
Commission
without
anyone
putting
a
brake
to
it
.”
She
did
not
grasp
that
the
Planning
Commission
itself
was
the
brake—the
first
stop
in
a
process
designed
to
evaluate,
question,
and,
if
necessary,
halt
problematic
projects.
Polanco’s
comments
reflected
a
misunderstanding
of
that
process,
not
evidence
of
misconduct.
The
City’s
Assistant
Director
of
Community
Development
would
later
explain
that
the
Planning
Division’s
administrative
role
is
distinct
from
the
Commission’s
discretion
and
the
Council’s
ultimate
authority:
[O]ur job is to protect the public through the general plan and the policies and goals primarily,
but
we're
also
beholden
to
an
applicant
that
files
a
fee
and
wants
to
pursue
a
project.
They're
our
client.
If
the
use
that
they're
asking
for
is
permitted
in
the
code,
either
conditionally
or
otherwise,
we
have
to
take
in
an
application.
We
may
not
like
it.
We
may
think
it's
a
bad
idea.
[But]
we
have
to
present
it
in
as
much
of
a
neutral
way
as
possible
because
again,
we're
working
for
our
client.
Team Aguirre weaponized public comment—using the absolute privilege of Civil Code § 47(b) as
a
shield
from
accountability,
and
as
a
sword
to
deliver
accusations
they
could
not
substantiate
anywhere
else.
Over
time,
the
tactic
grew
sharper
and
more
brazen,
evolving
from
veiled
digs
to
open
insults
and
deliberate
insinuations
of
criminal
conduct.
What
they
framed
as
civic
oversight
32 Google search results.
35 Page 36 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 36 of 73 was, in reality, a sustained smear campaign—calculated to inflict reputational harm on Clark and City
officials,
while
shielding
themselves
from
accountability
in
any
forum
where
their
claims
could
be
tested
by
evidence.
N. Escalation at the February 18, 2025 Council Meeting When Team Aguirre returned to City Hall on February 18, 2025, their script had shifted from procedural complaints to overt personal attacks. Aguirre opened by warmly referring to the Council as “ my dear friends ,” then slipped in a rhetorical device designed to imply guilt by contrast.
He
repeated
the
word
“
innocent
”
three
times
in
under
fifteen
seconds,
applying
it
only
to
the
rest
of
the
Council
while
omitting
Morrison
and
Clark.
In
civil
litigation,
no
one
is
found
“guilty”
or
“innocent”;
Aguirre’s
choice
of
language
was
calculated
to
plant
the
opposite
impression
in
the
public’s
mind.
This
insinuation
came
packaged
with
a
false
claim
that
the
City
had
hired
attorneys
to
represent
“
the
mayor
and
his
assistant
,”
when
in
fact
outside
counsel
had
been
retained
solely
to
represent
the
City—the
only
defendant
named
in
the
First
Lawsuit.
Polanco followed with a series of loaded rhetorical questions aimed at Clark, asking whether the City had “ investigated potential financial favors ” to her, reviewed “ all her cell phone records ” and
“
all
her
emails
,”
and
examined
“
the
mayor’s
phone
and
emails
”
for
“
any
financial
favors
at
all
”
connected
to
the
Project.
These
“questions”
echoed
the
same
“
financial
favors
”
theme
Aguirre
had
planted
in
the
Voice
of
San
Diego
article
two
weeks
earlier.
What
Polanco
did
not
disclose
was
that
her
own
November
2024
text
messages
to
Project
developer
Eddy
Brikho—already
detailed
earlier
in
this
Claim
as
part
of
her
extortion
campaign—showed
that
she
herself
had
offered
to
trade
support
for
the
Project
in
exchange
for
discounted
diesel
and
alcohol.
McCarthy closed the sequence with a calculated bait-and-switch: she began by warmly addressing “ everyone sitting in front of me ” and then, without missing a beat, referred to one of those
same
individuals—likely
City
Attorney
Barry
Schultz—as
a
“
lapdog
.”
Aguirre’s
“
dear
friend
”
remark
to
Morrison,
followed
minutes
later
by
his
pointed
“
not
innocent
”
contrast,
mirrored
the
same
rhetorical
maneuver:
a
false
veneer
of
collegiality
masking
a
targeted
insult.
By the close of the February 18 meeting, the shift in tone was complete. What had previously been
framed
as
a
dispute
over
public
records
now
took
on
a
personal
dimension.
Aguirre,
Polanco,
and
McCarthy’s
synchronized
rhetoric—layered
with
insinuation,
selective
omissions,
and
performative
civility
as
a
weapon—made
clear
the
campaign
was
no
longer
about
the
Project.
It
was
about
Clark
herself..
That
shift
in
focus
set
the
stage
for
what
came
next:
the
sudden
and
explosive
introduction
of
a
sexual
harassment
allegation
on
February
27,
2025—an
accusation
that
would
be
leveraged
to
escalate
their
narrative
and
widen
their
coalition
of
critics.
36 Page 37 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 45 of 73
4. Castaneda: the Puppetmaster In re Delgado v. Modesto (November 22, 2024) Just three months before her false allegations against Clark, Delgado accused someone else—a personal
acquaintence—of
sexual
harassment,
and
tried
but
failed
to
get
a
restraining
order.
As
with
her
claim
against
Clark,
Delgado
worked
in
close
coordination
with
Castaneda—from
the
initial 911 call until the case was rejected by the Court. The proceeding, Delgado v. Modesto (the “TRO”), bears substantial structural and factual similarities to the allegations Delgado later made against
Clark,
and
demonstrates
a
pattern
of
strategic
legal
manipulation
directed
by
Castaneda.
As part of the TRO package, Delgado executed and filed a declaration under penalty of perjury and
requested
a
temporary
restraining
order
against
Modesto
pursuant
to
Code
of
Civil
Procedure
527.6.
Delgado
alleged
that
Modesto
followed
her
vehicle
on
October
24,
2024,
and
had
previously
waited
for
her
in
the
City’s
MLK
Community
Center
parking
lot
on
three
separate
occasions.
According
to
Delgado,
he
once
told
her
he
was
“
falling
in
love
”
with
her
after
she
had
referred
him
to
a
City
job
opportunity.
Delgado
claimed
Modesto’s
conduct
caused
her
paranoia
and
distress
at
work.
Delgado
further
alleged
that
Modesto
engaged
in
patterned
stalking,
stating:
“
He
seems
to
have
a
pattern
of
waiting
on
Thursdays
between
2:00
and
4:00
pm.
”
This
allegation
was
made
in
an
effort
to
establish
the
statutory
requirement
of
a
“course
of
conduct”
under
CCP
§
527.6.
As with the later claim against Clark, the incident was not independently reported by Delgado but
was
engineered
and
managed
by
Castaneda,
who
was
present
in
the
vehicle
with
Delgado
during
the
alleged
encounter.
According
to
Delgado’s
declaration,
Castaneda
called
the
City’s
police
dispatch
(not
911);
Castaneda
exited
the
car
to
confront
Modesto;
Castaneda
told
him
not
to
speak
with
Delgado;
she
took
a
photo
of
Modesto’s
license
plate;
and
Castaneda
almost
certainly
attended
the
meeting
with
the
police
officer,
who
“
gave
[Delgado]
a
case
number”
:
Castaneda and Delgado were not the only Clique members involved in the plot against a landscaper.
Ron
Williams
sent
Delgado
a
text
message
that
she
labeled
“
Exhibit
3 .”
Williams
45
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 46 of 73 attached a photo of Modesto’s truck and wrote, “ Isidro Modesto stalking you at MLK on 8/1/24 @
2:37pm
.”
The Court denied the TRO on its face, finding nothing actionable. The Court would not even issue
a
temporary
order
given
Delgado
hardly
needed
protection
(if
anything,
Modesto
did).
The
Court
rejected
Delgado
claims
with
a
stamp:
The Court’s sound rejection reflected a judicial determination that Delgado’s allegations failed to meet
the
minimum
threshold
for
temporary
protection.
Although
the
Court
offered
Delgado
an
opportunity
to
proceed
to
a
hearing
(without
a
temporary
restraining
order)where
both
parties
could
present
evidence—she
declined
and
abandoned
the
petition.
This pattern of filing a sworn declaration, relying on internal allies like Castaneda for support, and
then
withdrawing
the
claim
when
called
upon
to
present
actual
evidence
mirrored
the
tactics
used
by
both
Delgado
and
Castaneda
against
Clark.
Both
false
accusations,
three
months
apart,
were
scripted,
promoted,
and
executed
by
Castaneda
as
part
of
a
broader
pattern
of
retaliatory
maneuvering,
political
scheming,
habitual
self-soothing—some
sort
of
perverse
amusement.
The implications of Delgado and Castaneda’s accusations against Modesto cannot be overstated.
Delgado’s
sworn
claims
(submitted
under
penalty
of
perjury)
alleged
conduct
that,
if
believed,
would
have
constituted
criminal
stalking
under
Penal
Code
§ 646.9,
53 supporting
the
issuance
of
a
restraining
order
under
CCP
§ 527.6.
54 Castaneda
called
the
police,
implicated
Modesto
in
a
criminal
offense,
and
requested
Court
intervention
that,
if
granted,
would
have
required
Modesto
to
surrender
any
firearms,
55 barred
him
from
multiple
public
spaces,
and
subjected
him
to
immediate
arrest
upon
any
claimed
violation.
56 Restraining
order
filings
are
public
record;
57 the
57 Rules of Court, Rule 2.550(a)
;
restraining
order
filings
are
presumptively
public
unless
specifically
sealed.
56 Penal Code § 273.6(a)
:
“
Any
intentional
and
knowing
violation
of
a
protective
order...
is
a
misdemeanor
,”
punishable
by
arrest
without
warrant
under
Penal
Code
§ 836(c)(1).
55 Penal Code § 29825(a) (prohibiting firearm possession by persons subject to certain restraining orders) and CCP § 527.9
(court
to
order
relinquishment
of
firearms
upon
issuance
of
a
protective
order).
54 Code Civ. Proc. (“CCP”) § 527.6(b)(3)
defines
“
harassment
”
to
include
“
a
knowing
and
willful
course
of
conduct
directed
at
a
specific
person
that
seriously
alarms,
annoys,
or
harasses
the
person,
and
that
serves
no
legitimate
purpose
.”
53 Penal Code § 646.9(a): “ Any person who willfully, maliciously, and repeatedly follows or harasses another person and
who
makes
a
credible
threat...
is
guilty
of
the
crime
of
stalking.
”
Punishable
by
up
to
1 year
(misdemeanor)
or
up
to
5 years
(felony
with
prior
or
protective
order).
46
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 47 of 73 reputational, professional, and legal consequences begin the moment the allegation is made, regardless
of
outcome.
Neither Delgado nor Castaneda gave thought to the consequences—consistent with their outrageous
treatment
of
Clark.
At
Castaneda’s
direction,
Delgado
targeted
a
man
whose
wife
she
knew,
whose
family
she
had
spent
time
with
on
a
trip
to
Guadalajara,
and
whom
she
had
once
recommended
for
a
City
position.
Despite
that
personal
history,
she
publicly
accused
him
of
stalking—an
allegation
that
could
have
destroyed
his
marriage,
reputation,
and
livelihood.
Their
indifference
to
the
potential
harm
to
Modesto
and
his
family
underscores
the
callous
recklessness
and
vindictiveness
that
marked
their
accusations
against
Clark.
That same willingness to fabricate and weaponize accusations surfaced again just months later in their
claims
against
Clark
arising
from
the
February
27 birthday
gathering.
But
before
those
allegations
could
be
formally
leveraged
inside
City
Hall,
the
Clique
and
their
allies
began
priming
the
public
narrative.
On
March
4,
2025—the
first
Council
meeting
after
Mayor
Morrison’s
February
18 comments
dismissing
their
claims
as
manufactured—several
of
them
took
to
the
podium
to
chastise
him.
The
most
telling
remark
came
from
Polanco,
who
urged
the
Council
to
“
do
an
independent
investigation
and
put
the
mayor’s
partner
assistant
on
leave
until
all
the
unvarnished
truth
comes
out.
”
That
demand
was
no
off-the-cuff
suggestion;
it
mirrored
the
refrain
later
repeated
by
Clique
members
during
their
interviews
with
investigator
Mark
Garcia.
Two
weeks
later,
on
March
18,
Councilmember
Rodriguez
would
echo
the
same
theme—albeit
shifting
it
from
an
“
independent
investigation
”
to
an
“
ad
hoc
58 ”
investigation
by
the
Council
itself.
O. The Clique and Team Aguirre Seed Unfounded Rumors Into Clark’s Work-Life This section details how members of the Clique and Team Aguirre worked in concert to inject unfounded
allegations
into
both
Clark’s
professional
and
personal
life,
using
a
mix
of
staged
political
maneuvers
and
coordinated
public
commentary.
The
following
subsections
address,
in
turn:
the
March
18,
2025
political
stunt
by
Councilmember
Rodriguez
and
its
alignment
with
talking
points
captured
in
the
Garcia
investigative
report,
and
the
repetition
of
those
themes
in
public
remarks.
1. Rodriguez’s March 18 Stunt and Coordinated Narrative On March 18, 2025, Councilmember Jose Rodriguez used a City Council meeting to stage a political
stunt
that
served
no
legitimate
legislative
purpose.
Just
a
week
earlier,
he
had
slipped
in
a
last-minute
“
City
Council
Item
Request
Form
”
proposing
the
creation
of
an
“
ad
hoc
oversight
58 Ad hoc means “ for this purpose ” and describes a temporary, tailor-made action. Rodriguez’s so-called ad hoc investigation
was
no
genuine
inquiry—it
was
a
staged
proposal
meant
to
be
shot
down
in
public,
generating
headlines
rather
than
facts.
It
was
so
ridiculous
that
the
Council
did
not
even
vote
on
it.
47 Page 48 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 48 of 73 committee ” to investigate vague allegations he repeatedly labeled as so-called “ perceived ” by the public.
The
move
was
procedurally
improper,
had
no
factual
basis,
and
directly
echoed
false
allegations
in
an
active
lawsuit
against
the
City,
aligning
both
Rodriguez
and
the
City
with
the
plaintiffs’
claims.
It
was
political
theater,
pure
and
simple:
the
request
received
no
second,
died
instantly
without
a
vote,
and
yet
succeeded
in
introducing
the
idea
of
an
“
investigation
59 ”
into
the
public
record.
Rodriguez
used
the
platform
to
deploy
loaded
terms
like
“alarming
”
and
to
vouch
for
the
lawsuit’s
plaintiffs
as
“
very
well-respected
community
members”
—rhetorical
moves
meant
to
lend
their
false
claims
credibility.
Councilmember Molina deemed Rodriguez’s stunt “ highly inappropriate ” and promptly filed her own motion to revise the City’s process to prevent further “ misuse ” of Council chambers as a political stage. Councilmember Yamane agreed, noting that “we do not have the authority ” to investigate
personnel
matters.
The
HR
Director
confirmed,
“
the
only
person
that
has
the
authority
is
the
City
Manager
.”
Mayor
Morrison
was
even
more
blunt:
“
If
this
is
voted
on
tonight,
I
guarantee
you
there
will
be
interviews
with
TV
stations
tomorrow.
”
He
also
dismantled
Rodriguez’s
false
claim—echoing
Team
Aguirre’s—that
the
December
10 Council
meeting
was
irregular,
calling
it
what
it
was:
“
Mr.
Rodriguez
made
the
claim
that
normally
it
takes
months
to
do
that.
He's
been
on
the
council
for
more
than
four
years.
He
knows
that's
a
lie
.”
City
Policy
No.
402
is
clear:
“
After
the
development
agreement
is
considered
by
the
Planning
Commission,
[it
shall
be]
placed
on
a
City
Council
agenda
to
have
it
considered
for
approval
.”
The
December
10 meeting
was
the
final
meeting
of
2024,
so
it
was
properly
placed
on
the
agenda
and
the
Commission’s
recommendation
approved.
Rodriguez’s most embarrassing moment, however, came under pointed questioning from Councilmember
Bush.
Attempting
to
defend
his
motion,
he
offered
an
incoherent
rationale:
“
It
is
not
normal…
to
have
respected
business
leaders
in
our
community,
which
have
been
your
friends
for
decades,
come
forward
and
press
a
lawsuit
against
the
city
.”
When
Bush
demanded
evidence,
Rodriguez
admitted
he
had
none.
He
tried
to
sidestep
the
“
details
,”
but
Bush
pinned
him
down
until
Rodriguez
could
no
longer
evade
the
truth—his
accusation
was
built
on
nothing
but
air:
59 Echoing Polanco’s exact demand two weeks earlier at the March 4 Council meeting. 48
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 49 of 73
2. Rodriguez’s “Ad Hoc Investigation” — A Sham Disguised as Oversight Rodriguez’s proposal for an “ ad hoc investigation ” was never about uncovering the truth. He was posing
as
a
champion
of
transparency,
while
truth
was
the
last
thing
on
his
mind.
It
was
like
setting
a
barrel
of
wet
leaves
ablaze
to
make
your
neighbors
panic,
only
for
everyone
to
realize
there
was
no
fire
at
all—just
smoke.
That
was
Rodriguez’s
stunt:
an
empty
performance
designed
to
create
suspicion
where
none
existed.
This carnival-like sideshow is exactly why credible institutions separate investigations from the people
whose
conduct
is
in
question—because
otherwise
they
risk
becoming
part
of
the
cover-up
themselves. In 2018, after a series of high-profile workplace scandals, the California Legislature passed its Policy on Appropriate Workplace Conduct in June, and by February 2019, had established
a
truly
independent
Workplace
Conduct
Unit
60 staffed
with
trained
investigators.
In
October 2022, a racist comments scandal erupted in Los Angeles when a private 2021 meeting of councilmembers was leaked, prompting the California Attorney General to launch an investigation
into
the
city’s
redistricting
process—because
no
one
believed
the
council
could
credibly
investigate
itself.
And
in
New
York,
Governor
Cuomo’s
Moreland
Commission—touted
as
a
statewide
anti-corruption
effort—was
shut
down
in
March
2014,
less
than
a
year
after
its
July 2013 launch, just as it began uncovering politically damaging information. It was a textbook example of how insiders will end so-called independent probes once they threaten the powerful.
During the Sunroad scandal in 2006–2007, City Hall first relied on an insider-controlled review—promptly dismissed by local outlets as ‘the fox guarding the henhouse.’ Meanwhile, Michael
Aguirre
was
leading
his
own
parade
of
self-promotion,
holding
press
conferences
with
the flair of a carnival barker. A judge eventually barred him from prosecuting a related criminal case on ethical grounds, citing his inability to separate civil and criminal roles.
Rodriguez understood all of this. If a truly neutral investigator had been engaged on March 18, that
person
would
have
pulled
the
thread
on
the
very
coordination
and
political
theater
Rodriguez
and
Team
Aguirre
were
staging,
and
might
well
have
flagged
Rodriguez’s
“
ad
hoc
”
motion
itself
as
an
exercise
in
narrative
manipulation
rather
than
oversight.
So
he
chose
the
opposite:
a
procedurally
improper
motion
that
died
for
lack
of
a
second
61 —giving
him
the
performance
of
“calling
for
an
investigation”
and
the
talking
point
that
others
“shut
it
down,”
without
any
of
the
risk
that
comes
with
a
real,
independent
probe.
The
rest
of
the
Council
gave
Rodriguez’s
stunt
the
respect
it
deserved:
it
“died
for
the
lack
of
a
second”
meaning
that
all
that
time
and
energy
was
spent
for
a
motion
that
never
moved.
Whether
Rodriguez’s
political
career
will
be
enhanced
61 A
motion
“dies
for
lack
of
a
second”
when
no
second
member
even
agrees
to
discuss
it.
Seconds
are
almost
always
given
as
a
courtesy,
even
to
doomed
motions.
Failing
to
get
one
is
rare,
signaling
the
proposal
was
absurd.
60 Workplace Conduct Unit, 915 L St., Ste. 1260, Sacramento, CA 95814; 877.231.5956 49 Page 50 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 50 of 73 by the Aguirre-like theater will remain unknown. However, what is clear is that any legitimate legislator
would
never
allow
this
to
happen,
nor
want
this
kind
of
video
on
his
resume:
The contrast with Garcia’s later “investigation” could not be starker—or more telling. Garcia’s work
exemplified
the
kind
of
controlled,
selective
inquiry
Rodriguez’s
stunt
implicitly
favored:
ignoring
facts
where
they
mattered,
exaggerating
where
it
helped,
and
staying
silent
when
the
record
cut
against
the
preferred
storyline.
That
is
the
only
sort
of
“investigation”
Rodriguez
would
have
tolerated—but
even
that
was
too
much
risk
for
March
18,
because
the
point
that
night
was
not
to
investigate.
The
point
was
to
plant
suspicion,
cast
doubt
on
City
leadership,
and
generate
cynicism
for
personal
gain
in
the
coming
mayoral
race.
The
City
paid
the
price
in
trust.
3. The Clique’s Coordinated Statements to Garcia About Clark Being Placed on Leave In assessing whether the public comments and councilmember statements on March 18, 2025 were
independent
reactions
or
the
product
of
coordinated
messaging,
both
the
Garcia
investigative
report
and
the
meeting
transcript
reveal
notable
thematic
and
linguistic
overlap.
Witnesses
interviewed
by
Garcia
in
the
weeks
after
the
meeting
used
identical
or
near-identical
language
heard
in
public
remarks,
especially
around
the
issue
of
placing
Clark
on
administrative
leave.
Several witnesses in Garcia’s report raised the idea of Clark being placed on administrative leave.
These
comments
were
framed
as
common-sense
management
actions
in
light
of
the
accusations
and
investigation,
with
language
suggesting
urgency
and
inevitability.
For
example,
according
to
the
Garcia
Report,
Castaneda
“
believes
that
Clark
should
have
been
placed
on
admin
leave
immediately,
as
that
has
been
the
case
with
others
who
have
committed,
in
her
opinion,
far
less
serious
infractions
.”
Her
fellow
Clique
member,
Williams
mentioned
other
City
employees
“
who
were
placed
on
admin
leave
immediately
for
less
serious
infractions
…
and
he
felt
that
if
anyone
should
have
been
put
on
admin
leave,
it
should
have
been
Flores
-
Clark
.”
According
to
Garcia,
“
Apalategui
was
concerned
because
previous
cases
that
only
involved
verbal
accusations,
not
physical
ones,
resulted
in
employees
being
placed
on
leave
immediately
.”
Showing
the
extent
to
which
the
unfounded
rumors
had
spread
throughout
Clark’s
workplace,
according
to
Yamane,
who
held
an
“
open
house
”
on
March
25,
2025,
reported,
“
The
employees
50
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 51 of 73 were concerned that special treatment was being shown to Flores Clark since, in a similar situation
in
the
past,
the
employee
was
put
on
leave
right
away
.”
4. March 2025 Meeting Comments About Leave (Rodriguez and Polanco) At the March 18 council meeting, similar language emerged. Rodriguez emphasized perceived double
standards,
stating,
“if
these
accusations
were
to
be
made
for
any
other
assistant
in
her
office,
the
response
would
be
different.”
Rodriguez
was
repeating
a
teammate’s
March
4 Council
comment,
when
Polanco
said,
“
Put
the
Mayor’s
partner
assistant
on
leave
until
all
the
unvarnished
truth
comes
out.
”
While
not
using
the
term
“
leave
”
explicitly,
his
framing
mirrored
the
Garcia
report’s
witness
statements
that
Clark
should
not
remain
in
her
position
during
the
investigation.
Other
speakers,
such
as
Polanco,
linked
Clark’s
role
to
broader
disruption,
referring
to
“havoc”
caused
and
insisting
on
accountability—language
that
supports
the
same
implication:
that
leadership
action
(including
leave)
was
necessary.
P. Team Aguirre’s In-Sync Pro-Labor Messaging to Rope In the Clique On March 18, several Team Aguirre speakers synchronized their remarks to appeal directly to the union-aligned
(MEA)
employees
in
the
chamber—particularly
Apalategui,
Castaneda,
and
Delgado—mirroring
their
talking
points
on
workplace
and
wage
issues
despite
having
shown
little
prior
interest
in
such
matters.
For
example,
Aguirre
said,
“If
you
hire
people
for
unnecessary
work
and
pay
them
hundreds
of
dollars
an
hour,
you've
taken
that
money
away
from
the
pockets
of
your
loyal
employees.
Immediately
following
public
comments
by
Castaneda
62 and
Delgado,
63 McCarthy
shared
her
new-found
concern
for
union
workers:
“
I
feel
that
money
spent
on
frivolous
outside
counsel
should
be
spent
on
the
hardworking
people
that
have
your
back,”
while
Polanco
stated
that
“this
is
money
wasted…
that
could
have
gone
to
the
labor
union
workers…
to
retirement,
to
pension,
to
those
things
that
are
important
for
the
labor
union.”
Although MEA President Apalategui did not speak during public comment at the March 18 meeting,
she
attended
alongside
Castaneda
and
Delgado—and
spoke
directly
with
McCarthy
that
evening.
March
18 was
also
the
closed
session
in
which
Bush
first
discussed
Delgado’s
accusations
against
Clark,
making
it
the
latest
possible
date
Rodriguez
could
claim
to
have
learned
of
them.
But
Apalategui
had
known
about
Castaneda’s
fabricated
allegations
almost
immediately,
learning
of
them
on
February
27—within
minutes
of
their
invention.
The
Garcia
Report
confirmed
the
March
18 interaction
between
Apalategui
and
McCarthy,
noting
that
“She
did
previously
meet
McCarthy
64 at
a
meeting
involving
many
different
unions
and
McCarthy
let
64 Despite
this
meeting
with
McCarthy,
Garcia
also
wrote,
“
Apalategui
denied
knowing
McCarthy.”
63 Just
before
McCarthy’s
comment,
Delgado
commented,
“
Times
are
tough,
but
we
hope
that
you
value
…
those
of
us
that
are
boots
on
the
ground
and
want
to
continue
serving
the
community
of
National
City
.”
62 Castaneda told the Council, “ [Y]our MEA employees are still working hard out there—through all the weather conditions
and
regardless
of
the
chaos
and
the
low
wages.
”
51 Page 52 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 52 of 73 Apalategui know that she was very supportive of the employees and was supportive of their negotiations
for
a
stronger
contract.”
This
sequence
shows
that
both
women
had
early
access
to
information
about
the
allegations,
well
before
any
details
were
made
public.
Q. March 18 Leak Drives Smear into Public Arena That staged display of pro-labor solidarity was not the end of March 18—it was only the opening act.
In
the
hours
that
followed,
the
same
network
pivoted
from
orchestrated
public
messaging
to
covert
sabotage.
Their
target
shifted
from
shaping
perception
inside
the
council
chamber
to
exploiting
confidential
proceedings
in
the
closed
session
itself.
By
night’s
end,
allegations
shared
in
that
session
were
in
McCarthy’s
hands,
ready
to
be
repackaged
for
maximum
public
damage
and
deployed
in
a
public
forum
weeks
later.
The
transition
from
coordinated
speeches
to
back-channel
leaks
underscored
the
dual
nature
of
the
campaign:
one
arm
was
designed
to
win
public
sympathy,
the
other
to
weaponize
privileged
information.
The Garcia Report shows that the words McCarthy used on April 18 were identical to the language
in
Delgado’s
complaint,
a
match
that
could
only
have
come
from
someone
with
direct
access
to
that
document.
While
Apalategui
denied
knowing
how
McCarthy
obtained
the
information,
she
had
been
involved
from
the
outset
and
was
present
for
both
Delgado’s
and
Castaneda’s
interviews.
Her
role,
combined
with
the
matching
language,
raised
serious
questions
about
whether
she,
Rodriguez,
or
another
insider
leaked
the
details
from
the
closed
session,
and
about
how
quickly
those
details
were
weaponized.
Councilmember Bush would later confirm just how directly this information traveled from the closed
session
into
McCarthy’s
public
remarks.
On
April
22,
Bush
recounted
that
during
the
April
18 meeting,
McCarthy
repeated
the
very
details
he
had
shared
in
the
March
18 closed
session:
that
Delgado
alleged
Clark
touched
her
at
an
employee
birthday
lunch
on
February
27 and
made
a
comment
about
her
body.
Bush’s
statement
made
clear
that
the
leak
occurred
within
hours
of
the
meeting
and
that
the
information
was
not
vague
gossip,
but
precise,
verbatim
details
from
a
confidential
discussion.
The
breach
was
immediate,
deliberate,
and
intended
to
inflict
maximum
reputational
harm.
The leak was not a harmless breach of protocol—it was a direct act of workplace harm. By transmitting
confidential
and
false
allegations
into
the
public
sphere,
it
amplified
the
harassment
Clark
was
already
enduring
and
ensured
those
rumors
would
circulate
beyond
City
Hall.
Under
the
Fair
Employment
and
Housing
Act
(“FEHA”),
the
City
had
a
duty
to
take
“
all
reasonable
steps
”
65 to stop this kind of discrimination and harassment. For purposes of liability, Rodriguez, Castaneda,
Delgado,
Apalategui,
and
Williams
all
met
the
statutory
definition
of
“
supervisors
,”
making
the
City
strictly
liable
for
their
conduct.
The
City
also
bore
independent
liability
for
65 Gov. Code § 12926(j)(1)
52 Page 53 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 53 of 73 failing to prevent the harassment once on notice. Instead of intervening to protect Clark, the City—through
another
supervisor—took
action
that
compounded
the
harm.
On March 20, 2025—just two days after the closed-session leak—HR Director Flores-Hernandez served
Clark
with
a
notice
of
fact-finding
to
investigate
“
complaints
may
[sic]
by
staff
against
you
concerning
potential
violations
of
the
City’s
rules
and
regulations
against
harassment
.”
This
notice
came
despite
the
availability
of
surveillance
footage
that
would
have
shown
the
allegation
to
be
baseless.
Had
Flores-Hernandez
reviewed
the
footage—or
acknowledged
doing
so—she
would
have
known
there
was
no
legitimate
basis
to
proceed.
By
moving
forward
regardless,
the
City
crossed
a
line:
Clark’s
harassment
was
no
longer
merely
tolerated;
it
was
institutionally
endorsed.
The escalation did not stop there. On April 1, 2025, the campaign against Clark spilled even further
into
the
public
arena.
That
evening,
during
a
City
Council
meeting,
Polanco
accused
Clark—still
mourning
the
sudden
death
of
her
nephew,
Javier—of
soliciting
a
$7,000
kickback.
“
The
mayor's
assistant
asked
me
to
go
along
with
the
scheme
of
giving
her
$7,000…
I
don't
appreciate
that
,”
Polanco
told
the
Council.
She
offered
no
evidence
for
the
claim,
and
any
attempt
to
justify
it
would
only
have
underscored
its
implausibility.
The
accusation
was
part
of
a
larger
pattern
of
calculated
public
smears,
designed
to
undermine
Clark’s
credibility
while
masking
the
motives
of
those
spreading
them.
At its core, Polanco’s statement was a recycled and distorted narrative: that on November 18, 2024,
when
Javier’s
employer
offered
to
cover
his
funeral
expenses,
it
was
Clark—not
Polanco—who
sought
to
profit
by
pressuring
Polanco
to
rewrite
cemetery
contracts,
backdate
them,
and
double
the
fees.
This
claim
was
not
only
absurd
but
cruelly
timed,
weaponizing
Clark’s
personal
tragedy
to
publicly
damage
her
reputation
and
to
shift
scrutiny
away
from
the
CFB.
The
attack
was
as
personal
as
it
was
political,
exploiting
grief
for
strategic
gain.
After months of silence, Clark finally broke down. At the podium, she held up her phone: “This phone
right
here,
this
is
my
son.
He's
not
my
nephew.
He's
my
son.
And
who
knows
better
than
that?
They
do.
They've
been
my
friends,
my
best
friends,
my
family
for
over
two
decades.
They
know
my
history.”
She
explained
that
her
sister
had
died
by
suicide
while
fleeing
an
abusive
relationship,
and
she
had
raised
Javier
as
her
own
son
ever
since.
She
accused
Polanco
and
McCarthy
of
exploiting
their
intimate
knowledge
of
her
life
and
grief
to
punish
her:
“They
held
my
son's
body
for
almost
a
month...
only
for
them
to
tell
me
they're
still
not
gonna
allow
me
to
bury
my
son
with
his
birth
mother,
with
my
sister.”
Her
raw
pain,
captured
on
video
archived
on
the
City’s
website,
laid
bare
the
human
cost
of
the
smear
campaign:
53 Page 54 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 54 of 73
What began as hostility soon evolved into something far more vicious—undeterred by Clark’s grief,
truth,
or
decency.
Team
Aguirre
just
doubled
down,
recycling
the
same
cruel
narratives
with
rehearsed
precision.
Seeing
Clark’s
anguish
had
only
strengthened
their
resolve.
R. April 15, 2025: McCarthy Escalates with Greater Ferocity At the very next Council meeting, McCarthy escalated her attacks to a new level of intensity. She resurrected
allegations
Clark
had
already
publicly
refuted
on
April
1,
making
it
clear
the
repetition
was
neither
accidental
nor
rooted
in
misunderstanding—it
was
intentional,
malicious,
and
designed
to
reopen
the
wound.
She
again
suggested
Clark
had
tried
to
profit
from
her
own
son’s
death,
echoing
almost
word-for-word
Polanco’s
outrageous
claim
from
two
weeks
earlier:
“
[N]ot
only
did
she
ask
for
a
free
funeral
and
cemetery
service,
but
she
also
asked
us
to
rewrite
the
contract
because
she
found
out
that
the
employer
of
her
nephew—not
her
son—was
going
to
pay
for
the
services.
”
By
reintroducing
the
accusation
after
Clark’s
emotional
rebuttal,
McCarthy
signaled
that
the
cruelty
was
part
of
a
strategy,
not
a
lapse
in
judgment.
McCarthy went beyond merely repeating the claim—she sought to bolster it with theatrics.
Waiving
a
document,
she
taunted
Clark:
“
Here
you
go.
Let
there
be
no
doubt.
And
our
attorney
has
far
more
paperwork
.”
The
gesture
was
calculated
to
project
confidence
and
legitimacy,
as
though
the
mere
existence
of
paper
proved
the
truth
of
her
words.
She
followed
up
by
accusing
Clark
of
attempting
to
falsify
Javier’s
death
certificate—a
charge
flatly
contradicted
by
the
birth
certificate
itself.
The
persistence
of
these
disproven
claims
underscored
the
deliberate
nature
of
the
smear.
The
aim
was
not
to
persuade,
but
to
saturate
the
public
record
with
the
lie
until
it
felt
impossible
to
erase.
At the same time, McCarthy worked to shield a political ally. She pivoted from attacking Clark’s character
to
defending
Rodriguez,
gaslighting
the
public
about
his
“turkey
giveaways”
and
framing
them
as
evidence
of
corruption
tied
to
the
Mayor:
“
The
Brikhos
your
friends
have
sent
have
spent
thousands
of
dollars
on
frozen
turkeys
and
hams
at
your
behest
...
We
are
told
you
are
getting
Brico
discounts.
”
These
were
not
vague
insinuations—they
were
scripted
attacks
meant
to
confuse
the
public,
muddy
the
narrative,
and
shift
attention
away
from
the
misconduct
McCarthy
and
her
allies
were
working
to
conceal.
54
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 55 of 73 McCarthy’s April 15 performance was more than an isolated act of malice. It was a continuation of
the
March
18–April
1 pattern:
a
calculated
blend
of
personal
attack,
public
spectacle,
and
political
utility.
By
recycling
disproven
allegations
and
weaving
them
into
new,
unrelated
claims,
she
and
her
allies
kept
the
pressure
on
Clark
while
creating
a
steady
stream
of
controversy
for
political
exploitation.
It
was
the
clearest
signal
yet
that
the
campaign
against
Clark
was
not
a
spontaneous
reaction
to
events—it
was
an
organized
operation
with
staying
power.
S. April 18: Leak Weaponized and Garcia Looks Away Three days later, on April 18, 2025, the smear campaign shifted into its most aggressive phase.
That
day’s
City
Council
meeting
became
the
stage
for
a
direct
breach
of
closed-session
confidentiality—transforming
private
deliberations
from
March
18 into
a
public
weapon.
In
full
view
of
the
chamber,
the
same
network
that
had
synchronized
its
messaging
a
month
earlier
deployed
those
secrets
for
maximum
damage,
and
investigator
Mark
Garcia’s
later
handling
of
the
episode
revealed
just
how
determined
he
was
to
look
the
other
way.
The full extent of what transpired behind closed doors on March 18 would not be revealed until April 22, 2025, when Councilmember Bush publicly gave a detailed account of the April 18 breach:
At the Friday special meeting [on April 18] Luisa McCarthy publicly shared details
of
the
complaint
of
the
sexual
harassment
complaint
made
by
Elyana
Delgado
against
Josie
Flores-Clark.
The
details
shared
included
details
I
shared
…
during
the
March
18 special
closed
66 session
meeting.
Specifically,
I
described
the
facts
about
the
case
as
I
understood
it
(Josie
touched
Elyana
at
an
employee
birthday
lunch
on
2/27
and
made
a
comment
about
her
body).
The Garcia Report confirms that the words McCarthy used on April 18 were identical to language
in
Delgado’s
formal
complaint,
meaning
that
someone
with
access
to
that
confidential
document
had
provided
it
to
her.
While
Apalategui
denied
knowing
how
McCarthy
obtained
the
information,
she
had
been
involved
in
the
matter
from
the
outset
and
was
present
for
both
Delgado’s
and
Castaneda’s
interviews.
Her
role,
combined
with
the
matching
language,
raised
serious
questions
about
whether
she,
Rodriguez,
or
another
insider
had
leaked
the
details
from
the
closed
session.
T. Rodriguez Joins Team Aguirre’s April 18 Offensive The coordinated smear campaign peaked on April 18, 2025, during a City Council meeting where
Rodriguez
chose
not
to
take
his
seat
on
the
dais.
Instead,
he
crossed
the
line—literally
and
politically—by
joining
Team
Aguirre
as
a
“
member
of
the
public
,”
seated
shoulder
to
shoulder
66 “A person may not disclose confidential information that has been acquired by being present in a closed session …
to
a
person
not
entitled
to
receive
it,
unless
the
legislative
body
authorizes
disclosure.”
Gov. Code § 54963(a).
55 Page 56 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 56 of 73 with his allies: Polanco, McCarthy, Aguirre, Severson, Natalie Vilas Boas, Teran, Ashley Morrison,
Alisha
Morrison,
Doyle
Morrison,
Scheller,
and
Frank
Rivera.
67 The
alignment
was
not
subtle;
it
was
choreographed
and
unmistakable,
best
illustrated
by
still
images
now
preserved
in
the
City’s
public
archive:
April 18 was the moment Team Aguirre had been waiting for—chomping at the bit for the opportunity
to
leak
the
closed
session
information
they
had
been
holding
onto
for
over
a
month.
McCarthy
took
the
oar
and
steered
the
attack,
addressing
Mayor
Morrison
directly
with
a
question
that
unmistakably
breached
that
confidentiality:
“
Was
Ben
Martinez
trying
to
hold
your
assistant,
Josie
Flores
Clark,
accountable
…to
place
Josie
on
an
administrative
leave
to
investigate
her
for
slapping
the
buttocks
of
another
city
employee
here
?”
(emphasis
added).
Rodriguez was no mere bystander when McCarthy willfully shared Castaneda’s and Delgado’s fabricated
allegation
with
the
public;
by
that
point,
he
had
fully
aligned
himself
with
the
smear
campaign—even
as
he
tried
to
pin
his
outrage
on
having
to
work
on
a
Friday.
In
his
April
22 email,
which
suggested
Rodriguez
had
likely
leaked
the
March
18 closed
session
information
to
McCarthy,
Councilmember
Bush
also
disclosed
Rodriguez’s
private
threat
to
Apalategui:
“
[Rodriguez]
said
that
if
she
doesn't
publicly
support
Brian,
she
and/or
MEA
can
forget
asking
him
for
any
help
or
support
'when
he
becomes
Mayor.
’”
During the same meeting, a member of the public with no clear affiliation to either side called Rodriguez
out
for
abandoning
all
pretense
of
neutrality—describing
how
the
sulking
67 Playing the role of Team Aguirre’s planning expert, Rivera’s involvement is remarkable only in its ambiguity—his actual
contribution
remains
to
be
seen.
56
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 57 of 73 councilmember, no longer at the dais, deliberately fomented vitriol from the back of the room while
Council
was
in
session:
“
Here
we
have
Rodriguez
talking
...
he's
part
of
the
problem,
he's
creating
this
controversy
here.
He's
in
the
back,
stirring
people
up.
”
At
that
same
meeting,
a
Planning
Commissioner
confirmed
that
Rodriguez
planned
to
run
against
Morrison
in
the
City’s
next
mayoral
election.
68 Rodriguez also delivered two public comments that mirrored Team Aguirre’s talking points. In the
first,
he
chastised
the
Mayor
for
“
making
backroom
deals,
trying
to
silence
the
public…
[y]ou
all
should
be
embarrassed
and
ashamed
.”
In
the
second,
he
escalated
to
full-blown
hyperbole:
You're really hijacking our city… Ron will go to every length to cover his assistant.
There
are
multiple
investigations,
an
open
lawsuit
for
not
complying
with
Public
Records
Act
requests…
operating
in
secrets,
operating
in
darkness…
complicit
in
this
hijacking
of
the
city...
Please
stop
doing
that!
Follow
the
decorum…
Can
I
have
my
ten
seconds
back?
U. Escalation of the Campaign: April 18 – June 17, 2025 Following the April 18 Council meeting leak, Team Aguirre accelerated its coordinated efforts on
multiple
fronts—through
lawsuits,
public
comment
theatrics,
investigative
manipulation,
and
even
the
beginnings
of
recall
activity.
By
this
point,
any
sense
of
decency
had
long
since
been
abandoned,
and
over
the
next
two
months
their
boorishness
became
almost
routine—normalized
as
part
of
the
public
discourse.
These
efforts
did
not
unfold
sequentially,
but
in
overlapping
bursts
of
litigation,
leaks,
and
public
pressure.
The
following
sub-sections
trace
those
parallel
developments.
1. Clark’s Formal Complaint to the City Regarding the Leak (April 21, 2025) On April 21, 2025, Clark engaged in protected activity when she filed a “Formal Complaint” with the City, alleging, “ I have reason to believe that Councilmember Jose Rodriguez improperly disclosed
this
information
to
Ms.
McCarthy,
in
direct
violation
of
City
policies
and
potentially
the Brown Act .” Three days later, on April 24, Garcia interviewed her. Clark unequivocally denied the allegations that she had ever spanked Delgado, stating, “ Absolutely not .” She described
the
complaint
as
part
of
a
broader
campaign
of
retaliation
and
misinformation
orchestrated
by
her
former
close
friends,
Polanco
and
McCarthy,
and
politically
weaponized
by
Councilmember
Rodriguez.
According to Clark, “ Louisa McCarthy and Mika Polanco were fueling this narrative that I had touched
someone
inappropriately,
and
Rodriguez
used
it
to
push
a
hostile
environment
on
me
at
City
Hall.
”
She
referred
to
their
efforts
as
a
“
smear
campaign
”
driven
by
opposition
to
a
real
68 See , Rodriguez’s Candidate Intention Statement, dated July 30, 2025. 57 Page 58 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 58 of 73 estate development project and personal resentment over her refusal to interfere in City processes.
“
They
expected
me
to
cross
a
line
I
wasn’t
willing
to
cross,”
she
said.
“This
whole
thing
has
been
manufactured
.”
Clark
described
her
workplace
environment
as
“
toxic
”
and
“
designed
to
break
[her]
down.
”
She
spoke
of
suffering
from
severe
emotional
distress,
including
insomnia
and
physical
fatigue,
and
said
that
the
manufactured
nature
of
the
complaint
made
it
all
the
more
difficult
to
endure.
“
I
don’t
sleep
,”
she
told
Garcia.
“
This
is
affecting
my
health.
They
know
what
they’re
doing
to
me
.”
2. Polanco Fake-Sues to Down-Zone Muraoka’s Property (May 1, 2025) On May 1, 2025, Aguirre filed another lawsuit for Polanco—this time a “Complaint for Declaratory Relief” (“Second Lawsuit”)—as part of her months-long campaign to pressure the Muraoka family into selling her the Project property. The cause of action itself underscored its frivolousness:
Polanco
was
literally
asking
a
Judge
to
“
determine
”
something
that
was
already
widely
known—certainly
the
City
knew—which
was
that
it
had
the
authority
to
rezone
the
Muraoka
property.
That
this
was
already
known
(and
therefore
that
the
City
did
not
need
Polanco
to
ask
the
Court
to
tell
them)
is
not
debatable.
Both
Polanco
and
McCarthy
admitted
it
during
public
comment
at
the
June
17 Council
meeting:
All right, well, as Luisa said, you do have the power to re-zone it. I don't think that
that's
the
question
being
proposed.
I
think
the
question
is
not,
you
know,
whether
these,
what,
whether
you
can
turn
it
back
to
residential
or
not,
you
know
you
can.
You
have
the
legislative
power
to
do
so.
For some reason other than the stated one, however, Polanco’s Second Lawsuit asked that precise question.
Moreover,
that
was
the
only
question
it
asked.
The
“
Prayer
”
in
her
Complaint
makes
that
clear:
This raised the same problem as her first lawsuit, filed January 24. That suit claimed to seek production
of
City
records,
but
it
was
filed
before
the
deadline
for
the
City
to
even
produce
them.
Just
as
the
First
Lawsuit
was
not
really
about
records,
the
Second
was
not
really
about
confirming
zoning
authority.
In
both
cases,
the
lawsuits
were
props.
Their
true
purpose
was
to
manipulate
the
Muraokas
by
creating
pressure
and
uncertainty,
while
simultaneously
generating
58
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 59 of 73 documents Aguirre and Polanco could present to the public—especially the media—for an entirely
different
narrative.
In
short,
the
lawsuits
were
never
legal
disputes;
they
were
political
and
commercial
weapons.
The filing capped three months of steady pressure applied through her realtor, Sharon Smith. On February
15,
2025,
Smith
sent
the
Muraokas’
agent
two
bank
statements
showing
Polanco’s
accounts with a combined balance exceeding $4.6 million. In a March 21, 2025 email, she began floating the idea of a “ campaign ” for residential rezoning that would depress the property’s value:
“
the
neighbors
69 …
put
together
some
association
against
any
sort
of
commercial
building
in
that
area
…
If
this
group
challenges
the
annexation
this
property
could
become
only
residential
.”
70 She
even
pointed
to
media
reports
amplifying
Ms.
Morrison’s
“
controversy
”
(which,
like
Team
Aguirre’s
conduct,
had
caused
substantial
economic
harm
to
the
Zakar
family).
Although the Muraoka family’s realtor made it clear he was not interested in discussing the “ neighbors ,” Smith persisted. Her March 21 email pressed harder—asking rhetorically, “ wouldn’t the value start dropping? ”—a warning of further financial harm if the community opposition
continued.
She
invoked
Alisha
Morrison
by
name
to
underscore
the
threat.
71 The
message
was
unmistakable:
if
the
Muraokas
did
not
sell
to
Polanco,
a
coordinated
campaign
would
erode
the
value
of
their
property.
That pressure campaign was hardly a secret. Team Aguirre knew perfectly well that the City had the
authority
to
rezone
the
Muraoka
property
if
it
wanted
to—but
the
City
would
never
want
to
unless
the
Muraokas
themselves
requested
it.
Another
angle,
however,
was
confusion:
perhaps
the
Muraokas
could
be
made
to
believe
that
this
lawsuit
might
result
in
their
property
being
rezoned
against
their
wishes,
and
that
their
property
value
could
plummet.
In
fact,
the
Muraokas
were
concerned,
feeling
only
a
little
better
when
Martin
Reeder
assured
them
that
the
City
had
no
plans
to
downzone
the
Project
property.
It was never as though Team Aguirre went into these lawsuits with any coherent legal objective.
The
one
thing
they
did
know
was
that
filing
them
would
create
drama,
turmoil,
and
expense.
And
based
on
a
lifetime
of
operating
this
way,
they
also
knew
that
most
ordinary
people
eventually
get
tired
of
the
chaos
and
give
in.
The
gamble
was
simple:
drag
the
City
and
the
Muraokas
through
enough
legal
and
political
mayhem,
and
eventually
someone
might
throw
up
their
hands
and
say,
“life’s
too
short—just
give
them
what
they
want.”
71 March 21, 2025
from
Sharon
Smith
to
the
Muraokas’
agent,
warning
that
“
the
community
has
really
launched
a
campaign
”
against
commercial
use
of
the
property
and
suggesting
that
“
the
value
[would]
start
dropping
”
if
the
controversy
continued.
70 Alisha Morrison rallied the Lincoln Acres troops with a flyer for a meeting on February 20, 2025 .
69 Smith was referring to a “ group ” led by Alisha Morrison, who “ quit her job ” to “ campaign ” for rezoning. 59 Page 60 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 60 of 73 But another possible outcome was just as foreseeable—and that is the one now playing out. The lawsuits
were
so
flagrantly
frivolous
and
transparently
tactical
that
they
prompted
not
fear,
but
eye-rolling.
Instead
of
pressuring
the
City
into
submission,
Team
Aguirre’s
antics
revealed
their
desperation.
By
May
and
June,
their
public
comments
devolved
into
little
more
than
bargaining:
“
drop
the
lawsuits
if
you
rezone
the
property
.”
These
were
not
the
moves
of
clever
tacticians.
They
were
the
flailing
tactics
of
people
who
conduct
themselves
through
disruption
as
a
matter
of
habit,
mistaking
mayhem
for
strategy.
What Team Aguirre failed to understand was that Clark, the Mayor, and the rest of the City’s leadership
were
not
the
type
to
cave
to
circus
acts.
They
were
not
going
to
reward
clowns
in
suits
demanding
ransom.
And
by
June
17,
the
spiral
had
tightened.
The
desperation
became
undeniable,
culminating
in
public
pleas
for
an
“off-ramp”
in
exchange
for
abandoning
their
meritless
lawsuits—an
arrangement
that
looked
less
like
negotiation
and
more
like
extortion.
Time and again, Team Aguirre openly revealed what their lawsuits were really about: not justice, not
law,
but
leverage
to
force
a
sale.
They
did
not
even
bother
to
disguise
Polanco’s
extortion
campaign
when
speaking
to
the
Council.
Over
and
over,
they
said
the
same
thing:
if
you
rezone,
we’ll
drop
the
lawsuits;
if
you
don’t,
we’ll
keep
going.
The
following
compilation
of
their
statements
makes
that
point
unmistakably
clear.
3. Garcia Ignores Contradictions in Witness Testimony (May 5–11, 2025) Meanwhile, Garcia’s investigation was gathering testimony that directly contradicted the Clique’s
narrative,
yet
he
failed
to
address
it.
On
May
5,
at
9:30
a.m.,
just
an
hour
after
Castaneda
reaffirmed
her
March
26 statement
that
she
had
only
spoken
to
Delgado,
Apalategui,
and
McGhee,
Ron
Williams
told
Garcia
that
“
Juanita
Castaneda
came
to
his
office
the
Monday
following
the
incident
[March
3,
2025]
to
tell
him
…
that
Delgado
was
touched
inappropriately
on
the
butt
by
Josie
Flores
Clark.
”
Six
days
later,
on
May
11,
Councilmember
Yamane
told
Garcia
that
Castaneda
had
approached
her
during
a
public
event
on
March
25—the
day
before
Castaneda’s
first
interview—and
discussed
both
the
allegations
and
the
status
of
the
investigation.
Garcia
summarized
it
himself:
“
Yamane
stated
that
she
had
a
conversation
with
Juanita
Castaneda
on
March
25,
2025,
during
which
Castaneda
discussed
the
allegations
and
60
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 61 of 73 the status of the investigation. ” This was a direct contradiction of Castaneda’s account, yet Garcia’s
report
never
acknowledged
it.
Meanwhile, Rodriguez, who was present at the March 18 closed session where the leak originated,
failed
to
appear
for
his
scheduled
interview.
Garcia
excused
the
absence
without
explanation
and
never
followed
up.
His
failure
to
pursue
Rodriguez,
paired
with
his
dismissal
of
Castaneda’s
contradictions,
left
the
report
irreparably
compromised.
Not only had Williams contradicted Castaneda’s claim of limited disclosure, he also admitted to misconduct—viewing
the
surveillance
video
and
sharing
it
with
other
members
of
the
Clique.
72 Garcia
recorded
this
admission
but
failed
to
address
that
it
violated
policy,
confidentiality,
and
workplace
protocol.
His
own
summary
even
contains
a
self-contradictory
account
of
whether
Williams
viewed
the
video:
Hernandez requested a 4-hour snippet of video but Williams was not sure what it was
for
at
that
time.
Williams
stated
that
he
did
not
view
the
video,
but
rather
just
put
it
on
the
network
and
gave
it
to
Hernandez.
However,
Williams
did
view
the
portion
of
the
video
in
which
the
incident
occurred.
The existence of this contradictory evidence, combined with Garcia’s decision to omit it from his credibility
analysis,
undermines
the
reliability
of
his
entire
report—especially
his
claim
that
the
source
of
the
leak
could
not
be
determined.
His
failure
to
even
mention
Rodriguez’s
refusal
to
appear
makes
that
claim
even
less
credible.
4. Garcia Sustains the Allegations Against Clark Despite the Evidence Proving Them False Despite the contradictions in testimony and the surveillance footage that undercut Castaneda’s and
Delgado’s
claims,
Garcia
sustained
the
allegation.
The
video
showed
Delgado
initiating
a
hug
while
Clark
remained
seated.
During
the
brief,
one-armed
embrace,
Clark’s
right
arm
moved
slightly,
making
momentary
contact
with
Delgado’s
lower
back
near
the
buttocks.
The
motion
was
indistinct,
lacked
force,
and
appeared
incidental—neither
clearly
accidental
nor
intentional.
It
was
simply
a
hug
between
someone
seated
and
someone
standing.
To reach a “ sustained ” finding, Garcia had to alter the assignment he was given. 73 The March 20
Notice
of
Fact-Finding
stated
that
he
had
been
retained
to
“
investigate
these
allegations
.”
If
he
73 Clark alleges on information and belief that Garcia did not change his assignment without first getting the consent of
a
city
public
official,
likely
Flores-Hernandez.
In
doing
so,
Garcia
as
the
city's
agent,
and
Flores
Hernandez
as
a
city
public
official
took
“deliberate
acts”
to
violate
Clark's
civil
rights
in
violation
of
Regulation
04.16,
FEHA,
and
federal
law
(e.g.,
42 USC § 1983; Clouthier v. County of Contra Costa
(9th
Cir.
2010)
591
F.3d
1232).
72 Not only did Williams conduct his own unauthorized investigation, he violated Regulation 04.16, which requires “
privacy
and
confidentiality
”
of
any
harassment
investigations.
61 Page 62 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 62 of 73 had done so, the only possible outcome was “unfounded.” 74 Delgado’s written complaint alleged
Clark
“
spanked
my
right
buttock
.”
Castaneda’s
alleged
Clark
spanked
Delgado
twice.
Later,
Delgado
added
claims
about
a
chest
grab.
The
inconsistencies
were
obvious,
and
the
video
evidence
disproved
all
of
them.
Garcia
knew
that
if
he
kept
his
assignment
tethered
to
those
allegations,
he
would
have
to
find
them
false.
But
Garcia
also
knew
which
side
his
bread
was
buttered
on.
Instead
of
rejecting
the
claims,
he
rewrote
them—restating
the
question
as
whether
Clark’s
hand
had
made
any
contact
with
Delgado’s
back
or
buttocks.
That
rephrasing
created
just
enough
space
for
him
to
“
sustain
”
what
could
not
otherwise
be
sustained.
His
report
illustrates
the
shift:
Although the video is from a distance and tiles at times, it does appear that Flores-Clark
pats
Delgado
on
the
buttocks
area
twice.
In
the
video
Flores-Clark’s
right
hand
cannot
be
clearly
seen,
Flores-Clark’s
right
arm
does
appear
to
move
back
and
forth
twice
when
releasing
from
the
hug.
In
the
video
her
hand
appears
to
strike
her
upper
buttocks
or
the
low
back
of
Delgado.
It
should
be
noted
that
at
1:26:45
of
the
video
Flores-Clark
hugs
an
unknown
man
and
at
the
end
of
her
hug,
pats
him
on
the
back
twice.
Garcia’s own language betrayed the problem. Delgado had accused Clark of a “ spank .” Garcia downgraded
that
to
a
“
pat
.”
75 Stripped
of
embellishment,
the
finding
amounted
to
this:
during
a
hug
initiated
by
Delgado,
Clark’s
hand
briefly
brushed
her
lower
back.
That
was
the
full
extent
of
the
alleged
“
sexual
assault
.”
The
only
thing
a
defense
attorney
would
need
to
do
to
exonerate
Clark
is
press
play.
Yet Garcia still produced a 27-page report, after interviewing ten witnesses (two of them twice), sustaining
an
allegation
of
sexual
misconduct
over
what
amounted
to
a
half-second
brush
of
a
hand.
Incredibly,
he
admitted
he
had
not
even
watched
the
second
angle
of
the
surveillance
footage,
writing
that
the
City
had
not
provided
it
to
him.
76 In
the
end,
Garcia
not
only
sustained
allegations
his
own
evidence
showed
to
be
false,
he
also
ignored
the
Regulation
04.16,
which
states:
“
Knowingly,
falsely
accusing
someone
of”
sexual
harassment
is
“grounds
for
disciplinary
conduct,
up
to
and
including
termination
of
employment
.”
Both
Castaneda
and
Delgado
had
made
knowingly
false
accusations.
Garcia
had
the
evidence
in
hand
to
prove
it.
But
rather
than
call
their
conduct
what
it
was—false
reporting—he
twisted
his
assignment
so
that
he
could
“
sustain
”
their
story
and
protect
the
City’s
chosen
narrative.
76 Garcia
wrote,
“I
was
advised
that
there
was
also
another
video
from
a
different
angle
that
showed
the
same
time
frame;
however,
that
video
was
not
provided
to
the
investigator.”
75 “Pat” suggests intentional conduct, but even then, Garcia never concluded—or even suggested—that Clark acted intentionally.
74 In workplace investigations, a finding of “ unfounded ” means the evidence shows the alleged conduct did not occur at
all.
This
is
distinct
from
“
not
sustained
,”
which
means
there
was
insufficient
proof
either
way.
62 Page 63 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 63 of 73
5. Team Aguirre’s Recall Bush Push (May 8 to June 17, 2025) As Garcia began taking his final interviews and finalizing his report–Polanco’s second lawsuit having
just
been
filed
and
served,
Team
Aguirre
began
pivoting
toward
threats
of
recall
77 —against Councilmember Bush.
78 ( See , Team Aguirre’s Recall Bush Push).
79 Supporters circulated talking points echoing the same themes from April 18: Clark was corrupt, Morrison was
compromised,
and
the
only
“
solution
”
was
to
sweep
them
out
of
office.
These
recall
stirrings
were
not
spontaneous—they
were
the
next
logical
step
in
the
pressure
campaign,
designed
to
keep
political
heat
on
both
the
Mayor
and
Clark
while
simultaneously
amplifying
litigation
threats.
V. June 17: Team “ Junior High School ” Aguirre’s Melt Down By mid-June, the public campaign waged by Team Aguirre had devolved from political theater into
personal
vendetta.
With
its
narrative
unraveling
and
the
City’s
complicity
under
scrutiny,
their
tactics
grew
more
erratic—and
more
aggressive.
On
June
17,
2025,
the
twisted
motive
behind
Polanco’s
months-long
crusade
was
exposed.
But
by
then,
Aguirre
and
Severson
had
already
been
caught
on
camera
breaking
the
law. 1. Desperation Move: Partners (and Agents) Cross the Line For months, Team Aguirre had been extremely careful while performing a tightrope dance along the
Section
47 line—willfully
defaming
with
literal
immunity
anyone,
anytime,
saying
anything
they
wanted,
as
long
as
it
was
atop
their
soapboxes
resting
at
the
foot
of
City
Hall’s
mic’d
up
podium.
In
a
single
evening,
Team
Aguirre’s
campaign
appeared
to
unravel.
Severson
showed
up
for
the
June
17 Council
meeting
in
a
very
bad
mood.
Two
weeks
earlier,
Clark’s
recently
retained
lawyer emailed Aguirre asking for a short continuance of Clark’s deposition: “ I’m booked solid until June 19. Can we move to that date? ” The next day, Severson responded, denying the professional courtesy. Over the next two weeks, Severson sent several volatile emails with building frustration at Clark’s refusal to be bullied. Giving in, on June 16, 2025, Severson agreed to schedule Clark’s for June 19 as requested, but because that date was no longer available on her lawyer’s calendar, 79 After a two-month break, Polanco climbed back onto her soap box with pent-up vitriol she could no longer contain—embarrassing
herself,
and
to
some
extent,
humanity—with
a
rant
that
was
equal
parts
creepy, crazy, and
comical. In striking contrast to her April 21 remark about “attacking the problem, and not the people ,”
Polanco
raved
about
“
slapping
ass
,”
a
“
stinky
”
mayor,
his
“
balls,
”
his
“
lover
”
(
a
“
peacock
”),
her
“
rodeo
,”
and
even
“
God.
”
78 Team Aguirre had been calling for Mayor Morrison to resign since the April 18 meeting when McCarthy first leaked
the
false
sexual
harassment
charges
against
Clark.
For
example,
in
one
evening,
Team
Aguirre
made
these
public
comments
calling
for
Morrison
to
step
down:
April 18 Video compilation
.
77 Polanco and McCarthy were never National City residents 63 Page 64 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 64 of 73 Aguirre and Severson had to book it for June 25, 2025. In a failed attempt to make lemonade, Polanco’s
attorneys
tried
to
twist
a
mundane
scheduling
issue
into
another
sign
that
Clark
was
trying to hide something. They sent the City a copy of Clark’s deposition notice as “Materials Received from Members of the Public.”
But Severson could not wait for the Council meeting to begin before venting her frustration. Spotting Clark with her daughter (and Lt. Omar Ramirez), the City’s surveillance cameras captured video of Severson angrily confronting Clark, saying: “ Are you going to show up to the deposition
this
time?
You
know
it’s
against
the
law
and
you
have
to
show
.”
When
Clark
replied,
“
You
can
talk
to
my
attorney
,”
Severson
repeated
her
accusation
that
Clark
was
breaking
the
law.
80 When Clark’s daughter told her to speak to her mother’s attorney, Severson stepped toward her, demanding,
“
Who
are
you?
What’s
your
name?
”
Clark
moved
to
block
Severson
from
her
daughter,
but
Severson
sidestepped
the
mother
bear
to
continue
her
advance:
As a licensed attorney, Severson was barred
81 from initiating any communication with Clark—let alone
confronting
and
bullying
her
and
her
daughter.
The
rule’s
application
here
was—and
always
has
been—unambiguous.
Severson
knowingly
violated
a
core
ethical
safeguard
designed
81 Rule of Professional Conduct 4.2 plainly states, “ [A] lawyer shall not communicate directly or indirectly about the subject
of
the
representation
with
a
person
the
lawyer
knows
to
be
represented
by
another
lawyer
in
the
matter.
”
80 See , Clark’s attorney’s letter, dated June 24, 2025. 64
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 65 of 73 to preserve the integrity of the legal process. Rule 4.2 functions as a mandated shield against improper
attorney
contact,
especially
when
that
contact
is
coercive,
abusive,
or
manipulative—the
very
kind
of
misconduct
Severson
committed.
Due to Severson’s belligerence, Clark’s daughter asked Lt. Ramirez for an escort to her car when she
planned
to
leave
later
that
evening.
But
before
they
could
reach
the
lieutenant
waiting
for
her
downstairs,
Clark
and
her
daughter
were
accosted
again—this
time
by
Aguirre.
Sitting
alongside
members
of
the
public
82 outside
Chambers,
Aguirre
spotted
his
prey
passing
through.
Aguirre
grabbed
his
cell
phone,
sprang
to
his
feet
and
followed
Clark—with
his
young
associate
83 in
tow
about
to
witness
a
master
class
in
professional
misconduct.
84 As though Severson’s confrontation of Clark and her daughter were not enough, Aguirre’s own anger
caused
him
to
slip
during
public
comment,
inadvertently
revealing
his
knowledge
of
Severson's
own
misconduct
earlier
that
evening,
before
stumbling
mid-sentence
to
conceal
the
truth.
By
then,
an
unhinged
Aguirre
seized
on
a
remark
Clark
had
made
to
Severson
in
a
conversation
that
never
should
have
occurred—twisting
it
into
yet
another
pretext
to
attack
the
Mayor:
You have your assistant make a mockery out of the justice system. She doesn’t come to
her
depositions
for
six
different
deposition
times.
We
accommodated
her,
and
then
tonight
she
tells
...
um
someone
…
that
she
might
not
come
to
the
next
one,
just
on
her
whim
(emphasis
added).
84 Describing “ Prohibited Harassment,” CRPC Rule 8.4.1(a)(1)
states,
“
a
lawyer
shall
not:
(1)
unlawfully
harass
or
unlawfully
discriminate
against
persons
on
the
basis
of
any
protected
characteristic;”
Comment
[1]:
“Conduct
that
violates
this
rule
undermines
confidence
in
the
legal
profession
and
our
legal
system
.”
83 Barely six months into his licensure as a California attorney, Alexander Myers Gutterud's
supervisors
modeled
how
to
skirt
ethics
laws:
in
full
view
of
surveillance
cameras.
82 That same evening, Aguirre took unsolicited photographs of Clark, her daughter, and another attendee—prompting
the
scornful
citizen
to
photograph Aguirre back.
65
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 66 of 73
Aguirre’s vague reference to “ um … someone ” revealed his knowledge of Severson’s illegal act.
His
decision
only
to
allude
to
Severson
was
an
effort
to
obscure
her
identity
while
still
using
the
episode
to
advance
his
argument.
By
invoking
the
incident
publicly,
Aguirre
ratified
Severson’s
misconduct
while
attempting
to
shield
his
firm
and
his
clients
from
her
liability.
2. AmBush: Aguirre Cracks Under Councilmember’s Cross, Polanco’s Secret Slips The June 17, 2025 City Council meeting was the culmination of the gaslighting, smear tactics, and
coordinated
mayhem
that
had
been
unfolding
since
November
18,
2024.
By
this
point,
the
circus
had
become
familiar.
But
that
evening
marked
a
turning
point—not
because
Team
Aguirre
escalated
their
attacks,
but
because
Councilmember
Marcus
Bush
pulled
off
a
cross-examination
that
exposed
their
true
motives
for
all
to
see.
In
a
performance
that
would
have
impressed
even
F.
Lee
Bailey,¹
Bush
pressed
Aguirre
and
his
allies
with
simple,
direct
questions
that
cut
through
months
of
noise.
The
effect
was
surgical:
in
a
few
exchanges,
Bush
forced
into
the
open
what
Team
Aguirre
had
tried
desperately
to
conceal.
The exchange was devastating. After months of portraying themselves as crusaders for transparency
and
good
governance,
Team
Aguirre
was
revealed
as
self-interested
operators.
Under
Bush’s
questioning,
Aguirre
admitted
that
someone
(he
would
not
say
who)
had
secretly
offered
to
purchase
the
very
property
at
the
heart
of
the
litigation—the
Muraoka
property.
But
Aguirre’s
mug-shot
face
showed
he
was
busted—that
it
was
one
of
his
clients
who
made
the
offer.
What
had
been
dressed
up
as
grassroots
advocacy
was
unmasked
as
a
months-long
pressure
campaign
to
clear
the
path
for
Polanco’s
power-hungry
ambitions.
The
significance
of
Aguirre’s
AmBush
moment
is
best
conveyed
by
simply
watching
and
listening:
66
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 67 of 73
3. Morrison Restores the Record
Mayor Morrison’s closing comments on June 17 put the entire six-month circus in perspective.
He
began
by
stressing
a
simple
principle:
neighbors
are
entitled
to
input,
but
they
cannot
dictate
what
happens
on
someone
else’s
land.
Rezoning
decisions
are
either
initiated
by
the
property
owner
or
undertaken
through
a
general
plan
process,
not
by
outsiders
with
no
ownership
stake.
He
dismissed
as
“
idiotic
”
the
suggestion
that
downzoning
commercial
property
to
residential
would
have
no
effect
on
value,
pointing
out
the
obvious
conflict
of
interest:
those
pushing
the
downzone
were
the
same
people
seeking
to
buy
the
land
at
a
discount.
From there, Morrison highlighted the absurdity of the political attacks: a handful of individuals with
no
ownership
interest,
and
in
some
cases
not
even
residents
of
National
City,
were
trying
to
dictate
policy
through
accusations,
threats,
and
even
recall
talk.
He
called
the
spectacle
“
a
circus
”—one
fueled
by
personal
attacks,
childish
antics,
and
a
campaign
that
had
long
since
lost
credibility.
He
concluded
the
Council
was
being
asked
to
downzone
a
parcel
by
people
who
did
not
own
it
and
had
no
legal
standing.
That,
he
said,
was
“
a
highly
unusual
circumstance
”
he
had
never
seen
such
a
thing
in
his
33 years
of
public
office.
4. “ It’s Extortion ”: Councilmember Bush Calls Out the “ Lies ” In AmBush II After Morrison’s steady dismantling of the downzoning charade, Councilmember Marcus Bush took
it
further.
He
first
turned
to
City
staff,
asking
the
obvious:
would
rezoning
the
property
from
commercial
to
residential
cause
a
loss
in
value?
The
answer
was
clear.
Staff
explained
that
rezoning
would
substantially
reduce
the
property’s
value,
confirming
that
what
Polanco
and
McCarthy
were
demanding
was
a
“
taking.
”
85 Bush then pivoted to the public accusations, addressing McCarthy and Polanco directly. He reminded
them
that
the
gas
station
project
was
already
dead,
and
that
they
knew
it.
Yet
they
continued
to
attack
staff,
spread
lies,
and
drag
the
City
through
meeting
after
meeting
for
a
political
spectacle.
Bush
called
their
campaign
“
inappropriate
”
and
“
unprofessional
,”
exposing
it
for
what
it
was:
not
community
advocacy,
but
a
sustained
effort
to
exhaust
staff,
weaponize
process,
and
extort
the
property
owner
into
a
cheaper
sale.
Bush ended with a blunt call for direction: “ Change your approach. Stop with the attacks, stop with
the
lawsuits,
stop
with
the
political
theater.
If
you
want
to
work
together
on
something
positive,
fine—but
this
has
gone
way
too
far
.”
85 A “ taking ” means the government has limited what someone can do with their property so much that it is almost the
same
as
taking
the
property
away.
In
those
situations,
the
government
may
have
to
pay
the
owner
for
the
loss
in
value
either
voluntarily
or
through
an
“inverse condemnation” lawsuit..
67 Page 68 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 68 of 73
5. AmBush III: Rodriguez Stumbles Into His Own Trap If Aguirre’s cross-examination revealed the hidden motive, Councilmember Bush’s questioning of
Rodriguez
exposed
the
hypocrisy.
For
months,
Rodriguez
had
been
the
political
megaphone
for
Polanco
and
McCarthy,
even
violating
closed-session
confidentiality
on
March
18 to
give
them
ammunition.
Yet
on
June
17,
when
pressed
by
Bush,
Rodriguez
suddenly
denounced
the
very
practice
he
had
engaged
in—accusing
others
of
using
the
Council
dais
as
a
“
bully
pulpit
”
while
claiming
such
arguments
should
be
made
“
on
Facebook,
on
Instagram,
on
Twitter,
or
knocking
on
doors
,”
but
not
in
Council
chambers.
The exchange was as unruly as it was revealing. Both Rodriguez and Councilmember Ditas Yamane
repeatedly
interrupted
the
Mayor
while
he
was
speaking—open
violations
of
the
City
Council
Policy
Manual
(Section
VI(A)(4)),
which
explicitly
prohibits
councilmembers
from
interrupting,
disrupting,
or
disturbing
one
another
while
they
have
the
floor.
Rodriguez’s
interruptions
were
especially
persistent,
forcing
the
Mayor
to
issue
repeated
warnings
before
Bush
stepped
in
and
began
cross-examining
him
directly.
Bush refused to let him slide. Over and over, he asked Rodriguez for a substantive position: Did he
support
downzoning
the
property
or
not?
Rodriguez
squirmed,
dodging
the
question,
offering
only
vague
complaints
about
“
wasting
time
,”
and
trying
to
shift
blame
back
to
his
colleagues.
His
evasions
underscored
the
point:
Rodriguez
had
no
policy
solution,
no
substantive
proposal—just
political
theater.
At that moment, the Mayor stepped in to drive home the contrast. He reminded Rodriguez that mediation
over
land
use
does
not
happen
with
“
people
that
do
not
have
standing
,”
but
through
the
ordinary
planning
process—Planning
Commission,
staff,
and
Council—working
with
the
actual
applicant.
He
mocked
Rodriguez’s
shifting
accusations
(“
Ten
minutes
ago
you
said
I
was
putting
them
to
sleep,
now
you’re
saying
I’m
inciting
them
”)
and
turned
Rodriguez’s
“
bully
pulpit
”
line
against
him:
“
I’m
going
to
remember
those
statements
you
just
made
…
and
we’ll
remember
those
in
the
future.
”
The irony was glaring. Rodriguez condemned the use of Council chambers as a political stage while
simultaneously
using
them
for
his
own
political
purposes,
just
as
he
had
since
March
18. 68
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 69 of 73 The Mayor and Bush together dismantled the façade: what had been cloaked as righteous advocacy
was
exposed
as
self-serving
grandstanding,
devoid
of
substance.
6. Councilmember Molina Shuts the Door
Councilmember Luz Molina delivered a prepared statement that shut the door on Team Aguirre’s scheme. Molina asked the obvious questions that had lingered all along: what was the real purpose
behind
the
rezoning
demand?
Did
Polanco,
McCarthy,
or
their
associates
have
any
financial
interest
in
the
parcel
or
ties
to
a
developer
waiting
in
the
wings?
Molina
noted
that
even
their
Memorial
Day
community
event
program
included
a
direct
appeal
to
her
and
Vice
Mayor
Bush
to
support
the
downzoning,
leaving
out
the
rest
of
the
Council—a
curious
choice
that
hinted
at
backchannel
lobbying.
Molina then laid out her reasoning. She warned that approving such a request would create a dangerous
precedent
and
expose
the
City
to
legal
liability.
She
flatly
opposed
taxing
staff
resources
any
further
on
a
dead
project.
At
the
same
time,
she
made
clear
the
proper
path:
if
the
actual
property
owner
came
forward
with
a
rezoning
petition
tied
to
their
development
goals,
that
would
merit
a
legitimate
discussion.
Until
then,
however,
Molina
would
not
support
what
amounted
to
outsiders
dictating
how
someone
else’s
land
should
be
treated.
W. Retaliation Continues: More Adverse Action and Ratification By the City The events that followed Clark’s complaint on April 21, 2025, about the closed-session leak, make
clear
that
the
City
did
not
merely
fail
to
protect
her
from
retaliation;
it
became
a
participant
in
it.
On
June
19,
a
private
attorney
Debra
Reilly
notified
Clark
that
she
had
been
retained
to
69
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 70 of 73 investigate a complaint made against Clark
86 by Lydia Flores-Hernandez. That same evening, the HR
Director
abruptly
announced
her
early
retirement
and
departure,
leaving
Clark
to
face
the
investigation
without
consistent
HR
oversight.
Then, on July 2, 2025, Flores-Hernandez served Clark with Suspension Notice, attaching the discredited
Garcia
Report.
The
City
failed
to
provide
the
underlying
evidence
that
the
Suspension
Notice
stated
it
was
attaching,
much
less
the
materials
required
by
Civil
Service
Rule
804. A July 9, 2025 letter from Clark’s counsel—which, like all subsequent letters, constituted protected activity—demanded compliance with Rule No. 804 (which required the Suspension Notice
be
accompanied
by
all
supporting
documents,
including
exhibits,
audio
recordings,
and
investigator
notes).
When the City ignored the July 9 letter, Clark’s counsel sent a July 14, follow-up letter, reiterating that the City’s failure to provide these materials deprived Clark of her due process rights
and
violated
mandatory
duties
under
Government
Code
§
815.6,
as
well
as
FEHA’s
requirements
for
fair
and
nondiscriminatory
procedures.
When
the
City
ignored
the
July
14 letter,
Clark’s attorney sent a third letter, on July 21, 2025, demonstrating the sexual harassment complaints were false and demanding again the City’s compliance with its mandatory duties. To date,
the
City
has
failed
to
comply,
except
that,
on
July
11,
Scott
Huth
gave
Clark
a
thumb
drive
with
a
single
video
(Camera
No.
1),
but
withheld
all
other
documents
that
the
Suspension
Notice
itself
claimed
were
provided.
The pattern is unmistakable. Clark engaged in protected activity when she reported the April 21 leak
of
confidential
closed-session
information.
Instead
of
conducting
a
prompt,
thorough,
and
fair
investigation
of
her
complaint,
the
City
ignored
it.
When
false
complaints
were
lodged
against
her,
the
City
again
failed
to
investigate.
When
those
complaints
were
discredited,
the
City
nonetheless
advanced
toward
suspension,
weaponizing
its
own
flawed
investigation
process
against
her.
Even members of the City Council acknowledged that the rezoning dispute was tainted by outside
influence.
Councilmember
Molina,
for
example,
pointed
to
“
reports
”
describing
a
community-driven
architectural
plan
for
the
disputed
site,
and
asked
whether
McCarthy
or
Polanco
were
connected
to
it.
Yet
while
such
conflicts
of
interest
were
left
unexamined,
Clark—who
sought
accountability
for
an
unlawful
leak—was
singled
out
for
discipline.
Taken together, these acts constitute classic retaliation and adverse employment action under FEHA:
1)
Clark
engaged
in
protected
activity,
2)
the
City
responded
with
adverse
employment
action,
and
3)
there
is
a
clear
causal
link.
By
failing
to
investigate
her
complaint,
pursuing
86 On her own, Clark would later learn that Flores-Hernandez’s complaint—that she filed at the same time she announced
she
was
leaving
the
City’s
employment—also
named
several
other
City
employees
and
officials.
70 Page 71 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 71 of 73 discipline based on false reports, and denying her procedural rights, the City not only violated its own
policies
but
also
demonstrated
discriminatory
and
retaliatory
intent.
By
proceeding
on
an
incomplete
and
misleading
record
while
ignoring
its
duties
to
investigate
Clark’s
own
April
21 complaint,
much
less
to
notify
her
of
any
findings,
the
City
aligned
itself
with
those
who
had
targeted
her.
This
course
of
conduct—initiating
suspension,
withholding
evidence,
and
disregarding
her
rights—constitutes
unlawful
retaliation
and
discrimination.
Rather
than
protecting
Clark
from
workplace
harassment,
the
City
and
its
officials
became
active
participants,
independently
and
through
ratification,
87 by
imposing
adverse
action
because
Clark
challenged
misconduct
and
civil
rights
violations,
e.g.,
gender-based
discrimination.
III. CAUSES OF ACTION FOR AN UNLIMITED JURISDICTION LAWSUIT As required by Gov. Code § 910, Clark states that a civil action will be filed in the unlimited jurisdiction
of
the
Superior
Court
for
an
amount
in
excess
of
$10,000.
Clark
seeks
general
and
special
damages
against
all
Respondents
and
Prospective
Defendants,
and
punitive
damages
against
the
Respondent
public
employees.
Clark
will
also
seek
penalties,
attorney’s
fees,
and
costs
pursuant
to
Labor
Code
§§
1102.5(f)(1)
and
(j),
and
Gov.
Code
§
12965(b)(6).
In
her
complaint,
Clark
will
allege
the
following
causes
of
action:
A. Public Entity Liability for Failure to Perform Mandatory Duty (Gov. Code § 815.6), by
failing
to
discharge
the
duties
imposed
by
enactments
88 ,
as
proven
at
trial,
including
but
not
limited
to:
California
Constitution,
Article
I,
Section
1,
(express
right
to
privacy
89 and
as
interpretive
common
law
90 );
U.S.
Constitution,
as
interpreted
for
provide
privacy
rights,
e.g.,
the
4th
91 and
14th
92 Amendments;
Gov.
Code
§
7921.000;
Gov.
Code
§
12940
(e.g.,
unlawful
harassment
based
on
gender,
retaliation,
duty
to
prevent
harassment
and
retaliation
by,
e.g.,
providing
training
and
by
conducting
“
prompt,
thorough,
and
neutral
investigations
”
followed
by
“
immediate
and
appropriate
corrective
action
”);
Labor
Code
§
1102.5;
Gov.
Code
§
825;
and
Policy
119;
Regulation
04.16);
B. Retaliation (Labor Code § 1102.5);
C. Defense and Indemnity (Gov. Code § 825);
92 Whalen v. Roe
(1977)
429
U.S.
589
91 City of Ontario v. Quon
(2010)
560
U.S.
746
90 Soroka v. Dayton Hudson Corp.
(1991)
1 Cal.App.4th
1039
89 California
Constitution,
Article
I,
§
I
(“
All
people
are
by
nature
free
and
independent
and
have
inalienable
rights.
Among
these
are
enjoying
and
defending
life
and
liberty,
acquiring,
possessing,
and
protecting
property,
and
pursuing
and
obtaining
safety,
happiness,
and
privacy
”).
88 Gov. Code § 810.6
:
“
Enactment
”
means
“
a
constitutional
provision,
statute
…
ordinance
or
regulation
.”
87 By all defendants (Civil Code §§ 2307, 2310, 2311, 2339); by the City ( See , C.R. v. Tenet Healthcare Corporation (2009) 169 Cal.App. 4th 194); and by the City and public officials for “ deliberate acts ” (42 USC 1983; See
,
Clouthier v. County of Contra Costa (9th Cir. 2010) 591 F.3d 1232). 71 Page 72 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 72 of 73 D. Respondeat Superior (Gov. Code § 815.2);
E. Liability of an Elected Official (Gov. Code § 815.3); F. Liability of Public Official (42 USC § 1983); G. Local Government Liability - Failure to Train (42 USC § 1983); H. Local Government Liability - Policy or Custom (42 USC § 1983); I. Ratification ;
J. Fraud Through Deceit ;
K. Fraud Through Concealment ;
L. Constructive Fraud ;
M. Breach of Contract (Oral or Written, Implied-In-Fact) ; N. Breach of the Covenant of Good Faith and Fair Dealing ; O. Inducing Breach of Contract ;
P. Intentional Interference With Contractual Relations ; Q. Intentional Interference With Prospective Economic Advantage ; R. Negligent Interference With Prospective Economic Advantage ; S. Defamation Per Se ;
T. False Light ; and
U. Intentional Infliction of Emotional Distress .
Sincerely,
Gilleon Law Firm, APC
Daniel M. Gilleon
72
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 73 of 73 cc: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 73 Page 74 of 74