Cities Index.
Agenda packet, special meeting

National City City Council
September 2, 2025

Document
Agenda packet, special meeting
Meeting
September 2, 2025
Body
National City City Council
Pages
73
Original file
12.3 MB
Text extracted from the city's file for reading and search. Open the original on nationalcityca.new.swagit.com. That file is the official record.

AGENDA
Special Meeting
City Council Chamber - 1243 National City
Boulevard, National City, CA
Ron Morrison, Mayor
Marcus Bush, Vice-Mayor – District 4 Scott W. Huth, Interim City Manager Luz Molina, Councilmember- District 1 Barry J. Schultz, City Attorney Jose Rodriguez, Councilmember -District 2 Shelley Chapel, MMC, City Clerk Ditas Yamane, Councilmember – District 3
_______________________________________________________________________

The City Council also sits as the City of National City Community Development Commission, Housing Authority, Joint Powers Financing Authority, and Successor Agency to the Community Development Commission as the National City Redevelopment Agency
Thank you for participating in local government and the City of National City Council Meetings.

Meetings: Regular City Council Meetings are held on the first and third Tuesday of the month at 6:00 p.m. Special Closed Session Meetings and Workshops may be same d ay, the start time is based on needs. Check Special Agendas for times.

Location: Regular City Council Meetings are held in the Council Chamber located at City Hall, 1243 National City Boulevard, National City, CA 91950, the meetings are open to the public.

Agendas and Material: Agendas and Agenda Packet for items listed are available on the City website, and distributed to the City Council no less than 72 hours before the City Council Meeting.

Sign up for E-Notifications to receive alerts when items are posted.

Public Participation: Encouraged in a number of ways as described below. Members of the public may attend the City Council Meeting in person, watch the City Council Meeting via live web stream, or participate remotel y via Zoom. Recording of Meetings are archived and available for viewing on the City’s website.

To listen to the live stream in Spanish, you must register for Zoom prior to the meeting for access.

All Zoom registration must be completed two (2) hours prior to the City Council Meeting for access.

Public Comment: Persons wishing to address the City Council on matters not on the agenda may do so under Public Comments. Those wishing to speak on items on the agenda may do so when the item is being considered. Please submit a Speaker’s Slip to the City Clerk before the meeting or immediately following the announcement of the item. All comments will be limited up to three (3) minutes. The Presiding Officer shall have the authority to reduce the time allotted to accommodate for a large number of speakers.
(City Council Policy 104)
All written comment must be submitted no later than four (4) hours prior to the start of the meeting to allow time for distribution to the City Council.

EFFECTIVE JANUARY 1, 2023
All Contributions to Candidates and Current Elected Officials are required to self -report a Declaration of Campaign Contribution to a Councilmember of more than $250 within the past year (effective Jan 1, 2023). This report may be included on the Public Comment Speaker Slip to be completed prior to the City Council Meeting.

Spanish Interpretation Services: Spanish Interpretation Services are available; please contact the City Clerk before the start of the meeting for assistance.

American Disabilities Act Title II: In compliance with the American Disabilities Act of 1990, persons with a disability may request an agenda in appropriate alternative formats as required by Title II. Any person with a disability who requires a modification or accommodation to participate in a meeting should direct such request to the City Clerk’s Office (619) 336-4228 at least 24 hours in advance of the meeting.

AGENDA
Special Meeting
City Council Chamber - 1243 National City
Boulevard, National City, CA
Ron Morrison, Mayor
Marcus Bush, Vice-Mayor – District 4 Scott W. Huth, Interim City Manager Luz Molina, Councilmember- District 1 Barry J. Schultz, City Attorney Jose Rodriguez, Councilmember -District 2 Shelley Chapel, MMC, City Clerk Ditas Yamane, Councilmember – District 3
_______________________________________________________________________

The City Council also sits as the City of National City Community Development Commission, Housing Authority, Joint Powers Financing Authority, and Successor Agency to the Community Development Commission as the National City Redevelopment Agency
Gracias por participar en las reuniones del gobierno local y del Consejo de la Ciudad de National City.

Reuniones: Las reuniones regulares del Consejo Municipal se llevan a cabo el primer y tercer martes del mes a las 6:00 p.m. La reunión especial de sesión privada y los talleres pueden ser el mismo día, la hora de inicio se basa en las necesidades. Consulte las agendas especiales para conocer los horarios.

Ubicación: Las reuniones regulares del Concejo Municipal se llevan a cabo en la Cámara del Consejo ubicada en el Ayuntamiento, 1243 National City Boulevard, National City, CA 9195 0, las reuniones están abiertas al público.

Agendas y Material: Las Agendas y el Paquete de Agenda para los temas enumerados están disponibles en el sitio web de la Ciudad y se distribuyen al Concejo Municipal no menos de 72 horas antes de la Reunión del Concejo Municipal. Regístrese para recibir notificaciones electrónicas cuando se publiquen artículos.

Participación pública: Se fomenta de varias maneras como se describe a continuación. Los miembros del público pueden asistir a la Reunión del Concejo Municipal en persona, ver la Reunión del Concejo Municipal a través de la transmisión web en vivo o participar de forma remota a través de Zoom. Las grabaciones de las reuniones están archivadas y disponibles para su visualización en el sitio web de la Ciudad.

Para escuchar la transmission en Español, registration por Zoom es requerido antes del comienzo de la sesión.

Todo registro para la trasmisión por Zoom debe completarse dos (2) horas antes de la Reunión
del Concejo Municipal.

Comentario Público: Las personas que deseen dirigirse al Concejo Municipal sobre asuntos que no están en la agenda pueden hacerlo bajo Comentarios públicos. Quienes deseen hacer uso de la palabra sobre los temas del programa podrán hacerlo cuando se esté examinando el tema.

Por favor, envíe una solicitud del orador al Secretario de la Ciudad antes de la reunión o inmediatamente después del anuncio del artículo. Todos los comentarios estarán limitados a tres (3) minutos. El Presidente tendrá la autoridad para reducir el tiempo asignado para dar cabida a un gran número de oradores. (Política del Concejo Municipal 104)

Si desea enviar comentarios por escrito, envíe un correo electrónico a la Oficina del Secretario de la Ciudad al menos 1 hora antes de la Reunión del Consejo Municipal para dar tiempo a la distribución al Consejo Municipal.

Todos comentarios deben estar sometidos a más tardar cuatro (4) horas antes del comienzo de la sesión.

A PARTIR DEL 1 DE ENERO DE 2023
Todas las contribuciones a los candidatos y funcionarios electos actuales deben autoinformar una Declaración de contribución de campaña a un concejal de más de $ 250 en el último año (a partir del 1 de enero de 2023). Este informe puede incluirse en el Recibo del orador de comentarios públicos que se completará antes de la reunión del Concejo Municipal Servicios de interpretación en español: Los servicios de interpretación en español están disponibles, comuníquese con el Secretario de la Ciudad antes del inicio de la reunión para obtener ayuda.

Título II de la Ley de Discapacidades Americanas: En cumplimiento con la Ley de Discapacidades Americanas de 1990, las personas con discapacidad pueden solicitar una agenda en formatos alternativos apropiados según lo requerido por el Título II. Cualquier persona con una discapacidad que requiera un modificación o adaptación para participar en una reunión debe dirigir dicha solicitud a la Oficina del Secretario de la Ciudad (619) 336 -4228 al menos 24 horas antes de la reunión.

AGENDA
Special Meeting

Tuesday, September 2, 2025, 4:00 p.m.

City Council Chamber - 1243 National City Boulevard
National City, CA
Pages

1. CALL TO ORDER

2. ROLL CALL

3. PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE TO THE FLAG

4. PUBLIC COMMENT (Public Comment will be restricted to Agenda Items Only) (Public Comment will be restricted to Agenda Items only)

5. CLOSED SESSION 3

5.1 CONFERENCE WITH LABOR NEGOTIATORS
Government Code Section 5457.6
Employee Organizations:

Municipal Employees’ Association (SEIU, Local 221),
National City Firefighters Association (Local 2744), and Police Officers Association (POA),
Unrepresented Groups: Executive, Confidential, and Management Agency Designated Representatives:

Steven Berliner (Labor Negotiator)
Scott Huth (Interim City Manager)
Bruce Foltz (Finance Director)
Alicia Hicks (Human Resources Director)
Conchita Waite (Human Resources)

5.2 CONFERENCE WITH LEGAL COUNSEL – ANTICIPATED LITIGATION Significant Exposure to Litigation
Government Code Section 54956.9(d)(2)
Number of Potential Cases: 1

5.3 CONFERENCE WITH LEGAL COUNSEL – ANTICIPATED LITIGATION Significant Exposure to Litigation
Government Code Section 54956.9(e)(3)
Claimant: Josie Flores Clark

6. ADJOURNMENT

Page 2 of 74 ends

August 26, 2025
Mayor Ron Morrison
City of National City
1243 National City Blvd.

National City, CA 91950
Re: Josie Clark v. City of National City et al.

Dear Mayor Morrison:

We represent Josie Clark, who submits this Claim pursuant to Gov. Code § 910. Hyperlinks provide access to all supporting evidence, all of which is incorporated by reference into this Claim as the factual basis.

I. PARTIES TO THE ACTION
Plaintiff Josie Clark (“Clark” or “Plaintiff”) is an adult resident of San Diego County (the “County”). Clark has been employed by Defendant City of National City since July 9, 2007. At all material times, Clark worked directly for the City of National City’s Mayor Ron Morrison (“Morrison”).

Prospective Defendant1 La Vista Mortuary, Inc. is a California corporation headquartered in San Diego County, and at all material times was licensed by the California Cemetery and Funeral Bureau (“CFB”) as a Funeral Establishment (CFB No. 2231) and Crematory (CFB No. 414).

Defendant La Vista Enterprises, Inc. is a California corporation headquartered in the County.

Prospective Defendant Villalobos Investment Company, Inc. is a California corporation headquartered in the County, and at all material times was owned, managed, and controlled by Prospective Defendant Micaela Polanco aka Micaela Polanco Villalobos as its Chief Executive Officer, Secretary, and Chief Financial Officer. La Vista Mortuary, Inc., La Vista Enterprises, Inc., and Villalobos Investment Company, Inc. (collectively “LVMP”) did business as La Vista 1 “Prospective defendants” are not themselves subject to the Government Claims Act (Gov. Code § 810 et seq.).

However, because this Claim also names a public entity and its employees, Plaintiff must wait until the Claim is rejected—or 45 days have passed—before filing suit. (Gov. Code § 912.4).

Item 5.3

Page 3 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 3 of 73 Memorial Park, and held a Certificate of Authority–Cemetery (CFB No. 590). At all material times, LVMP employed the following employees: Martha Hernandez (“Hernandez”), who was a licensed Cemetery Salesperson (CFB No. 61100) under Polanco’s broker license; Gabriela Magana (“Magana”), also a licensed Cemetery Salesperson under Polanco (CFB No. 38940); Rosaura Marin (“Marin”); and Pablo Bermudez (“Bermudez”). Prospective Defendant Micaela Polanco aka Micaela Polanco Villalobos (“Polanco”) is an adult resident of Bonita, California, and at all material times was a licensed Cemetery Broker (CFB No. 1119), Cemetery Manager (CFB No. 286), Funeral Director (CFB No. 3084), and Crematory Manager (CFB No. 851) for LVMP. Polanco is married to Prospective Defendant Maria Luisa McCarthy (“McCarthy”), who at all materials times resided in Bonita with Polanco and acted as Polanco’s

partner

in

the

management

and

operation

of

LVMP

as

a

self-proclaimed

“
owner
”

and

its

“
Executive

Director
.”

In

March

2007,

McCarthy

obtained

a

licensed

Cemetery

Salesperson
license (CFB No. 39315). Polanco and McCarthy are coercive actors with malignant personalities who deceive, dominate, manipulate, and gaslight people around them as techniques of

psychological

abuse

designed

to

make

themselves

feel

they

are

in

control

of

the

people,

places,

and

things

in

their

worlds.

Prospective Defendant Patricia Teran aka Patricia Teran-Vega (“Teran”) is an adult County resident, and at all material times was a licensed Cemetery Salesperson (CFB No. 57385) operating under Polanco’s broker license, and was employed by LVMP as a Family Services Counselor.

Prospective

Defendant

Scott

Richard

Hamilton

(“Hamilton”)

is

an

adult

County

resident,

and

at

all

material

times

was

employed

by

LVMP

as

a

Mortuary

Supervisor.

Respondent City of National City (“City”) is a public entity governed by a City Council—a legislative body composed of five Councilmembers: the Mayor, who is elected at large (citywide), and four Councilmembers 2 elected by voters within four distinct districts. The Council makes all land ‑ use decisions after hearing recommendations from a Planning Commission, which consists of appointed community members and relies on technical guidance from the Planning Division of the City’s Community Development Department. The Planning Division also assists developers and residents with project coordination and compliance. It is well

understood—and

widely

practiced—that

mayors

and

other

city

leaders

routinely

meet

with

developers

to

help

recruit

investment,

advance

public
‑
private

partnerships,

and

steer

local

development

initiatives.
3 Yet

this

standard

function

has

perversely

become

a

basis

for

Polanco

3 See, e.g., the Mayor’s Leadership Role in Economic Development (Mayors must proactively initiate and facilitate economic

development

strategies,

including

engaging

stakeholders

and

private

developers)
planning.blogspot.com;
and

“
Mayors

play

an

integral

role

in

urban

development

…

by

collaborating

with

…

developers
”
socialstudieshelp.com
.

2 Luz Molina, Marcus Bush, Ditas Yamane, Jose Rodriguez 3 Page 4 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 4 of 73 and McCarthy’s allegations, recast as evidence of covert wrongdoing rather than ordinary governance.

Respondent Jose Rodriguez (“Rodriguez”) is an adult County resident, and at all material times was

a

City

Councilmember,

an

“
elected

official
”

as

defined

by

Gov.

Code

§

815.3,

and

a

“
supervisor
”

as

defined

by

Gov.

Code

§

12926(t).

At

all

material

times,

he

was

bound

by

the
mandatory duties contained in the City’s Code of Ethics and Conduct (“Policy 119”). On July 30, 2025, Rodriguez confirmed his intention to campaign for the City’s mayoral seat. Respondent Lydia Flores-Hernandez (“Flores-Hernandez”) is an adult County resident, and at all material

times

was

employed

by

the

City

as

its

“
Human

Resources

Director
”

to

carry

out

the

duties

of

the

City

Manager’s

office.

At

all

material

times,

she

was

a

“
supervisor
”

as

defined

by

Gov.

Code

§

12926(t),

and

was

bound

by

the

mandatory

duties

contained

in

Policy

119.

Respondent Elyana Delgado (“Delgado”) is an adult County resident, and at all material times was

employed

by

the

City

as

a

“
Recreation

Supervisor

&

Miss

National

City

Liaison
”

to

carry

out

the

duties

of

the

Community

Services

Director.

Respondent

Juanita

Castaneda

(“Castaneda”)

is

an

adult

County

resident,

and

at

all

material

times

was

employed

by

the

City

as

a

“
Recreation

Supervisor

&

Miss

National

City

Liaison
”

to

carry

out

the

duties

of

the

Community

Services

Director.

Respondent

Ron

Williams

(“Williams”)

is

an

adult

County

resident,

and

at

all

material

times

was

employed

by

the

City

as

its

“
Information

Technology

Manager
”

to

carry

out

the

duties

of

the

City

Manager’s

office.

Respondent

Karla

Apalategui

(“Apalategui”)

is

an

adult

County

resident,

and

at

all

material

times

was

an

employee

of

the

City,

the

President

of

the

National

City

Municipal

Employee

Association

(“MEA”),

and

sat

on

the

Executive

Board

of

MEA’s

exclusive

representative,
SEIU Local 221. City employees regarded Apalategui, Delgado, Castaneda, and Williams

as

a

group

of

contentious

employees,

collectively

known

as

the

“
Clique
.”

At

all

material

times,

each

member

of

the

Clique

was

a

“
supervisor
”

as

defined

by

Gov.

Code

§

12926(t)

and

bound

by

the

mandatory

duties

contained

in

Policy

119.

At all material times, Respondents were bound by the mandatory duties stated in California’s Fair

Employment

and

Housing

Act,

Gov.

Code,

§

12900

et

seq.

(“FEHA”),

e.g.,

the

duty

not

to

harass,

retaliate,

or

otherwise

discriminate

against

Clark

because

of

her

gender

or

protected

activity.

At

all

material

times,

Respondents

and

Prospective

Defendants

were

prohibited

by

Civ.

Code

§

51(b)

(Unruh

Civil

Rights

Act)

and

by

Civ.

Code

§

52.1 (Bane

Act)

from

harassing

or

otherwise

discriminating

against

Clark

because

of

her

gender.

II. STATEMENT OF FACTS
This Claim arises from a personal tragedy suffered by Josie Clark and her family on November 11,

2024,

when

she

discovered

the

decomposing

body

of

her

43-year-old

nephew,

Javier

4 Page 5 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 5 of 73 Francisco Escarsega II (“Javier”), who was born on May 30, 1981. Clark treated and referred to Javier as her “ son ” and “ mijo .” In most workplaces, such a loss is met with compassion, not exploitation.

What

occurred

in

the

aftermath—both

with

former

close

friendships

(namely

Polanco

and

McCarthy)

and

within

her

workplace

at

City

Hall—was

anything

but

normal.

Because

of

the

overlapping

events,

statements,

and

actions

spanning

nearly

nine

months,

the

account

that

follows

is

not

simply

a

chronology—it

is

a

reconstruction

built

from

multiple

forms

of

evidence,

arranged

to

make

a

complicated

story

clear

to

the

reader.

Instead of attachments, all supporting materials are provided through the use of hyperlinks, most of which will direct any electronic device being used to read this Claim to a Google Drive folder owned

and

controlled

by

Gilleon

Law

Firm,

APC,

which

holds

the

documents,

photographs,

videos,

etc.

When

possible,

the

hyperlinks

will

direct

the

device

to

public

web

pages,

e.g.,

references

to

California’s

Cemetery

and

Funeral

Bureau,

the

City’s

web

pages,

news

articles,

etc.

The terms “ gaslight ,” “ gaslighting ,” and “ gaslit ” appear throughout this Claim to describe recurring

patterns

of

conduct

by

Respondents,

Prospective

Defendants,

and

their

associates.

These

terms

are

not

employed

for

rhetorical

effect,

but

to

identify

conduct

in

which

deception

was

the

intended

strategy

from

the

outset.

The

Oxford

English

Dictionary

defines

“
gaslighting
”

as

“
the

action

of

manipulating

someone

by

psychological

means

into

doubting

their

own

perceptions,

memories,

or

understanding
.”

Its

core

meaning

is

a

calculated

effort

to

mislead—particularly

when

objective

evidence

undermines

the

manipulator’s

position—making

denial,

distortion,

and

fabrication

the

preferred

tools

over

honest

acknowledgment.

In the coming pages, this pattern of distortion and irony will be revisited in detail. For now, the narrative

turns

to

the

deep

personal

context

that

made

these

events

so

devastating—beginning

with

the

Clark

family’s

long

and

meaningful

history

at

La

Vista

Memorial

Park.

A. Legacy of Burials at La Vista Memorial Park The Clark family’s interments at LVMP span multiple generations, reflecting what is often referred

to

in

the

funeral

and

cemetery

industry

as

a

“legacy”—a

tradition

in

which

a

cemetery

becomes

the

chosen

resting

place

for

members

of

the

same

family

across

decades.

That

legacy

begins

with

Clark’s

sister,

Yolanda

Escarsega

(“Yolanda”),

whose

death

in

April

1992

is

central

to

this

matter

and

to

the

events

that

follow.

Yolanda’s death will be addressed in greater detail later. At the time, she and her son, Javier, had briefly

taken

refuge

with

her

(and

Clark’s)

mother

in

San

Diego,

having

fled

Sacramento,

where

they

had

lived

with

Javier’s

abusive

father,

Javier

Francisco

Escarsega

Jr.

(“Javier

Frank”).

When

Javier

Frank

discovered

their

whereabouts

and

traveled

to

San

Diego

intending

to

force

them

back,

Yolanda

tragically

ended

her

life.

She

was

buried

at

LVMP,

where

Clark’s

(and

Yolanda’s)

5 Page 6 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 6 of 73 grandfather was also buried three years later. After her death, Javier returned to Sacramento with his

father,

Javier

Frank.

Eight years after Yolanda’s death, on September 30, 2000, a woman with whom Javier was in a relationship gave birth to a boy, who was named Javier Francisco Escarcega III. The boy’s birth certificate identified Javier as the “ Father of Child .” The boy was later adopted by Guadalupe Lopez, a man who became his legal father, and his name was changed to Daniel Gary Henry Lopez (“Lopez”). His birth certificate was also amended to reflect Lopez’s new name and to identify Guadalupe Lopez as his father. Pursuant to Cal. Probate Code § 6451, the adoption “
sever[ed]

the

relationship

of

parent

and

child”

between

Javier

and

Lopez.

Javier lived with his father until Javier Frank passed away in September 2005. Javier was supposed

to

inherit

the

family

home,

but

Javier

Frank’s

family

took

possession

of

the

home

and

expelled

him.

At

24 years

old

and

homeless,

Javier

found

his

way

back

to

San

Diego,

where

Clark

took

him

into

her

home

and

treated

him

as

part

of

her

immediate

family.

Clark

referred

to

Javier

as

her

son,

and

Clark’s

other

children

treated

him

as

their

brother.

In June 2008, Clark’s father passed away and was buried at La Vista Memorial Park, near Yolanda and Clark’s grandfather. Around that time, Clark wrote about her family’s legacy at La Vista Memorial Park, and her budding friendship with Polanco and McCarthy, in a testimonial 4 that

remains

on

LVMP’s

website,

as

follows:

That friendship would grow significantly over the years. Between 2008 and November 2024, Polanco

and

McCarthy

developed

a

close

friendship

with

Clark

and

her

family.

The

Clarks

attended

Polanco

and

McCarthy’s

wedding

as

well

as

McCarthy’s

daughter’s

quinceañera,

and

the

couples

welcomed

each

other’s

families

into

their

homes

for

gatherings,

parties,

and

holiday

dinners.

Polanco

and

McCarthy

also

leveraged

Clark’s

position

as

the

Mayor’s

assistant,

accompanying

her

to

City

events

to

network

for

LVMP.

4 Mayor Morrison's testimonial—another former friend of Polanco and McCarthy—still appears on their website. 6

Page 7 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 7 of 73 On May 31, 2021, Clark’s mother passed away and was buried in the same plot as Clark’s father.

McCarthy

attended

the

funeral

as

a

mourner,

with

Teran

and

Hamilton

present

as

LVMP

employees.

Despite

this

long-term

friendship,

Clark

was

never

close

enough

to

Polanco

or

McCarthy

to

perceive

the

patterns

of

conduct

characterized

by

manipulation

and

lack

of

empathy.

Those

traits

surfaced

with

devastating

clarity

in

November

2024,

when

Polanco

and

McCarthy

turned

to

gaslighting—accusing

Clark

of

the

very

misconduct

they

themselves

were

committing.

Exploiting

their

roles

as

morticians,

with

control

over

her

son’s

remains,

they

manipulated

Clark’s

grief

to

deceive

and

dominate

her,

ultimately

sabotaging

development

of

the

real

property

adjacent

to

LVMP

that

they

sought

to

acquire.

B. Polanco v. the California Cemetery and Funeral Bureau On February 3, 2023 and February 15, 2023, the CFB cited and fined Polanco for “ unprofessional conduct … by failing to submit the marker proof approval for a decedent’s headstone

until

after

Bureau

involvement

and

further,

installing

said

headstone

on

the

wrong
grave .” The CFB also cited and fined LVMP for “ unprofessional conduct ,” on February 3, 2023 and February 15, 2023, related to fees LVMP was charging its customers for headstones. C. Polanco v. the San Diego County Air Pollution Control District The following year brought new trouble for Polanco and McCarthy, particularly when County’s Air

Pollution

Control

District

(“APCD”)

discovered

through

“source

testing”

that

for

at

least

four

months

in

2024,

LVMP’s

crematory

had

been

exposing

the

citizens

of

National

City

to
nearly three times the high-end limit of “particulate matter” emitted during the cremation of expired humans. When the APCD air-tested LVMP’s crematory on August 15, 2024, it “failed due to exceeding their particulate matter emissions permit condition.” Polanco was cited in “ [T]wo Notice of Violations (one for each source test exceedance), ” the most recent on, “ August 15,

2024

Source

Test

Results
:

Particulate

Matter

results:

0.27 gr/dscf

…

the

crematory

exhaust

stack

total

particulate

grain

loading

shall

not

exceed

0.10 grains/dscf

at

12%

CO2

by

volume
excluding auxiliary fuel CO2. (Rule 53.d.2) ” (emphasis and hyperlink in original). LVMP’s response was not to accept responsibility, but instead to attack the messenger, accusing the

APCD

of

unspecified

misconduct.

The

agency—vested

by

statute

with

the

authority

to

safeguard

the

public

by

inspecting

crematories

and

enforcing

air

quality

standards—swiftly
dismantled McCarthy’s accusations, making clear that its actions were lawful, necessary, and firmly supported by the evidence:

To address Luisa [McCarthy’s] concern about a potential conflict of interest with SDAPCD

conducting

the

source

test

and

then

enforcing

the

result

-

I

would

like

to

7 Page 8 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 8 of 73 reply that La Vista has the right to hire their own source test company to conduct the

source

test

as

stated

in

Permit

Condition

15. In an email dated November 4, 2024, asking Clark for help with a City business license issue, Polanco openly acknowledged her crematory’s ongoing air pollution troubles: I have been extremely busy with an audit and also going up to the Air Pollution Board

due

to

us

not

being

[able]

to

pass

the

Source

test.

We

have

not

been

able

to

operate

our

crematory

as

usual.

So

I

am

super

stressed

right

now

trying

to

fix

everything

to

get

back

to

normal.

(emphasis

added).

Less than a month later, McCarthy, LVMP’s “ Executive Director ” (and holder of a Delinquent CFB License) would step onto her soon-to-be well-worn City Hall soapbox to proclaim LVMP’s “ highest standards of air pollution control .” She was using projection to hypocritically chastise LVMP’s

competitor,

Robert

Zakar

(“Zakar”),

and

members

of

his

honorable,

civic-minded

family,

Eddy

Brikho

and

Joey

Brikho

(the

“Brikhos”)

about

their

request

for

a

categorical
exemption (Class 32) from the California Environmental Quality Act (“CEQA”). Mortician that she is, McCarthy managed a deadpan calm as she hurled a stone 5 straight through her own glass
house—a

moment

worth

both

reading

and

watching.

With the straight face
6 only a mortician in her own glass parlor could muster, McCarthy delivered

these

shameless

lines—ones

that

deserve

to

be

both

read

and

watched:

Hello, my name is Luisa McCarthy… we have a crematorium … and we have to go

above

and

beyond

to

ensure

that

we

are

held

to

the

highest

standards

of

air

pollution

control
.

And

it

is

a

lot

of

money,

but

you

have

to

do

what

you

have

to

do

in

order

to

comply

and

make

sure

that

it's

done

right.

So

I

can't

be

here

in

a

conscious

[sic]

mind

and

not

ask

for

the

same….

If

we

have

to

do

it

right

and

…

we

serve

the

community

of

National

City

and

at

large,

then

the

people

also

deserve

to

have

that,

right?

If

I

put

myself

in

their

shoes

and

I

live

there

and

wake

up

to

the

fumes

every

day
,

in

the

morning,

at

night,

throughout

the

day

with

my

kids,

et

cetera,

et

cetera,

that

would

be

a

big

red

flag.

So

I

just

say,

just

do

it,

right?

…

[I]t's

only

the

right

thing

to

do
.

(emphasis

added).

6 Six months later, McCarthy’s hypocritical crusade against air pollution and hidden records showed no signs of slowing

down,

appearing

on
Fox News

to

accuse

another

kettle

of

being

black—this

time,

a

biofuel

company:

“
Local

business

owner

Luisa

McCarthy

also

brought

forward

letters

from

the

California

Air

Resources

Board

she

believes

were

also

not

disclosed.

‘Where

it

stipulates

in

bold

about

how

the

project

will

further

expose

residents

to

elevated

levels

of

pollution,’

McCarthy

said.”

5 At the Council meeting on January 21, 2025, McCarthy’s wife, Polanco, would hurl her own: “ I would like to see fewer

…

pollution-generating

businesses,”

noting

that

the

City

was

in

“the

top

percentage

of

pollution,

top

asthma
.”

8 Page 9 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 9 of 73 D. Polanco v. The Zakar Family (aka The Brikhos) Back in July 2024, Zakar and his own funeral home, East County Mortuary, Inc. (“ECMI”), formalized their National City operations (“AAA Cremations”) a couple of miles from LVMP. Clark and Zakar knew each other through Zakar’s cousins, Eddy and Joey. Polanco was well aware

of

Clark’s

friendship

with

Zakar

and

the

Brikhos,

who

Polanco

referred

to

as

“
your

Iraqi

friends
”

when

speaking

to

Clark.

Polanco, McCarthy, and LVMP did not welcome the competition from Zakar and AAA Cremations,

especially

when

its

crematory

was

failing

air

pollution

tests.

In

particular,

Polanco

and

McCarthy

feared

that

Zakar

would

compete

with

them

in

retail

flower

sales,

which

comprised

a

substantial

portion

of

LVMP’s

revenue.

In

August

2024,

Zakar

sent

Clark

a

text

asking

for

Polanco’s

telephone

number.

Zakar

called

Polanco

and

left

her

a

voicemail,

but

she

never

returned

his

call.

On

October

29,

2024,

ECMI

filed

documentation

with

the

County

of

San

Diego

after

issuing

public

notice

to

begin

doing

business

as

AAA

Cremations.

In early November 2024, the City mailed a Notice of Public Hearing for “ a proposed development comprised of a new service station, convenience store with request for off-sale alcohol

(ABC

Type-21),

drive-through

car

wash,

drive-through

eating

place,

and

five

residential

units

with

a

zone

variance

request
”

(“the

Project”).

Polanco

was

the

first

addressee

on

the
mailing list for the November 8 notice: “ Rec #: 1 ... Villalobos Investment Co Inc ,” addressed to LVMP’s address at 3191 Orange St, National City. The Project was proposed “t o be located on vacant

properties

on

the

north

side

of

Sweetwater

Road

between

Olive

Street

and

Orange

Street
”

owned

by

Muraoka

Enterprises,

Inc.

and

Emerald-Gold,

LLC

(“the

Project

property”

or

“the

Muraoka

property”),

and

leased

to

Zakar

and

the

Brikhos

(“the

Zakar

family”).

E. Clark Discovers Javier’s Body
On November 11, 2024, having not heard from Javier and learning he had not shown up for work,

the

Clark

family

contacted

the

Sheriff’s

Department

who

met

them

at

Javier’s

home

in

Boulevard,

CA.

In

the

Sheriff’s

Incident

Report,

Dep.

Mario

Saldana

described

Clark’s

traumatic

discovery

of

her

son’s

body:

9

Page 10 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 10 of 73 On November 12, 2024, the County Medical Examiner performed an autopsy on Javier’s body, concluding the “ Cause of Death ” was “ Sudden death associated with cardiac dilatation of unknown

etiology
.”

The

Medical

Examiner

wrote,

“
The

autopsy

demonstrated

[a]

moderately

decomposed

man

with

no

significant

traumatic

injuries….

Toxicological

testing

detected

alcohol

in

his

liver

(0.027%;

probably

due

to

decomposition)

and

no

common

drugs

of

abuse
.”
F. Three Morticians: One with Integrity, Two with Hidden Agendas On November 13, 2024, at 9:39 a.m. Polanco texted condolences to Clark, writing, “ Josie, I just heard what happened with your son I am so sorry Just want you to know that I am here for you .” Clark called Polanco and left a voicemail, later replying by text, “ it's an indescribable pain .” Given her family’s legacy with LVMP, it went without saying that Clark wanted Javier buried in the

same

cemetery

as

his

mother,

grandmother,

grandfather,

and

great-grandfather.

The

same

day,

around

3:00

p.m.,

Clark

spoke

to

Polanco

and

emphasized

that

she

wanted

Javier

buried

near

Yolanda

before

she

left

on

December

2,

2024,

for

a

trip

to

Virginia

to

spend

a

month

with

her

daughter

who

was

giving

birth.

Clark

asked

Polanco

if

the

burial

could

take

place

on

November
23, 2024, texting, “ Can we have a service and everything next Saturday? ” Polanco replied that a November 23 burial was possible: “ It will depend on when he is released into our care .” Later in the evening, Clark sent a text to Polanco and McCarthy, saying, “ Thank you both so much. I appreciate and love you both very much … Your thoughtfulness will always remain in my heart,

you

are

here

for

me.
”

McCarthy

replied,

“
My

dearest

Josie,

our

hearts

are

broken

just

knowing

you

are

in

such

immense

pain.

A

pain

like

no

other.

Please

know

you

are

not

alone.

We

love

you

very

much.
”

Javier’s

body

was

released

to

LVMP’s

care

the

following

day,

November

14,

2024.

G. LVMP's Binding Promise to Clark: Javier Will Be Buried with His Mother The next day, November 15, 2024, Clark met with Polanco at LVMP to sign funeral contracts and

submit

vital

information

to

the

County

for

Javier’s

death

certificate.

Pursuant

to

Cal.

Health

10

Page 11 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 11 of 73 & Safety Code § 7100, Clark had the unequivocal “ right to control the disposition of [Javier’s] remains.
”
Clark was horrified to hear from Polanco, however, that the County would not allow Javier’s body

to

be

buried

because

of

its

condition

and

odor.

Polanco

told

Clark

that

cremation

was

her

only

option.

Cremation

was

not

a

part

of

the

Clark’s

family

legacy

of

casket

burials,

and

it

conflicted

with

some

of

her

family

members’

religious

beliefs.

Clark

asked,

“
Can

they

do

that?
”

and

Polanco

replied,

“
Absolutely.
”

The

truth:

absolutely

not.

The

County

does

not

refuse

burials

due

to

odor

or

decomposition,

but

Clark

had

no

reason

to

believe

Polanco’s

assurance

was

false.

1. LVMP and Clark Enter Into Written Contracts for Javier’s Funeral In reliance on Polanco’s representation, on November 15, 2024, Clark executed the following six documents

(collectively

“November

15 Documents”):

a)

La

Vista

Memorial

Park
Interment/Entombment/Disinterment Authorization Form (“Interment Authorization”); b) La Vista Crematory Authorization for Cremation (“Cremation Authorization”); c) Cemetery Interment Rights, Merchandise, and Services Purchase/Security Agreement, numbered 25773, which referred to a separate headstone contract numbered 25774 (“Cemetery Contract No. 25773”), d) a second Cemetery Interment Rights, Merchandise, and Services Purchase/Security Agreement, numbered 25774, for a headstone aka marker (“Headstone Contract No. 25774”), e) Statement of Funeral Goods and Services Selected/Purchase Agreement (“Cremation Contract No. 24141”), and f) Declaration for Disposition of Cremated or Hydrolyzed Human Remains (“Disposition Declaration.”) LVMP also executed the November 15 Documents, which included three contracts, Cemetery Contract

No.

25773,

Headstone

Contract

No.

25774,

and

Cremation

Contract

No.

24141

(collectively

“November

15 Contracts”)

agreeing

that

Javier’s

body

would

be

cremated,

the

remains

placed

in

a

“
small

cremation
”

container,

which

would

be

lowered

into

Yolanda’s

plot

and

placed

inside

the

vault

containing

her

casket.

The

funeral

service

would

be

witnessed

graveside

by

a

“Large

Service

40+”

of

friends

and

family.

Pursuant

to

the

Headstone

Contract,

a

28”

x

16”

Oxford

Granite

headstone

would

mark

Yolanda’s

plot

to

memorialize

the

mother

and

son

resting

below:

11 Page 12 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 12 of 73 For Cemetery Contract No. 25773, LVMP unilaterally gave Clark a “friends and family” rate of $6,340.36,

writing

“
Gratis
”

to

indicate

a

reduction

of

“$6,328.86.”

Cremation

Contract

No.

24141

stated

that

“
total

charges
”

were

“
$1,602.12
”

but

that

“
La

Vista

Mortuary

to

pay

cremation
”

in

the

amount

of

“
$1,495.00
,”

with

a

“
balance

do
”

(due

from

Clark)

of

$107.12.

Headstone

Contract

No.

25774

totaled

$1,296.40

without

any

indication

of

reduced

charges,

except

that

LVMP

was

providing

“
accidization
”

(acidization/cleaning)

at

“
No

Charge
.”

The
burial was tentatively scheduled for November 30, 2024. Clark paid LVMP a deposit totaling $1,403.52. 2. LVMP Botches Javier’s Death Certificate As LVMP’s Funeral Director, Polanco was solely responsible for providing the County with complete

and

accurate

information

to

prepare

Javier’s

death

certificate,

using

California’s

Electronic

Death

Registration

System

(“EDRS”).

Health

&

Safety

Code

§

102790

states,

“
The

funeral

director

shall

obtain

the

required

information

…

from

the

person

or

source

best

qualified
to supply this information. ” The Funeral Director’s Handbook, issued by the National Center for Health Statistics states, “ An accurate death record is the responsibility of the funeral director, both

as

a

service

to

the

decedent’s

family

and

as

the

cornerstone

of

the

nation’s

death

registration

system.
”

Health

&

Safety

Code

§

103775

goes

further,

stating

that

a

funeral

director

is

guilty

of

a

misdemeanor

if

she

“
fails

to

furnish

correctly

any

information

in

his

or

her

possession

that

is

required

by

this

part,

or

furnishes

false

information

affecting

any

[death]

certificate.
”

As

part

of

this

obligation,

Teran

verified

that

she

completed

an

unbiased,

objective
“blind check” of the information provided by Clark. Polanco, McCarthy, Teran, and Hamilton knew that Javier’s mother, Yolanda, was buried at LVMP,

that

Javier

was

Clark’s

nephew,

and

that

Lopez

was

Clark’s

biological

great-nephew

who

had

been

adopted

when

he

was

fifteen

years

old.

Despite

this

knowledge,

LVMP

wrote

“
Josie

12

Page 13 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 13 of 73 Clark, Mother ” in EDRS field 26, labeled, “ Informant Name and Relationship. ” LVMP’s knowledge that Yolanda, not Clark, was Javier’s mother was made clear when it entered Yolanda’s

name

into

EDRS

fields

35,

36,

and

37,

for

“
Mother/Parent’s

Legal

Birth

Names
.”

(McCarthy

would

later

gaslight

the

public

at

a

Council

Meeting

by

accusing

Clark,

not

LVMP,

for

“
two

death

certificates.

Hmm.

One

that

says

‘mother’

and

the

one

that

we

asked

her

to

rectify

to

say

what

is

truthful—and

that’s

‘aunt’
”).

H. Polanco v. Clark Three days later, on November 18, 2024, Javier’s employer contacted Clark to inform her that, pursuant

to

company

policy,

the

employer

would

pay

for

Javier’s

burial

expenses.

Clark

immediately

contacted

Polanco

to

tell

her

what

Javier’s

employer

had

said.

Polanco

responded

that

Clark

would

need

to

sign

new

contracts

at

LVMP’s

full

(non-reduced)

rates,

which

amounted

to

a

disavowal

and

breach

of

the

November

15 contracts.

Polanco,

McCarthy,

and

Teran

would

later

gaslight

the

public

about

Clark,

not

themselves,

demanding

new

cemetery

contracts,

e.g.,

Teran’s

comment

at

a

Council

meeting:

“
La

Vista

gave

[Clark]

a

free

burial,

right?

Interment

and

all

the

services

involved.

And

then,

a

couple

of

weeks

later,

she

came

back

requesting

to

redo

the

contract

with

more

items

on

it
.”

1. Clark Maintains Ethical Boundaries—Polanco Calls It Betrayal During the November 18 call, Polanco confronted Clark about the Project, which she had learned about,

either

as

a

mail

recipient

written

notice

from

the

City,

or

from

her

“
neighbors
”

(according
to her letter to the City, dated November 27, 2024) or when “ a family member of ours came in to do a marker for their loved ones … and left me a copy of the information ” (as she said at a City Planning

meeting

on

December

2,

2024).

When

Clark

asked

which

development

she

was

referring

to,

Polanco

replied,

"
You

know,

the

one

your

Iraqi

friends

are

planning
."

Polanco was angry that Clark had not informed her of the Project or offered to use her position as the

Mayor’s

assistant

to

block

it.

Clark

explained

that

she

could

not

do

anything

that

may

give

the

appearance

of

a

conflict

of

interest.

Polanco

nonetheless

insisted

that

Clark

schedule

a

meeting

with

the

Zakar

family.

Correctly

sensing

that

her

friend

for

the

past

sixteen

years,

in

possession

of

Javier’s

remains,

was

turning

on

her,

Clark

agreed

to

sign

new

funeral

contracts.

After

the

call,

Clark

contacted

Eddy,

who

agreed

to

meet

with

Polanco

and

McCarthy

on

November

25,

2024.

2. The Breach Later that afternoon (November 18), LVMP began emailing Clark with demands that Lopez, Javier’s

adopted-out

son

with

no

legal

right

of

disposition,

sign

the

November

15 Documents.

13 Page 14 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 14 of 73 LVMP had already determined that Lopez had no right to disposition over Javier’s remains and had

executed

the

November

15 Documents

based

on

that

knowledge.

Nonetheless,

at

4:20

p.m.,
Hamilton sent Clark an email, subject line, “ cremation authorization front and back pages. ” Hamilton attached three documents, two of which were duplicates of a document that described the

cremation

process

(which

Clark

had

signed

on

November

15).

Apparently

thinking

he

was

sending

the

front

of

the

Cremation

Authorization,

Hamilton

wrote,

“
Here

is

the

front

page

and

back

page

you

signed.

Both

pages

have

space

for

him

to

sign

as

a

second

person.
”

(Hamilton

would

not

send

Clark

the

front

page

until

December

2,

2024).

A new document, labeled “Affidavit,” was attached for Lopez’s notarized signature, releasing LVMP from all legal liability. Hamilton wrote, “ Also I need him to fill out the affidavit page giving you rights. It must be notarized. ” Ten minutes later, Hamilton sent Clark another email, subject line “ disposition form ,” attaching a copy of the Disposition Declaration that Clark had signed

on

November

15. Hamilton

wrote,

“
I

need

the

disposition

form

his

signature

also
.”

Clark
immediately forwarded all four documents to Lopez, emailing, “ Hi mijo, Please follow the instructions of Scott from the mortuary. Please send it back to him and my email .” At the public hearing that evening (November 18) to discuss the Project, Polanco’s and McCarthy’s

neighbors

were

present

for

public

comments.

After

acknowledging

they

had

received

notice

of

the

hearing,

they

voiced

their

traffic-related

opposition

to

the

Project.

The

hearing

was

continued

to

December

2,

2024.

The next day, November 19, 2024, in performance of the Headstone Contract, Teran emailed Clark a draft of “the headstone proof.” The message carried an undertone of pressure that would steadily intensify over the following weeks: “ Keep in mind that without your signature, unfortunately

I

won't

be

able

to

place

the

order
.”

3. Polanco’s Bait-and-Switch: Friendship Rate Becomes a Profit Grab The next day, November 20, 2024, Clark texted Polanco, asking if they could meet to “ redo the contract ,” as Polanco had demanded on November 18. Polanco scheduled a meeting for at 9:00 a.m. the next day. On November 21, 2024, at 8:29 a.m., Polanco texted Clark, “ Josie, I will be running a little late but Scot and Pati are already re doing [t]he contracts … [which] will also include

the

overtime

fees.
”

Polanco

never

showed

up

for

the

9 a.m.

meeting.

Instead, Teran presented Clark with new documents to sign, backdated to November 15, 2024, including:

1)

another

cemetery

contract

with

a

new

number

(25784)

totaling

$11,880.43
(“Backdated Cemetery Contract No. 25784”) and 2) another cremation contract, number unchanged from (2024141), that totaled $3,169.32 (“Backdated Cremation Contract No. 14 Page 15 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 15 of 73 2024141”). LVMP did not ask Clark to sign a new headstone contract. Instead, the headstone charges, now totaling $2,790.72, were included in the Backdated Cemetery Contract No. 25784.

In

sum,

LVMP

increased

the

amount

it

was

charging

Clark,

from

$7,743.88

to

$15,049.75,

which

was

a

difference

of

$7,305.87.

(Polanco

would

later

accuse

Clark

of

trying

to

profit

from

her

son’s

death

and

his

employer’s

generosity,

claiming

Clark

“
asked

me

to

give

her

$7,000

out

of

the

$15,049

the

employer

was

to

pay

for

cemetery

and

funeral

arrangements
”).

Before leaving the November 21 meeting, Clark asked Teran about Hamilton’s November 18 request

that

Lopez

sign

the

November

15 Documents

and

notarize

the

Affidavit.

Teran

told

Clark

that

Lopez

only

needed

to

sign

the

Interment

Authorization.

Teran

confirmed

the

same

when

she
emailed Clark, “ Attached you will find the Interment Authorization Doc. that needs to be signed by Francisco Javier Escarsega II's son…. That's the only signature that we need from him in order

for

the

burial

to

take

place
.”

4. The Brikhos Get Pressured for Perks—Clark Gets Blamed Eddy, Polanco, and McCarthy met on November 25, 2024, at a Starbucks store on Bonita Rd. in Chula Vista (“the November 25 meeting”). At Polanco’s request, Clark also attended the initial part of the meeting but left before it ended. Clark was still suffering from Javier’s death, the discovery

of

his

decomposing

body,

and

the

hostility

and

coercion

she

was

receiving

from

long-term

friends

who

continued

to

hold

his

remains.

Clark was particularly troubled when Polanco presented Eddy with a quid pro quo offer, telling him

that

she

(and

McCarthy)

would

not

publicly

oppose

the

Project

if

the

Zakar

family

agreed

to

sell

them

alcohol

and

fuel

at

a

substantial

discount

and

paid

for

a

large

sign

for

LVMP.

Before

leaving,

Clark

reiterated

that

she

could

not

take

sides

given

her

employment

with

the

City.

Polanco asked her to create a group text, which Clark did, at 12:37 p.m., stating, “ Hello, Eddy, Joey, Luisa and Mica. ” The Starbucks Meeting continued, during which Polanco expressed her concern that Zakar would

compete

with

her

retail

flower

business

and

build

a

mortuary

storefront

as

part

of

the

Project.

They

conveyed

to

Eddy—effectively

as

a

threat—that

they

could

raise

any

number

of

pretexts

to

oppose

the

Project.
7 Eddy

had

little

option

but

to

agree

to

Polanco’s

and

McCarthy’s

demands.

Polanco

stated

she

would

prepare

a

written

agreement

to

formalize

the

deal.

Polanco’s

and

McCarthy’s

last-minute

attempt

to

extort

the

Zakar

family—demanding

value

in

exchange

for

withholding

opposition—occurred

one

week

before

the

public

meeting

with

the

City’s

Planning

Department

on

December

2,

2024.

7 Cal. Penal Code §§ 518–519.
15 Page 16 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 16 of 73 Under California law, extortion occurs when property or value is obtained through consent induced

by

wrongful

threats,

including

threats

of

economic

harm

unconnected

to

any

legal

claim

or

right.

Courts

have

held

that

when

a

party

conditions

silence

or

withdrawal

of

opposition

on

receiving

a

benefit,

that

conduct

constitutes

extortion

as

a

matter

of

law.
8 By

contrast,

there

is

nothing

unlawful

about

a

developer

voluntarily

offering

benefits

to

surrounding

residents

who

have

no

legal

authority

over

a

project.

Such

arrangements

resemble

Community

Benefits

Agreements,
9 which

are

common

contractual

tools

and

not

crimes.

5. Stalling Javier’s Burial, Polanco and McCarthy Devise an Ambush The same day as the Starbucks meeting, November 25, Lopez signed and emailed Hamilton the Interment

Authorization

Form

that

Teran

had

confirmed

was

“
the

only

signature

[needed]

from
him in order for the burial to take place .” Nonetheless, Lopez also signed and returned the three documents Hamilton had emailed Clark on November 18. As directed, Lopez backdated his signatures to November 15, 2024. At no time did Hamilton or anyone else at LVMP inform Lopez

that

his

signature

was

missing

on

any

documentation.

With the December 2 hearing approaching, Polanco stalled her promise to formalize the quid pro quo

deal

reached

at

Starbucks.

Likewise,

LVMP

stalled

its

obligations

to

Clark,

ensuring

Javier’s

burial

would

not

happen

before

Clark

left

town

for

her

daughter’s

high-risk

pregnancy

back

east.

At 11:58 a.m., on November 26, 2024,
10 Polanco texted Eddy directly, stating: Thank you for making the time to meet with us. I also hope we can build a better long

term

relationship,

especially

since

it

started

a

little

rocky.

I

need

the

name

and

address

of

who

and

where

I

should

the

letter

to.

Addressing

everything

we

spoke

about

yesterday.

Eddy immediately replied, and provided the email addresses for Joey Brikho (“Joey”) and himself.

Four

hours

later,

at

4:33

p.m.

that

same

day,

November

26,

Polanco

used

the

group

text
created by Clark to request additional information from Eddy 11 : “ I also need the following please for the agreement we spoke about yesterday: May I have your full name and the business address 11 Clark

remained

silent

on

the

group

thread

from

November

26 through

December

2;

her

first

reply

appears

on

December

3,

2024.

10 Polanco,

McCarthy,

and

their

attorneys

later

alleged

that

Eddy

had

attempted

to

influence

them

with

“
offers
”

without

offering

any

evidence,

while

withholding

this

two-person

message

showing

the

opposite.

9 Community Benefits Agreements

are

private,

legally

enforceable

contracts

between

developers

and

community

groups

in

which

the

developer

agrees

to

provide

specified

community

benefits

(e.g.,

affordable

housing,

living

wage

jobs,

environmental

enhancements)

in

exchange

for

public

support

of

the

project.

8 Flatley v. Mauro (2006) 39 Cal.4th 299, 327–330 (demanding payment in exchange for not publicizing allegations held

to

be

extortion

as

a

matter

of

law;

litigation

privilege

did

not

apply);
Mendoza v. Hamzeh (2013) 215
Cal.App.4th

799

(threats

to

expose

alleged

tax

fraud

in

order

to

collect

money

constituted

extortion).

16 Page 17 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 17 of 73 and or business name to whom to address the agreement to ?” Eddy replied at 5:33 p.m., providing

the

additional

information.

The following morning, Wednesday, November 27, 2024, at 10:28 a.m., Polanco acknowledged Eddy’s reply, “ Thank you! ” That same day, Polanco and McCarthy wrote a letter to the City, making their opposition to the Zakar project clear: We understand the grieving process of our families who have lost their loved ones.

We

have

a

responsibility

and

duty

to

our

families

to

bring

these

issues

to

your

attention

because

they

are

detrimental

to

the

families

that

we

serve

and

to

our

community.

Our

main

concerns

are

for

environmental

issues,

proper

signage,

lighting

and

traffic

control

for

La

Vista

Memorial

Park

and

surrounding

areas.

It

is

crucial

for

our

families

to

avoid

traffic

problems

or

be

involved

in

a

traffic

accident

due

to

the

overflow

caused

by

this

new

proposed

development.

Later that evening, November 27, at 5:25 p.m., Hamilton sent Clark another email entitled “ disposition of cremated remains ,” attached a copy of the Disposition Declaration signed only by Clark, and wrote, “ Hello Josie, I need his signature on this one form below yours. You will see an x

by

the

date.
”

Hamilton

sent

this

email

despite

having

already

received

Lopez’s

signed

Disposition

Authorization

two

days

earlier,

on

November

25,

2024.

In

his

email,

Hamilton

said

nothing

to

Clark

about

the

Affidavit,

the

Cremation

Authorization

that

he

had

failed

to

attach

to

his

email

dated

November

18,

2024,

or

any

other

document

that

LVMP

was

insisting

that

Lopez

sign.

Two days later, Friday, November 29, 2024, having received nothing from Polanco to formalize the deal, Eddy used the group text to follow up with Polanco, writing, “ Happy Thanksgiving I wanted to follow up I thought you were going to send a letter over what we discussed the other day.

I

have

not

received

anything
.”

The

following

evening,

Saturday,

November

30,

2024,
Polanco replied to Eddy’s text—also addressing Clark: Eddie and Josie, I have not finalized the letter in regards to what we spoke about when

we

met

on

Monday

over

25th.

It

has

been

the

worst

time

to

do

this

especially

with

all

the

Holidays.

I'll

get

back

to

you

in

Monday

[December

2].

I

have

had

no

time

especially

with

the

City

Planning

meeting

so

soon

Dec

2 at

6:00

pm

I

need

to

see

if

we

can

move

the

meeting

forward

because

I

have

had

no

time

to

read

what

was

proposed

to

the

City

of

National

City

or

the

County

of

SD.

The following afternoon, Sunday, December 1, 2024, Polanco again addressed “ Eddy and Josie ,” in a text message that began with a list of excuses for her delayed reply. Although Polanco would later deny it, even accusing Eddy Brikho of attempting to bribe her, Polanco’s text message listed out

the

quid

pro

quo

exchange

she

was

demanding

in

return

for

not

opposing

the

Project.

17 Page 18 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 18 of 73 Polanco sent Eddy the following text message, which confirmed her ongoing attempted extortion,

which

would

later

be

revealed

as

the

source

of

“
many

sleepless

nights
12 ”:

The following morning, Monday, December 2, 2024, at 8:55 a.m., Eddy replied, confirming he would comply with Polanco’s demands, stating, “ Everything is correct 1-Signage yes…. 2- Yes we

will

work

with

you

to

get

you

discounted

diesel

from

our

street

Price.

3-

Yes

we

will

give

you

alchole

at

our

Cost….
”

Later,

Eddy

followed

up,

clarifying

his

understanding

of

Polanco’s

demands,

writing,

“
I

agree

with

all

of

your

requests

as

long

as

you

are

at

today's

meeting

and

council

meeting

in

full

support

of

our

project

like

we

talked

about
.”
13 Continuing

with

her

flagrant

efforts

to

make

it

look

like

Clark

was

part

of

the

deal,

while

confirming

her

fear

that
Zakar would use the Project to compete with her mortuary business, Polanco replied, adding a term: “ Eddie and Josie I forgot the no competition clause and I wanted to have the agreement in writing
”:

13 With his texts, Eddy reaffirmed—in writing—the oral contract reached at Starbucks. While an agreement produced

through

extortion

cannot

be

enforced

by

the

extorting

party

(Polanco),

such

contracts

are

not

automatically

void;

they

are

voidable

at

the

election

of

the

coerced

party

(Zakar

family).

See
,

Civ.

Code

§§
1567, 1569. Thus,
Polanco

and

McCarthy

could

not

enforce

their

demands,

but

the

Zakara

family—who

engaged

in

no

unlawful

conduct—could

potentially

assert

breach

of

contract.

See
,
Flatley
,

Id.

at

327–330.

12 At the February 4, 2025 Council meeting, Polanco attempted a brazen reversal—casting her own extortion scheme onto

Eddy

Brikho—through a calculated display of gaslighting: “ [A]fter many sleepless nights studying this project …

I

was

told

to

meet

up

with

the

developer

to

oppose

the

project.

We

were

offered

gas,

liquor

discounts,

a

sign,

traffic

light,

et

cetera,

et

cetera.

We

turned

the

offer

down

…

after

…

learning

more

about

the

project

….”

18

Page 19 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 19 of 73 Polanco ended her text with yet another attempt to implicate Clark in her own extortion: “ Can you

and

Josie

both

reply

to

this

text

so

I

can

be

assured

this

will

be

done

please

before

our

meeting.
”

However,

Joey

joined

the

conversation,

adding

a

tone

of

transparency

that

may

have

sparked

Polanco’s

future

revolt.

Joey

made

the

mistake

of

telling

Polanco

that

his

family

was

not
going to violate any rules, writing, “ We will do our best to cooperate with an all City guidelines so that we can make sure we are always in compliance and accommodate your request. ” Meanwhile, LVMP continued to stall Javier’s burial. At 10:15 a.m. (December 2), Hamilton sent Clark an email with the subject line, “ FRONT OF AUTHORIZATION ” (All caps in original), and attached the Cremation Authorization that LVMP and Clark had executed seventeen days earlier, on November 15, 2024. Hamilton pressured Clark to obtain Lopez’s signature, writing, “ HI JOSIE,

I

NEED

HIM

TO

SIGN

THE

FRONT

OF

THE

AUTHORIZATION

TOO.

I

PUT

X

IN

BOTH

SPOTS

NAME

ADDRESS

JUST

LIKE

YOU

SIGNED

IT.

I

NEED

TO

CREMATE

SOON
”

(all-caps

in

original).

Hamilton

said

nothing

about

his

failure

to

attach

the

front

page

when

he

emailed

Clark

on

November

18,

2024.

Clark was on her way to the airport, leaving for the East Coast to be with her daughter, when she saw

Hamilton’s

email.

She

was

already

feeling

overwhelmed

by

the

sudden

and

dramatic

change

in

Polanco’s

tone

and

treatment

toward

her

ever

since

November

18,

2024,

when

Polanco

confronted

Clark

about

the

Zakar

project.

Clark

called

Polanco

and

mentioned

Hamilton’s

email

demanding

Lopez’s

signature

on

documentation

that

was

not

needed

when

the

November

15 documents

were

executed.

Polanco

snapped,

“
We

need

what

we

need!

Scott

knows

what

he

is

doing

and

you

need

to

give

Scott

what

he

is

asking

for.
”

When

Clark

responded,

“
Okay,

thank

you,

please

let

me

know

when

I

can

lay

my

son

to

rest

with

my

sister
,”

Polanco

ended

the

call

saying,

“
Okay.

Bye
.”

At

11:44

a.m.,

realizing

that

Polanco

and

McCarthy

had

been

stringing

him

along

and

that

he

would

be

walking

into

an

ambush

at

the

City

Planning

a

few

hours

away,

Eddy
confronted them both, replying:
19

Page 20 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 20 of 73 Hi Mica And Luisa Are you saying your not gonna be there to speak in support of my

project.

I

was

under

the

impression

that

you

would

both

be

there

to

speak

in

support

of

my

project.

I'm

very

confused.

Please

let

me

know

what

your

intentions

are.

At 1:28 p.m., Polanco replied with more excuses, still trying to concoct evidence that Clark was an active participant in the quid pro quo scheme: I am very confused … don't know what all is being proposed … have not had time

…

I

will

be

at

the

meeting

and

share

your

conditional

support

but

I

will

be

asking

for

more

time

…

need

to

hear

the

concerns

of

all

our

families

and
neighbors … Josie can you please respond to this text and let me know that you agree with what Eddie just wrote us on what we agreed upon.

6. Polanco and McCarthy Ambush the Zakar Family (and Clark) The City Planning meeting commenced at 6:00 p.m. that evening, December 2, 2024, to discuss whether

to

recommend

the

Project’s

approval

to

the

City

Council,

with

the

last

opportunity

being

December

10,

2024,

as

the

Council

would

not

convene

again

until

January

21,

2025.

The

Commission

met

to

consider

a

recommendation

by

the

Planning

Staff

to

approve

the

Project,
which was detailed in a 26 page document entitled, “Planning Commission Staff Report” (“Staff Report”). Like every Commission meeting, the one held on December 2 corresponded to a document entitled “Planning Commission Meeting Complete Packet,” which anyone can access through the Commission’s web page. Polanco and McCarthy brought in five of their LVMP employees 14 to appear and voice “ public comment[s] in opposition of ” the Project. However, according to the Speaker’s Slips 15 (obtained by PRA Request 25-559) that they submitted prior to the Commission meeting, Polanco and McCarthy represented that their own comments would be “ neutral .” 16 In addition, other persons
who

would

soon

reveal

locked-step

alignment

with

Polanco’s

and

McCarthy’s

attorney-directed

scripts,

appeared

to

avoid

opposition,

such

as

Sandra

Scheller,

Doyle

and

Alisha

Morrison,

and

their

daughter

Ashley

Morrison.

16 On March 3, 2025, Polanco and McCarthy would appear at the first Commission meeting after December 2, demanding

changes

to

the

December

2 Minutes

regarding

their

positions

on

the

Project.

Despite

their

Speaker

Slips

—McCarthy crossed out “ In Opposition ” and marked “ Neutral ” with an “ x ,” and Polanco marked “ Neutral ” in both English

and

Spanish—they

each

misled

the

Commission

with

claims

that

they

had

strongly

opposed

the

Project.

At

the

following

Commission

meeting,

on

April

21,

2025,

Polanco

again

pressed

for

changes.

With

galling

hypocrisy,

Polanco

said,

“I’m not trying to blame anybody. I’m trying to attack the problem, and not the people .”

15 To make a public comment at a City meeting for an “ Item ” on the agenda, a person must submit a “Speaker Slip ”

and

check

a

box

indicating

whether

their

comment

on

that

Item

will

be

“
In

Favor
,”

“
In

Opposition
,”

or

“
Neutral
.”

14 See , Speaker Slips for: Teran, Hernandez, Magana, Marin, and Bermudez. 20 Page 21 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 21 of 73 During their comments, neither Polanco nor McCarthy acknowledged their extortion attempt, repeatedly

confirmed

in

text

messages.

Eddy

did,

however,

telling

the

Planning

Committee:

I met with the owners of La Vista … I thought we came to a good agreement and they

had

some

concerns

and

I

did

everything

in

my

power

to

address

them.

I

even

went

above

and

beyond.

They

were

worried

about

their

visibility,

that

no

one

knows

where

the

funeral

home

is.

I

offered

to

put

a

monument

sign

on

my

property

showing

where

La

Vista

is.

I

explained

to

them

that

we

have

a

current

traffic

study,

and

explained

to

them

that

we

were

putting

a

current

traffic

light.

On

top

of

that,

they

needed

a

discount

on

fuel.

I

offered

that

to

them.

Whatever

they

wanted.

Whatever

they

wanted,

I

offered

them.

The Commission did not follow the “ Staff recommendation ” to “ Approve ” the Project. In a 4 to 2 vote,

the

Commission’s

recommendation

“
to

deny
”

would

be

accurately

reflected

in

the

Minutes,

later

prepared

and

posted

online.

The

Minutes

did

not,

however,

accurately

reflect

the

Commissioners’

reasoning

for

the

denial.

According

to

the

Minutes,

they

denied

“
the

project

due

to

staff

findings

of

public

safety,

air

pollution

from

the

gas

station,

and

public

nuisance
.”

(emphasis

added).

The

30-page

“
Staff

Report
”

did

not

include

a

“
finding

…

of

nuisance
.”

The

word

“
nuisance
”

only

appeared

twice,

on

page

7,

“
According

to

the

Noise

and

Nuisance

Element

of

the

City’s

General

Plan
”

(staff

recommended

restrictions

on

the

car

wash

hours

of

operation),

and

page

16,

“
No

Nuisance
”

(emphasis

in

original).

The Commission’s purported “ finding ” that the Project constituted a “ nuisance ” would become a grossly

exaggerated

talking

point,

repeated

by

Polanco,

McCarthy,

their

attorneys,

and

their

supporters

in

the

weeks

to

come.

Eventually,

they

began

referring

to

it

as

“
the

nuisance

project
,”

as

if

it

were

an

established

legal

conclusion

rather

than

a

procedural

term

used

in

a

single

meeting.

Those

scripted

public

comments

followed

a

sham

lawsuit

Polanco

filed

on

January

24,

2025—discussed

in

detail

below—in

which

she

alleged

that

Clark

or

Morrison

had

been

improperly

influenced

by

the

Zakar

family

in

return

for

“
financial

favors
”

and

had

“
engaged

in

communications

with

National

City

Planning

staff

regarding

the

Project’s

approval
.”

As for the so-called “ findings ” of a nuisance, the City’s website hosts the full three-and-a-half-hour video of the December 2 meeting, and the record speaks for itself. The following seven-minute clip from the end of that meeting shows all that needs to be seen:
21 Page 22 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 22 of 73 In short, thirteen minutes before the 3 ½ hour Commission meeting ended, a motion to continue was

seconded

to

permit

the

Zakar

family

to

consider

changes

to

the

Project

that

would

address

the

public’s

concerns.

With

the

motion

to

continue

seconds

from

passing,

Commissioner

Beryl

Forman
17 (“Forman”),

announced,

“
I

guess

I'm

concerned

with

the

word

continue
,”

moving

to

deny

the

Project

outright.

Before

the

motion

to

deny

had

been

seconded,

however,

a

deputy

city

attorney

interjected,

telling

the

Chair,

“
So,

making

a

motion

to

deny

the

project

will

have

to

be

based

on

findings.
”

The

attorney

turned

to

the

Planning

Division,

asking,

“
Staff,

did

you

have

any

findings

that

we

discussed

earlier?
”

The

Planning

Division’s

reply

made

it

clear

that

the

answer

was

“No”—the

staff

had

made

no

such

findings
18 :

Um, as far as meeting with the applicant and redesigning or denying, uh, I think it would

be

helpful

to

be

a

little

more,

uh,

specific

about

what

your

impact

concerns

might

be.

You

know,

the

findings

for

denial

could

be

specific

over

noise,

traffic,

air

quality.

You

know,

if

you’re

talking

about

residents

over

a

gas

station,

is

that

an

air

quality

concern?

Are

we

looking

at

a

nuisance?

…

[T]here

are

several

findings

that

could

potentially

be

vetted

by

the

Commission.

(emphasis

added)
The Planning Division staff member clarified for the Commission that the Zakar family could “
appeal
”
19 to

the

City

Council

at

its

meeting

scheduled

for

December

10,

2024,

which

was

the

reason

the

Commission

felt

obliged

to

state

some

sort

of

“finding”

for

its

denial,

but

no

such

finding

was

made

prior

to

the

Commission’s

vote

to

deny.

If

anything,

the

staff

that

was

purportedly

influenced

by

the

Mayor

or

Clark

to

recommend

the

Project,

steered

the

Commission

toward

a

denial.

Regardless

of

their

bogus

charges,

Polanco

and

McCarthy

had

won

a

significant

battle,

although

the

Commission

would

not

confirm

the

denial

for

another

week.

19 Technically,

it

was

not

an

“
appeal
,”

as

the

Commission’s

“
denial
”

was

only

a

recommendation

to

the

Council.

18 This

black-and-white

(Staff

Report

and

transcript

of

meeting)

was

later

confirmed

at

the

Council

meeting

on

April

1,

2025,

when

Martin

Reeder,

the

Asst.

Dir.

of

Community

Development,

said,

“
So

with

the

findings

for

this,

we

came

up

with

findings

for

approval.

We

didn't

actually

end

up

writing

any

findings

for

denial
.”

17 After her incoherent tirade on June 8, Commissioner Forman resigned having posed for TV cameras, handed documents

to

the

media

during

session, and echoed Team Aguirre’s many rants, e.g., saying she “ distrusted ” the Commission

because

its

Minutes

did

not

reflect

public

comments

(despite

verbatim

video

and

transcripts

on

the
City’s website). When asked if she wanted to “ make a motion to amend the minutes to reflect what you would like them

to

reflect
,”

Forman

replied,

“
I

don't

wanna

do

that

because

I

have

such

distrust.
”

22

Page 23 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 23 of 73 I. Polanco and McCarthy Press On v. Clark, Morrison, and the Zakar Family The next morning, December 3, 2024, at 8:01 a.m., Clark used the group text with Polanco, McCarthy, and Eddy, to refute Polanco’s attempts to drag her into the quid pro quo deal. 20 Although

it

had

angered

Polanco

when

she

said

something

similar,

Clark

repeated

that

she

could

not

get

involved

in

the

group

discussions

over

the

Project:

Hi Eddy and Mica … I facilitated [the November 25] meeting as a request from Mica.

As

a

City

Employee

and

as

a

project

that

is

going

through

the

process,

I

cannot

side

with

one

or

the

other.

This

is

a

situation

that

you

both

need

to

either

compromise

or

not.

I

wish

you

both

nothing

but

the

best.

Two hours later, at 10:05 a.m., Hamilton emailed Clark, subject line, “ affidavit ,” in which he addresses Lopez: “ Daniel please fill out this document I am providing and return it, as soon as possible.

Please

drop

by

a

local

notary

office

and

have

it

notarized

in

front

of

them.

You

will

sign
it, in their presence. ” A few hours later, at 3:18 p.m., Polanco sent an email to Clark’s Hispanic Chamber of Commerce address, subject line, “Fwd: Declaration for disposition of cremation…,” attaching

a

document

entitled,

“
Mica's

declaration

for

disposition

of

cremated.pdf
.”

As

if

the

November

15 cemetery

contracts

never

existed,

Polanco

wrote,

“
When

we

met

on

November

18th,

2024,

with

you

and

Scott,

I

was

clear

about

getting

all

the

signatures

from

your

nephew’s

son

(Daniel

Gary

Henry

Lopez),

to

protect

all

parties

(including

you

and

La

Vista

Memorial

Park

and

Mortuary)
.”

Polanco

ended

the

email

with

a

renewed

demand

for

a

notarized

release

agreement

before

moving

forward

with

Javier’s

burial:

“
We

have

not

yet

received

the

Notarized

Affidavit

…

Please

have

Daniel

Gary

Henry

Lopez

e-mail

us

the

Notarized

affidavit

to

enable

us

to

finalize

the

funeral

arrangements.
”

Polanco’s

email

attached

Hamilton’s

email

that

had

failed

to

include

the

Cremation

Form.

A few minutes later, at 3:25 p.m. (December 3), Polanco sent another email to Clark’s Chamber of Commerce address, forwarding Hamilton’s November 18 email (and his attachments, which still

did

not

include

the

form

he

was

demanding

Lopez

sign).

By

then,

two

different

LVMP

employees

had

contradicted

Hamilton’s

November

18 demand,

advising

Clark

that

only

a

single

document

was

required

and

making

no

mention

of

notarization.

In

reality,

Lopez

had

no

legal

right

of

disposition

and

was

never

required

to

sign

or

notarize

any

such

document.

He

eventually

did

so

only

because

Clark,

under

pressure

from

LVMP,

asked

him

to

comply.

Polanco’s

December

3 email,

therefore,

relied

on

an

earlier

demand

that

had

already

been

undermined

by

LVMP

itself.

Polanco,

in

an

underlined,

bolded,

enlarged-font

message

that

conveyed

her

fury,

wrote:

20 This was Clark’s first reply to any of Polanco’s group text messages, following her silence from November 26 through

December

2. 23 Page 24 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 24 of 73

A few hours later, at 6:00 p.m., Polanco, McCarthy, their employees, and friends appeared at the City

Council

meeting

to

continue

opposing

the

Project—which,

by

that

point,

had

all

but

died.

Polanco’s

public

comments

made

clear

that

she

was

still

angry

at

Clark

for

not

informing

her

of

the

Project,

stating:

“
I

was

quite

upset

because

I

thought

I

was

a

friend

of

[the

Mayor’s]

and

a

friend

of

Josie’s.

But

I

was

blindsided

by

the

fact

that

neither

one

of

them

told

me
.”

Additional comments from Sandra Scheller echoed Polanco’s December 2 text regarding the “
competition

clause
”

that

she

wanted

in

the

“
agreement

in

writing
”

to

confirm

the

quid

pro

quo

extortion

attempt.

Recalling

Zakar’s

comments

to

the

Planning

Commission

the

night

before,

Scheller

stated:

And one of the things that scared me the most when we were listening to Robert Zakar

was

that

he

wanted

to

do

what

was

called

competition.

He

used

the

word

competition.

And

if

you

listen

to

that,

um,

in

yesterday's

hearing,

I

don't

think

National

City

is

about

competition

…

And,

and

what

I'd

like

to

say

to

Robert

Zakar,

if

you

want

competition,

pick

on

somebody

your

own

size,

go

after

Mike

Tyson.

But

please

don't

go

after

this

amazing

community.

That same evening, Mayor Morrison presided over the Council’s public censure of Councilmember

Rodriguez

for

misuse

of

public

funds,

including

a

campaign-related

“
turkey

giveaway
”

financed

with

taxpayer

money.

Humiliated

by

the

censure,

Rodriguez

appeared

eager

to

redirect

public

attention

toward

a

controversy

that

did

not

involve

him—or

turkeys.

Hearing

the

accusations

leveled

at

Morrison

and

Clark,

Rodriguez

sensed

an

opportunity

and

perhaps

a

political

alliance:

an

enemy-of-his-enemy

in

Mica

Polanco.

J. Polanco and McCarthy Press On v. Clark, Morrison, and the Zakar Family With Rodriguez now joining their cause, Polanco and McCarthy escalated their attacks—spinning

fictionalized

misconduct

to

discredit

the

City,

defame

Clark,

and

destabilize

Morrison—all

while

Polanco

quietly

eyed

the

Project

Property

for

herself.

Even

as

Clark

focused

24

Page 25 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 25 of 73 on the ongoing mishandling of Javier’s remains, Polanco shifted the fight to a new front: a sprawling,

unfocused

public

records

request

designed

to

set

up

a

sham

lawsuit.

1. Polanco’s Garbled PRA Request 24-679 (That Set Up a Sham PRA Lawsuit) On December 4, 2024, the morning after the last Council meeting, Polanco submitted a request for public records to the City (“Request 24-679”) pursuant to the California Public Records Act (Gov. Code, § 6250 et seq.) (“PRA”). Polanco made no effort to craft a reasonable request. Her list

of

people

and

entities

for

“
communications

between
”

included

“
all

National

City

officials,

all

San

Diego

County

officials,

and

anyone

representing

the

City

of

National

City

or

San

Diego

County,

Caltrans

Engineering

Department

….
”

She

did

not

narrow

her

request

by

subject

matter

or

timeframe.

Quite

literally,

Polanco’s

Request

24-679

sought

“
communications

between
”

thousands

of

unidentified

people

about

anything—and,

in

the

case

of

National

City,

dating

back

to

its

incorporation

in

1887.

Her

list

also

included

the

APCD,

Clark,

Morrison,

the

Brikhos,

and

Zakar:

On December 9, 2024, the City Clerk asked for clarification, emailing Polanco, “ Your request is overly broad [and] missing important information required to pull records such as a date range, who

the

communications

are

between,

subject

matter

if

applicable

etc.”

Later

that

afternoon,
Polanco replied that she had previously sent another list of names, presumably adding onto the list already contained in Request 24-679, but in neither email did Polanco provide the requested clarifications.

2. From Deceit to Strategy: Polanco Finds A Lawyer to Refine the Lie By the time Polanco provided the request clarifications for Request 24-679—which would become

the

basis

for

a

lawsuit

filed

six

weeks

later—she

and

McCarthy

had

already

retained

“
legendary
”
21 attorney,

Michael

Aguirre,

of

Aguirre

&

Severson,

LLP

(“Aguirre”),

who

had

21 Luisa McCarthy, City Council meeting, February 4, 2025. 25

Page 26 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 26 of 73 served as San Diego City Attorney from 2004 to 2008. Aguirre’s initial strategy—which evolved over

time—was

to

target

Clark

at

her

most

vulnerable

moment,

fabricate

a

claim

that

the

City

was

violating

the

Public

Records

Act

(“PRA”),

and

then

file

a

so-called

PRA

lawsuit,

a

proceeding

in

which

the

petitioner

asks

the

court

to

compel

a

public

agency—in

this

case,

the

City—to

produce

records

allegedly

withheld.
22 For

clarity

in

this

Claim,

that

case

will

be

referred

to

as

the

“First

Lawsuit,”

even

though,

at

this

point

in

the

timeline,

it

had

not

yet

been

filed.

Aguirre knew the First Lawsuit would give him the ability to take—and threaten to take—depositions

of

City

employees

(or

anyone

else,

for

that

matter),

issue

subpoenas,

and

shield

his

clients,

his

firm,

himself,

and

their

allies

(“Team

Aguirre”)

from

legal

liability

(e.g.,

defamation)

for

the

allegations

made

in

the

lawsuit,

regardless

of

their

truth.

More

importantly,

Aguirre

understood

that

the

media

could

freely

report

anything

filed

in

court—or

said

at

Council

meetings—under

the

protection

of

privilege.
23 As it turned out, however, reporters with integrity quickly recognized that Team Aguirre’s “
evidence
”

was

either

empty

or

affirmatively

contradicted

their

claims.

By

mid-February

2025,

the

tactics

of

Team

Aguirre

were

already

drawing

public

pushback.

What

had

begun

as

a

calculated

campaign

of

provocation

and

misinformation

was

starting

to

be

recognized

for

what

it

was.

It

did

not

take

long

for

Mayor

Morrison

to

confront

Team

Aguirre’s

campaign

directly.

At

the

February

18,

2025,

Council

meeting,

he

summed

up

Polanco

and

McCarthy’s

then-nascent

campaign:

“
[A]

couple

of

individuals

…

are

doing

their

best

to

just

try

to

cause

as

much

havoc

as

possible

…

making

all

kinds

of

crazy

claims

…

a

bunch

of

lies

…

without

a

shred

of

evidence
.”

The

following

two-minute

clip

sets

the

stage

for

what

comes

next

in

this

Claim.

Before Aguirre could file the First Lawsuit, however, he knew an enforceable PRA request had to

be

submitted

to

the

City.

The

ulterior

purpose

of

Polanco's

First

Lawsuit

would

have

nothing

to

do

with

any

failure

on

the

City’s

part

to

comply,

and

as

such

all

Aguirre

needed

was

a

plausible

allegation

coupled

with

a

confusing

narrative.

Polanco

had

already

submitted

Request

23 A fuller discussion of Team Aguirre’s strategy and misuse of the Civ. Code § 47

privilege

follows.

22 Gov. Code § 6258 states, “ any person may institute proceedings for injunctive or declaratory relief, or for a writ of

mandate,

to

enforce

the

right

to

inspect

or

receive

a

copy

of

public

records
.”

26

Page 27 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 27 of 73 24-679,
24 but its incoherence gutted any possible—much less plausible—argument that it provided

a

legitimate

basis

for

the

First

Lawsuit.

As

such,

on

December

9,

2024,
25 at

5:02

p.m.,
Aguirre submitted an entirely new request for public records (“Request 24-688”) that contained the exact language that the yet-to-be-filed First Lawsuit would allege were “requested clarifications ” to Request 24-679 supposedly provided “ on December 10, 2024. ” 26 3. Aguirre Terrorizes a Grieving Mother and Her Husband On December 10, 2024, at 12:54 p.m., Aguirre placed a harassing call to Clark’s personal cell phone,

identifying

himself

as

counsel

for

Polanco

and

McCarthy.

At

the

time,

Clark

was

in

Virginia

supporting

her

daughter,

who

was

in

labor.

During

the

call,

Aguirre

warned

that

Clark

could

be

“
in

a

lot

of

trouble
,”

and

extended

the

same

threat

to

her

husband,

a

County

District

Attorney’s

Office

investigator.

He

offered

no

clarification

or

legal

basis

for

his

statements

and

ended

the

call

without

explanation.

In another clear attempt to manufacture evidence of wrongdoing by Clark, Polanco sent an email to

Clark’s

official

City

email

address

at

3:34

p.m.

EST

that

same

afternoon.

Having

already

confirmed

that

Aguirre

was

representing

her,

Polanco

proceeded

to

commit

a

calculated

and

unambiguous

act

of

deceit—apparently

designed

to

fabricate

a

paper

trail

suggesting

Clark

was

attempting

to

extort

her.

Polanco

wrote:

I am confirming the conversation you had earlier today with my attorney, Michael Aguirre

…,

that

I

will

be

unable

to

pay

any

sums

to

you

in

connection

with

the

funeral

and

cemetery

services

for

Javier

Francisco

Escarsega

II.

The phrasing and formality of the message—uncharacteristic of Polanco’s prior communications—strongly

suggest

it

was

drafted

by

someone

else,

likely

her

attorney.

Polanco’s

email

then

escalated

into

a

malicious

and

manipulative

attempt

to

pressure

Clark,

falsely

26 The same day Clark authorized Zakar to pick up Javier’s body

from

LVMP.

25 The same day Lopez returned the notarized “ Affidavit ”

to

LVMP.

24 On August 12, 2025, the City issued a statement, saying, “ Since January 2025, the City has received more than 27 individual

records

requests

from

Ms.

Micaela

Polanco

and

her

legal

team
,”

resulting

in

“
the

release

of

more

than

1,000

pages

of

responsive

materials.
”

That’s

an

understatement.

Team

Aguirre’s

PRA

binge

began

on

December

4,

2024,

with

Request

No.

24-679.

It

alone

resulted

in

the

release

of

more

than

1,000

pages.

See
,
Screen Recording.
27

Page 28 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 28 of 73 implying that Javier’s burial was in jeopardy unless she arranged for his cremation by the end of the

day:

I propose that we proceed ahead with the cremation on Monday December 16, 2024

and

the

cremated

remains

of

Javier

Francisco

Escarsega

II

will

be

available

for

you

at

our

office

after

December

17,

2024.

Please

confirm

your

approval

by

return

email

by

today

December

10,

2024.

Terrified by the escalating pressure and deception, Clark called Robert Zakar for guidance. After she

explained

the

events

that

had

unfolded

since

the

execution

of

the

November

15 documents,
Zakar offered to take over the arrangements. Clark then executed an Authorization for Release, formally authorizing “ the release and removal of the remains to ” ECMI. As she had done on November

15,

2024,

when

entering

into

cemetery

contracts

with

LVMP,

Clark

confirmed

her

authority

to

control

the

disposition

of

Javier’s

remains,

affirming:

“
I

represent

that

I

am

the

legal

next

of

kin,

or

I

am

acting

as

an

authorized

agent

for

the

legal

next

of

kin.
”

4. With the Project’s File Closed, Aguirre Begins a New Script On December 10, 2024, Joey emailed the City’s Planning Department, formally withdrawing the Project

application.

“
We

will

place

it

on

hold

for

now,”

he

wrote,

“to

revise

the

project

and

come

back

to

meet

with

the

City

staff

to

see

how

we

can

find

a

project

that

will

work

for

that

intersection.
”

Before

public

comments

began,

Mayor

Morrison

announced:

“
The

Sweetwater

Road

gasoline

station

project—that

project

has

been

withdrawn.

They

have

withdrawn

the

application,

so

that

project

no

longer

exists

and

will

not

be

on

tonight's

agenda.
”

Polanco, McCarthy, and their friends had nonetheless shown up at the Council meeting to speak in

opposition

to

the

Project.

Polanco

chose

not

to

make

a

comment.

McCarthy

spoke,

but

not

about

the

Project—at

least

not

directly.

Instead,

she

took

personal

aim

at

Mayor

Morrison,

stating:

“
On

a

personal

note,

this

year

has

been

brutal

for

me

personally

…

I’ve

had

a

lot

of

loss,

and

I’ve

had

a

lot

of

betrayal.

I’m

now

mourning

a

friendship

that

I

once

had

with

Mayor

Ron

Morrison.
”

Likewise, McCarthy’s friend Alisha Morrison used her time to recite a parable about “ two wolves
”

fighting—one

good,

the

other

evil—and

concluded

that

the

wolf

who

wins

is

“the

one

you

feed.”

Another

of

McCarthy’s

friends,

Sandra

Scheller,

also

spoke,

describing

what

she

and

others

would

have

done

to

“
the

applicant—who

would’ve

had

his

property

…

boycotting,

and…

and

not

letting

him

thrive

in

a

business
.”

28 Page 29 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 29 of 73 Councilmember Rodriguez, listening intently, recognized a new ally in McCarthy 27 and her
cohorts’

increasingly

vitriolic

campaign

against

Mayor

Morrison.

Rodriguez

observed

that,

for

some

reason,

McCarthy,

Polanco,

and

their

circle

were

targeting

a

common

enemy:

the

Mayor—the

same

figure

Rodriguez

blamed

for

his

own

public

censure

just

a

week

earlier.

Notably,

three

City

employees

soon

to

be

involved

in

McCarthy

and

Polanco’s

escalating

campaign

were

Delgado,

Castaneda,

and

Apalategui—three-quarters

of

“The

Clique.”

Although

the

City

Council

would

not

meet

again

until

January

21,

2025,

forces

were

already

aligning

and

battle

lines

were

being

drawn.

5. Unbridled Betrayal: Polanco’s Escalated Abuse of a Former Friend and Grieving Mother The following day, December 11, 2024, ECMI took possession of Javier’s body without LVMP voicing

any

concerns

about

Clark’s

right

of

disposition.

That

evening,

Clark

received

a

text

from
Zakar asking if the cremation could occur the following day, December 12. Clark responded, “ Yes, he’s finally going to rest! ” Clark’s moment of relief was short-lived. Questioning Polanco’s November

15 representations

that

the

County

would

not

allow

Javier’s

remains

to

be

buried

unless

first

cremated,

Clark

asked

Zakar,

“
Please

reassure

me

that

we

have

no

choice

but

to

cremate

him.
”

When

Zakar

expressed

confusion,

Clark

explained,

“
La

Vista

told

me

I

had

no

choice

because

of

the

body

condition

and

the

health

department

only

permitted

cremation
.”
Zakar’s reply felt like a punch to her gut:

Clark was standing near her daughter who was in labor when she received Zakar’s text message.

Clark

left

the

hospital

room

and

braced

for

what

she

was

about

to

hear.

When

Zakar

informed

Clark

that

she

was

not

required

to

cremate

Javier’s

body,

she

fell

to

her

knees

and

wept

in

the
hospital hallway. Around the same time of her call with Zaker, Clark received an email from Teran regarding a rendering for Javier’s headstone, asking for Cark’s “ signature approval to place the order. ” After Clark approved the rendering, at 3:34 p.m., Teran emailed her, promising to “ keep in touch for the rest of the process. ” The next day, December 12, 2024, Javier’s body was

cremated.

Over the next several days, Clark repeatedly asked for an update on the headstone order and plans

to

bury

Javier’s

remains

in

Yolanda’s

plot.

LVMP

ignored

Clark’s

inquiries,

except

for

a

27 According to Garcia, “ Molina stated that she believed that Rodriguez began communicating with McCarthy in December

when

they

worked

on

a

city

development

project

together
.”

29

Page 30 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 30 of 73 message from Teran, on December 17, 2024, promising to send Clark proof of the headstone rendering that she had previously approved. The following day, December 18, 2024, Clark received a flurry of emails and letter from LVMP “ cancelling ” Cemetery Contract No. 25773 (which LVMP had already breached) and Backdated Cemetery Contract No. 25784, “ per advice of

our

Counsel.
”

One

of

the

December

18 emails

to

Clark

demonstrated

LVMP’s

continuing

performance

Headstone

Contract

No.

25774,

with

Teran

writing,

“
Regarding

the

Contract

#25774,

Please

confirm

if

you

want

me

to

complete

the

marker

with

a

color

cameo
.”
Overwhelmed by shock, terror, and grief, the next day, December 19, 2024, Clark begged LVMP to

reconsider,

emailing

Hamilton,

“
I

would

like

to

move

forward

with

the

burial

services

for

my

son

as

previously

discussed,

scheduled

for

Sunday,

January

12,

2025.

I

would

also

like

to

confirm

that

his

ashes

will

be

interred

on

top

of

his

mother’s

grave,

as

was

agreed

upon
.”

Clark

also

replied

to

Teran

about

Headstone

Contract

No.

25774,

“
Do

you

have

an

estimated

date

of

how

long

it

will

take

to

receive

the

headstone

and

replace

it

with

the

existing

one?

I

look

forward

to

seeing

the

proof.
”

Neither

Hamilton

nor

Teran

replied.

On

December

23,

2024,

Clark

emailed
Hamilton again, writing: I wanted to reach out to you again before the holidays. Please let me know about the

status

of

the

burial

of

my

Son

as

planned

on

January

12th.

We

have

family

members

making

travel

arrangements

and

we

need

to

make

final

plans

for

the

services

so

that

he

can

be

interned

with

his

family

members

that

have

gone

before

him.

I

look

forward

to

hearing

from

you

as

soon

as

possible.

Please

acknowledge

receipt

of

this

email.

Hamilton did not respond until December 26, 2024, when he emailed Clark, “ We are in receipt of your email. We will get back to you by the end of the week, after we review everything with our legal counsel. ” Four days later, on December 30, 2024, LVMP emailed a letter addressed to “Ms. Flores-Clark” demanding even more documentation than it had begun demanding on November 18,

2024,

when

Polanco

confronted

Clark

over

her

refusal

to

violate

Policy

119.

When

Clark

returned

to

San

Diego

on

January

4,

2025,

she

picked

up

the

urn

containing

Javier’s

remains

from

ECMI

and

brought

them

home.

Javier’s

urn

has

remained

there

ever

since.

K. January 16–24: PRA Setup, Secret Commissioner Dinner, and $2.25M Offer Polanco’s First Lawsuit was never about obtaining public records—it was a calculated legal maneuver

to

weaponize

litigation

privilege,

conceal

damaging

facts,

and

escalate

a

coordinated

campaign

against

Clark

and

the

City.

According

to

Polanco’s

First

Lawsuit,

“
on

January

16,

2025,

counsel

for

Petitioner

sent

the

following

email

to

[the

City]

…

To

aid

your

production

we

are

pinpointing

the

writings

we

are

asking

you

to

provide

within

14 days
”—by

January

30,

2025.

This

demand

laid

the

groundwork

for

a

sham

failure-to-comply

narrative,

one

that

could

be

weaponized

in

litigation

regardless

of

the

Project’s

already

“
dead
”

status.

Even

as

she

railed

30 Page 31 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 31 of 73 against imagined improprieties, Polanco was quietly engaging in her own: on January 17, she privately

hosted

two

Planning

Commissioners

for

dinner,

concealing

from

them

that

the

Project

was

still

on

her

mind—an

invitation

neither

Commissioner

would

have

accepted

had

they

known

her

true

intentions.

The following day, January 18, 2025, through her realtor, Sharon Smith (“Smith”), Polanco 28 privately

offered

to

purchase

the

Project

property

from

the

Muraoka

family

for

$2,250,000

cash

(“
no

loan

contingency
”)

with

“
Close

Of

Escrow

(COE)

…

60 Days

after

Acceptance,
”

meaning

that

as

soon

as

the

Muraoka

family

could

get

the

property

free

and

clear

of

encumbrance

such

as

the

long-term

lease

with

the

Zakar

family,

Polanco

would

purchase

it

for

$2.25

million

in

an

all-cash

transaction—i.e.,

immediate

payment

by

wire

or

certified

funds,

with

no

loan

contingency

(the

“$2.25M

Offer”).

Polanco and McCarthy would hide the $2.25M Offer from Clark, the City Council, the Planning Commission,

everyone

in

Clark’s

circle,

their

own

employees,

and

even

members

of

the

public

on

their

team,

as

they

continued

their

ruse

at

public

meetings

(and

on

camera).

Polanco’s

secret

would

not

be

revealed

until

nearly

five

months

later,

on

June

17,

2025,

under

the

truly

bizarre

circumstances

described

later

in

this

brief.

At the time, however, Polanco was still publicly portraying herself as a disinterested, benevolent member

of

the

public

who

cared

for

the

well-being

of

the

“citizens

of

National

City,”

particularly

their

lungs.

On

January

21,

2025,

at

the

Council’s

first

meeting

since

December

10,

2024,

Polanco

and

McCarthy

appeared

to

give

public

comments.

Polanco

spoke

about

National

City’s

air

pollution

problem—without

acknowledging

her

crematory’s

egregious

history

of

“
particulate

matter
”

pollution—while

McCarthy

offered

insincere

compliments

to

Councilmember

Yamane

before

pivoting

to

a

disparaging

remark

about

Clark’s

recent

promotion.

28 Polanco executed the “ Vacant Land Purchase Agreement and Joint Escrow Instructions ” (and “ Residential Units Purchase

Addendum
”)

as

“
Micaela

Polanco

Villalobos
”

on

behalf

of

“
Villalobos

Investment

Co.
”

31

Page 32 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 32 of 73 Their performances were notable for what they omitted: neither mentioned the Project, the upcoming

January

30 production

deadline

(a

date

Aguirre

himself

set

in

his

January

16 demand),

nor

Polanco’s

secret

$2.25M

Offer

three

days

earlier.

They

also

failed

to

disclose

the

January

17 dinner

with

the

two

Planning

Commissioners—an

event

that,

if

judged

by

the

very

standard

Polanco

had

been

applying

to

others,

would

have

been

improper.

On January 24, 2025—six days before the City’s deadline to produce records—Aguirre filed a lawsuit

against

the

City,

ostensibly

to

compel

production

of

public

records

related

to

the
withdrawn Project (the “First Lawsuit”). Polanco’s complaint made no practical sense: the Project had been withdrawn, the Planning Commission had rejected it, and no appeal was pending.

The

urgency

for

public

records

was

manufactured.

If

Polanco

had

genuinely

wanted

those

records,

she

could

have

waited

four

more

days

until

the

January

30 deadline—or,

as

it

turned

out,

only

until

January

29,

2025,

when

the

City

produced

thousands
29 of

pages

in

response

to

Request

24-679.

Several

weeks

later,

City

Attorney

Barry

Schultz

addressed

the

Council

and

public

to

cut

through

the

confusion,

making

clear

that

the

First

Lawsuit

was

filed

early,

that

documents

were

produced

before

the

deadline,

and

that

despite

this,

Team

Aguirre

insists

the

City

did

not

produce

everything:

L. “Neighborhood United” Joins Team Aguirre
On January 27, 2025—just three days after Polanco filed her First Lawsuit and after her $2.25M Offer

to

the

Muraokas

was

rejected—McCarthy

and

Polanco’s

allies

were

already

laying

the

groundwork

for

a

parallel

campaign.

That

evening,

a

group

calling

itself

“
Neighborhood

United
”

met

at

the

Lincoln

Acres

Community

Center

to

unveil

“
big

dreams
”

for

the

.68-acre

parcel

at

Orange

Street

and

Sweetwater

Road.

The

project

site,

long

zoned

for

mixed-use

development,

had

recently

been

the

subject

of

the

Zakar

family’s

proposed

car

wash,

gas

station,

and

apartments.

But

with

that

plan

rejected

in

December,

McCarthy

and

her

neighbors

moved

quickly

to

commission

an

architect

to

draw

up

a

“
community-driven
”

alternative.

The

conceptual

29 The City’s website shows that 258 “ documents ” were produced on January 29, 2025, with more to follow. A video recorded

on

August

9,

2025, demonstrates what anyone with a computer can verify: many of the 258 documents contained

multiple

pages—some

numbering

in

the

hundreds.

Now

imagine

if

the

City

had

been

forced

to

comply

with

Request

24-679

exactly

as

Polanco

drafted

it

on

December

4,

when

her

request

literally

sought

“
communications
”

between

thousands

of

people

dating

back

138

years.

32

Page 33 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 33 of 73 plan was revealed on January 27 and reported in the press the following day. (Voice of San Diego, “ Big Dreams for Little Corner,” page 5).

The message was carefully tailored. McCarthy and her group disavowed liquor stores, gas stations, and vapes—echoing Polanco’s public remarks just six days earlier, on January 21, when she urged Council to start the new year with a “ healthier National City ” by approving “ fewer alcohol

stores,

fewer

gas

stations,

fewer

vape

stores,

fewer

pollution-generating

businesses,

and

less

fast

food
”

while

promoting

“
organic

food,

grocery

stores,

healthier

restaurants,

[and]

farm-to-table

options.
”

The

rhetorical

symmetry

was

striking:

what

Polanco

presented

from

the

dais

as

the

voice

of

“
our

families
”

was

soon

echoed

in

Neighborhood

United’s

architect-drawn

vision

for

the

very

parcel

she

herself

had

just

tried

to

buy.

By February, the messaging took on an even more coordinated form. A flyer circulated in Lincoln Acres announced a February 20 community meeting to discuss development of the disputed parcel. The flyer directed attendees to contact Alicia Morrison—identified in Sharon Smith’s

March

21 email

as

the

face

of

a

“
campaign
”

against

commercial

use.

Just

days

later,

Smith

(Polanco’s

realtor)

sent

the

Muraokas’

agents

an

email

referencing

the

flyer

and

portraying

Neighborhood

United

as

an

independent

opposition

group.

Yet

Smith

simultaneously

warned

that

if

the

“
campaign
”

continued,

“
the

value

[would]

start

dropping
.”

The

intent

was

clear:

to

frighten

the

Muraokas

into

reconsidering

Polanco’s

offer

by

staging

a

community-driven

resistance

movement

while

concealing

the

fact

that

the

movement’s

leaders

were

the

very

same

people

behind

Polanco’s

bid.

The sleight of hand only deepened as Aguirre entered the chorus. On May 6, he invoked Aristotle’s

theory

of

persuasion

to

justify

their

campaign,

announcing:

“
We

are

the

tools

of

persuasion

…

and

when

persuasion

doesn’t

work

in

California,

we

have

the

right

to

recall
.”

He

and

his

clients

had

already

learned

to

exploit

Civil

Code

§

47’s

litigation

privilege

as

a

shield

for

their

false

and

defamatory

statements,

strategically

using

the

Council

podium

as

their

bully

pulpit.

What

was

presented

as

civic

engagement

was

in

fact

coordinated

pressure—using

a

lawsuit

on

one

track

and

a

faux

community

group

on

another,

both

aimed

at

coercing

the

property

owners

into

a

cheaper

sale.

Aguirre’s appeal to Aristotle was itself a distortion. 30 Neighborhood United’s effort—masked as
“
community

engagement
”—was

not

persuasion

at

all,

but

intimidation

and

falsehood,

calculated

to

manufacture

leverage

and

conceal

Polanco’s

true

business

interests.

30 Aristotle described persuasion as resting on three pillars: ethos (credibility), pathos (emotional appeal), and logos (logic

grounded

in

truth).

He

cautioned

that

“
all

that

one

gains

by

falsehood

is

not

to

be

believed

when

he

speaks

the

truth.
”

Aguirre’s

invocation

of

Aristotle

to

justify

intimidation

tactics

and

recalls

was

a

distortion:

rather

than

persuading

by

truth,

Team

Aguirre

relied

on

falsehoods

and

manufactured

crises.

33 Page 34 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 34 of 73

M. “The Louder He Talked of His Honor, the Faster We Counted Our Spoons” 31 On February 4, 2025, Aguirre sent the Council an “ Interim Report ,” declaring, “ [W]e find there to

be

a

compelling

reason

to

determine

how

and

why

the

National

City

Planning

Staff

came

to

recommend

a

Project

the

City’s

Planning

Commission

determined

was

materially

defective.
”

But

his

proclamation

only

raised

a

more

obvious

question:

What,

exactly,

was

so

“
compelling
”

about

a

system

of

checks

and

balances

that

had

done

exactly

what

it

was

designed

to

do?

What

public

interest

was

served

by

performing

a

post-mortem

on

a

project

already

dead

and

buried?

When

Aguirre

addressed

the

Council

that

same

evening,

he

struggled

to

articulate

anything

concrete:

And when you have a situation, uh, where we're seeking public records related to a specific

project,

you

have

to

always

balance:

does

the

interest

in

concealment

outweigh

the

interest

in

disclosure?

And

the

reason

that

we've

given

you

these

reports

about

this

particular

project

is

to

try

to

make

the

case

to

you

that

the

interest

of

public

disclosure,

of

clean,

100%

disclosure

about

how

a

particular

project

came

to

the

Planning

Commission

that

was

so

irregular

that

it

was

rejected

by

the

Planning

Commission

based

on

a

finding

that

it

was

a

nuisance.

As detailed in Section H, nothing in the Planning Commission’s December 2 record or in the 26-page

Staff

Report

contained

any

factual

finding—or

even

substantive

discussion—that

the

project

constituted

a

“
nuisance
.”

Nevertheless,

Polanco’s

First

Lawsuit

and

Aguirre’s

“
Interim

Report
”

eleven

days

later

presented

the

opposite

impression.

The

actual

record

from

December

2 shows

that

Commissioner

Forman—prompted

in

the

final

minutes

of

the

meeting—moved

to

deny

the

project,

citing

only

a

need

for

a

“
complete

redesign
”

(based

on

her

previously

stated

opposition

to

“
autocentric
”

designs)

as

her

stated

reason.

No

commissioner

articulated,

discussed,

or

adopted

any

“
nuisance
”

finding.

The

staff

report

contained

no

such

determination,

and

the

only

mention

of

the

word

“
nuisance
”

during

the

meeting

was

in

a

Planning

Division

staffer’s

off-hand

list

of

possible

findings

the

Commission

could

consider

if

it

wished—not

findings

the

Commission

ever

adopted.

National City’s own conditional use permits do not contain any definition of “ nuisance ” that could

support

the

sweeping

claims

Aguirre

wanted

to

make.

That

limitation

appears

to

have

sent

him

searching

elsewhere

for

stronger

language.

The

definition

he

ultimately

used

matches

almost

verbatim

boilerplate

from

out-of-jurisdiction

CUP

guidelines—material

he

could

only

have

found

by

deliberately

looking

beyond

National

City’s

records.

A

broad

Google

search

such

as

“definition

of

nuisance

conditional

use

permit

California”

or

“nuisance

be

injurious

or

31 The Conduct of Life : By Ralph Waldo Emerson

34 Page 35 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 35 of 73 detrimental public interest CUP” quickly produces the Woodland and Santa Rosa planning documents

containing

his

chosen

phrasing.
32 This misrepresentation was central to Aguirre’s broader campaign of deceit. While the First Lawsuit

itself

was

styled

as

a

PRA

case,

the

fabricated

“
nuisance
”

finding

supplied

a

false

evidentiary

hook

for

his

and

Polanco’s

public

rhetoric.

By

importing

that

language

into

the

First

Lawsuit,

followed

by

the

February

4 meeting

(with

his

“
Interim

Report
”),

both

expressly

attributing

a

“
finding
”

of

“
nuisance
”

to

the

Planning

Commission,

Aguirre

was

not

“summarizing”

the

record—he

was

manufacturing

it.

Put

simply,

the

“nuisance”

claim

was

legally

unnecessary

to

a

PRA

action,

but

strategically

useful

to

fuel

their

smear

campaign

and

to

give

reporters

a

soundbite.

That same afternoon, Voice of San Diego published an article repeating allegations from the First Lawsuit that the Project “ may have been the subject of improper influence ” and that Clark had received

“
financial

favors
.”

Aguirre

himself

had

fed

the

paper

those

quotes,

using

the

platform

to
imply criminal conduct while cloaking his statements in the qualified privilege of Civil Code § 47(d)(1). The article also carried Polanco’s promise to provide “ details about allegations in the lawsuit ” at an upcoming Council meeting—signaling the prearranged nature of what was to come.

Polanco took the microphone next, revealing her lack of understanding of the planning process by

stating

she

had

spent

“
many

sleepless

nights

studying

this

project

and

trying

to

figure

out

how

it

got

as

far

as

the

Planning

Commission

without

anyone

putting

a

brake

to

it
.”

She

did

not

grasp

that

the

Planning

Commission

itself

was

the

brake—the

first

stop

in

a

process

designed

to

evaluate,

question,

and,

if

necessary,

halt

problematic

projects.

Polanco’s

comments

reflected

a

misunderstanding

of

that

process,

not

evidence

of

misconduct.

The

City’s

Assistant

Director

of

Community

Development

would

later

explain

that

the

Planning

Division’s

administrative

role

is

distinct

from

the

Commission’s

discretion

and

the

Council’s

ultimate

authority:

[O]ur job is to protect the public through the general plan and the policies and goals primarily,

but

we're

also

beholden

to

an

applicant

that

files

a

fee

and

wants

to

pursue

a

project.

They're

our

client.

If

the

use

that

they're

asking

for

is

permitted

in

the

code,

either

conditionally

or

otherwise,

we

have

to

take

in

an

application.

We

may

not

like

it.

We

may

think

it's

a

bad

idea.

[But]

we

have

to

present

it

in

as

much

of

a

neutral

way

as

possible

because

again,

we're

working

for

our

client.

Team Aguirre weaponized public comment—using the absolute privilege of Civil Code § 47(b) as

a

shield

from

accountability,

and

as

a

sword

to

deliver

accusations

they

could

not

substantiate

anywhere

else.

Over

time,

the

tactic

grew

sharper

and

more

brazen,

evolving

from

veiled

digs

to

open

insults

and

deliberate

insinuations

of

criminal

conduct.

What

they

framed

as

civic

oversight

32 Google search results.
35 Page 36 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 36 of 73 was, in reality, a sustained smear campaign—calculated to inflict reputational harm on Clark and City

officials,

while

shielding

themselves

from

accountability

in

any

forum

where

their

claims

could

be

tested

by

evidence.

N. Escalation at the February 18, 2025 Council Meeting When Team Aguirre returned to City Hall on February 18, 2025, their script had shifted from procedural complaints to overt personal attacks. Aguirre opened by warmly referring to the Council as “ my dear friends ,” then slipped in a rhetorical device designed to imply guilt by contrast.

He

repeated

the

word

“
innocent
”

three

times

in

under

fifteen

seconds,

applying

it

only

to

the

rest

of

the

Council

while

omitting

Morrison

and

Clark.

In

civil

litigation,

no

one

is

found

“guilty”

or

“innocent”;

Aguirre’s

choice

of

language

was

calculated

to

plant

the

opposite

impression

in

the

public’s

mind.

This

insinuation

came

packaged

with

a

false

claim

that

the

City

had

hired

attorneys

to

represent

“
the

mayor

and

his

assistant
,”

when

in

fact

outside

counsel

had

been

retained

solely

to

represent

the

City—the

only

defendant

named

in

the

First

Lawsuit.

Polanco followed with a series of loaded rhetorical questions aimed at Clark, asking whether the City had “ investigated potential financial favors ” to her, reviewed “ all her cell phone records ” and

“
all

her

emails
,”

and

examined

“
the

mayor’s

phone

and

emails
”

for

“
any

financial

favors

at

all
”

connected

to

the

Project.

These

“questions”

echoed

the

same

“
financial

favors
”

theme

Aguirre

had

planted

in

the

Voice

of

San

Diego

article

two

weeks

earlier.

What

Polanco

did

not

disclose

was

that

her

own

November

2024

text

messages

to

Project

developer

Eddy

Brikho—already

detailed

earlier

in

this

Claim

as

part

of

her

extortion

campaign—showed

that

she

herself

had

offered

to

trade

support

for

the

Project

in

exchange

for

discounted

diesel

and

alcohol.

McCarthy closed the sequence with a calculated bait-and-switch: she began by warmly addressing “ everyone sitting in front of me ” and then, without missing a beat, referred to one of those

same

individuals—likely

City

Attorney

Barry

Schultz—as

a

“
lapdog
.”

Aguirre’s

“
dear

friend
”

remark

to

Morrison,

followed

minutes

later

by

his

pointed

“
not

innocent
”

contrast,

mirrored

the

same

rhetorical

maneuver:

a

false

veneer

of

collegiality

masking

a

targeted

insult.

By the close of the February 18 meeting, the shift in tone was complete. What had previously been

framed

as

a

dispute

over

public

records

now

took

on

a

personal

dimension.

Aguirre,

Polanco,

and

McCarthy’s

synchronized

rhetoric—layered

with

insinuation,

selective

omissions,

and

performative

civility

as

a

weapon—made

clear

the

campaign

was

no

longer

about

the

Project.

It

was

about

Clark

herself..

That

shift

in

focus

set

the

stage

for

what

came

next:

the

sudden

and

explosive

introduction

of

a

sexual

harassment

allegation

on

February

27,

2025—an

accusation

that

would

be

leveraged

to

escalate

their

narrative

and

widen

their

coalition

of

critics.

36 Page 37 of 74

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Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 45 of 73

4. Castaneda: the Puppetmaster In re Delgado v. Modesto (November 22, 2024) Just three months before her false allegations against Clark, Delgado accused someone else—a personal

acquaintence—of

sexual

harassment,

and

tried

but

failed

to

get

a

restraining

order.

As

with

her

claim

against

Clark,

Delgado

worked

in

close

coordination

with

Castaneda—from

the
initial 911 call until the case was rejected by the Court. The proceeding, Delgado v. Modesto (the “TRO”), bears substantial structural and factual similarities to the allegations Delgado later made against

Clark,

and

demonstrates

a

pattern

of

strategic

legal

manipulation

directed

by

Castaneda.

As part of the TRO package, Delgado executed and filed a declaration under penalty of perjury and

requested

a

temporary

restraining

order

against

Modesto

pursuant

to

Code

of

Civil

Procedure

527.6.

Delgado

alleged

that

Modesto

followed

her

vehicle

on

October

24,

2024,

and

had

previously

waited

for

her

in

the

City’s

MLK

Community

Center

parking

lot

on

three

separate

occasions.

According

to

Delgado,

he

once

told

her

he

was

“
falling

in

love
”

with

her

after

she

had

referred

him

to

a

City

job

opportunity.

Delgado

claimed

Modesto’s

conduct

caused

her

paranoia

and

distress

at

work.

Delgado

further

alleged

that

Modesto

engaged

in

patterned

stalking,

stating:

“
He

seems

to

have

a

pattern

of

waiting

on

Thursdays

between

2:00

and

4:00

pm.
”

This

allegation

was

made

in

an

effort

to

establish

the

statutory

requirement

of

a

“course

of

conduct”

under

CCP

§

527.6.

As with the later claim against Clark, the incident was not independently reported by Delgado but

was

engineered

and

managed

by

Castaneda,

who

was

present

in

the

vehicle

with

Delgado

during

the

alleged

encounter.

According

to

Delgado’s

declaration,

Castaneda

called

the

City’s

police

dispatch

(not

911);

Castaneda

exited

the

car

to

confront

Modesto;

Castaneda

told

him

not

to

speak

with

Delgado;

she

took

a

photo

of

Modesto’s

license

plate;

and

Castaneda

almost

certainly

attended

the

meeting

with

the

police

officer,

who

“
gave

[Delgado]

a

case

number”
:

Castaneda and Delgado were not the only Clique members involved in the plot against a landscaper.

Ron

Williams

sent

Delgado

a

text

message

that

she

labeled

“
Exhibit

3 .”

Williams

45

Page 46 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 46 of 73 attached a photo of Modesto’s truck and wrote, “ Isidro Modesto stalking you at MLK on 8/1/24 @

2:37pm
.”

The Court denied the TRO on its face, finding nothing actionable. The Court would not even issue

a

temporary

order

given

Delgado

hardly

needed

protection

(if

anything,

Modesto

did).

The

Court

rejected

Delgado

claims

with

a

stamp:

The Court’s sound rejection reflected a judicial determination that Delgado’s allegations failed to meet

the

minimum

threshold

for

temporary

protection.

Although

the

Court

offered

Delgado

an

opportunity

to

proceed

to

a

hearing

(without

a

temporary

restraining

order)where

both

parties

could

present

evidence—she

declined

and

abandoned

the

petition.

This pattern of filing a sworn declaration, relying on internal allies like Castaneda for support, and

then

withdrawing

the

claim

when

called

upon

to

present

actual

evidence

mirrored

the

tactics

used

by

both

Delgado

and

Castaneda

against

Clark.

Both

false

accusations,

three

months

apart,

were

scripted,

promoted,

and

executed

by

Castaneda

as

part

of

a

broader

pattern

of

retaliatory

maneuvering,

political

scheming,

habitual

self-soothing—some

sort

of

perverse

amusement.

The implications of Delgado and Castaneda’s accusations against Modesto cannot be overstated.

Delgado’s

sworn

claims

(submitted

under

penalty

of

perjury)

alleged

conduct

that,

if

believed,

would

have

constituted

criminal

stalking

under

Penal

Code

§ 646.9,
53 supporting

the

issuance

of

a

restraining

order

under

CCP

§ 527.6.
54 Castaneda

called

the

police,

implicated

Modesto

in

a

criminal

offense,

and

requested

Court

intervention

that,

if

granted,

would

have

required

Modesto

to

surrender

any

firearms,
55 barred

him

from

multiple

public

spaces,

and

subjected

him

to

immediate

arrest

upon

any

claimed

violation.
56 Restraining

order

filings

are

public

record;
57 the

57 Rules of Court, Rule 2.550(a)
;

restraining

order

filings

are

presumptively

public

unless

specifically

sealed.

56 Penal Code § 273.6(a)
:

“
Any

intentional

and

knowing

violation

of

a

protective

order...

is

a

misdemeanor
,”

punishable

by

arrest

without

warrant

under

Penal

Code

§ 836(c)(1).

55 Penal Code § 29825(a) (prohibiting firearm possession by persons subject to certain restraining orders) and CCP § 527.9

(court

to

order

relinquishment

of

firearms

upon

issuance

of

a

protective

order).

54 Code Civ. Proc. (“CCP”) § 527.6(b)(3)

defines

“
harassment
”

to

include

“
a

knowing

and

willful

course

of

conduct

directed

at

a

specific

person

that

seriously

alarms,

annoys,

or

harasses

the

person,

and

that

serves

no

legitimate

purpose
.”

53 Penal Code § 646.9(a): “ Any person who willfully, maliciously, and repeatedly follows or harasses another person and

who

makes

a

credible

threat...

is

guilty

of

the

crime

of

stalking.
”

Punishable

by

up

to

1 year

(misdemeanor)

or

up

to

5 years

(felony

with

prior

or

protective

order).

46

Page 47 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 47 of 73 reputational, professional, and legal consequences begin the moment the allegation is made, regardless

of

outcome.

Neither Delgado nor Castaneda gave thought to the consequences—consistent with their outrageous

treatment

of

Clark.

At

Castaneda’s

direction,

Delgado

targeted

a

man

whose

wife

she

knew,

whose

family

she

had

spent

time

with

on

a

trip

to

Guadalajara,

and

whom

she

had

once

recommended

for

a

City

position.

Despite

that

personal

history,

she

publicly

accused

him

of

stalking—an

allegation

that

could

have

destroyed

his

marriage,

reputation,

and

livelihood.

Their

indifference

to

the

potential

harm

to

Modesto

and

his

family

underscores

the

callous

recklessness

and

vindictiveness

that

marked

their

accusations

against

Clark.

That same willingness to fabricate and weaponize accusations surfaced again just months later in their

claims

against

Clark

arising

from

the

February

27 birthday

gathering.

But

before

those

allegations

could

be

formally

leveraged

inside

City

Hall,

the

Clique

and

their

allies

began

priming

the

public

narrative.

On

March

4,

2025—the

first

Council

meeting

after

Mayor

Morrison’s

February

18 comments

dismissing

their

claims

as

manufactured—several

of

them

took

to

the

podium

to

chastise

him.

The

most

telling

remark

came

from

Polanco,

who

urged

the

Council

to

“
do

an

independent

investigation

and

put

the

mayor’s

partner

assistant

on

leave

until

all

the

unvarnished

truth

comes

out.
”

That

demand

was

no

off-the-cuff

suggestion;

it

mirrored

the

refrain

later

repeated

by

Clique

members

during

their

interviews

with

investigator

Mark

Garcia.

Two

weeks

later,

on

March

18,

Councilmember

Rodriguez

would

echo

the

same

theme—albeit

shifting

it

from

an

“
independent

investigation
”

to

an

“
ad

hoc
58 ”

investigation

by

the

Council

itself.

O. The Clique and Team Aguirre Seed Unfounded Rumors Into Clark’s Work-Life This section details how members of the Clique and Team Aguirre worked in concert to inject unfounded

allegations

into

both

Clark’s

professional

and

personal

life,

using

a

mix

of

staged

political

maneuvers

and

coordinated

public

commentary.

The

following

subsections

address,

in

turn:

the

March

18,

2025

political

stunt

by

Councilmember

Rodriguez

and

its

alignment

with

talking

points

captured

in

the

Garcia

investigative

report,

and

the

repetition

of

those

themes

in

public

remarks.

1. Rodriguez’s March 18 Stunt and Coordinated Narrative On March 18, 2025, Councilmember Jose Rodriguez used a City Council meeting to stage a political

stunt

that

served

no

legitimate

legislative

purpose.

Just

a

week

earlier,

he

had

slipped

in

a

last-minute

“
City

Council

Item

Request

Form
”

proposing

the

creation

of

an

“
ad

hoc

oversight

58 Ad hoc means “ for this purpose ” and describes a temporary, tailor-made action. Rodriguez’s so-called ad hoc investigation

was

no

genuine

inquiry—it

was

a

staged

proposal

meant

to

be

shot

down

in

public,

generating

headlines

rather

than

facts.

It

was

so

ridiculous

that

the

Council

did

not

even

vote

on

it.

47 Page 48 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 48 of 73 committee ” to investigate vague allegations he repeatedly labeled as so-called “ perceived ” by the public.

The

move

was

procedurally

improper,

had

no

factual

basis,

and

directly

echoed

false

allegations

in

an

active

lawsuit

against

the

City,

aligning

both

Rodriguez

and

the

City

with

the

plaintiffs’

claims.

It

was

political

theater,

pure

and

simple:

the

request

received

no

second,

died

instantly

without

a

vote,

and

yet

succeeded

in

introducing

the

idea

of

an

“
investigation
59 ”

into

the

public

record.

Rodriguez

used

the

platform

to

deploy

loaded

terms

like

“alarming
”

and

to

vouch

for

the

lawsuit’s

plaintiffs

as

“
very

well-respected

community

members”
—rhetorical

moves

meant

to

lend

their

false

claims

credibility.

Councilmember Molina deemed Rodriguez’s stunt “ highly inappropriate ” and promptly filed her own motion to revise the City’s process to prevent further “ misuse ” of Council chambers as a political stage. Councilmember Yamane agreed, noting that “we do not have the authority ” to investigate

personnel

matters.

The

HR

Director

confirmed,

“
the

only

person

that

has

the

authority

is

the

City

Manager
.”

Mayor

Morrison

was

even

more

blunt:

“
If

this

is

voted

on

tonight,

I

guarantee

you

there

will

be

interviews

with

TV

stations

tomorrow.
”

He

also

dismantled

Rodriguez’s

false

claim—echoing

Team

Aguirre’s—that

the

December

10 Council

meeting

was

irregular,

calling

it

what

it

was:

“
Mr.

Rodriguez

made

the

claim

that

normally

it

takes

months

to

do

that.

He's

been

on

the

council

for

more

than

four

years.

He

knows

that's

a

lie
.”

City

Policy

No.

402

is

clear:

“
After

the

development

agreement

is

considered

by

the

Planning

Commission,

[it

shall

be]

placed

on

a

City

Council

agenda

to

have

it

considered

for

approval
.”

The

December

10 meeting

was

the

final

meeting

of

2024,

so

it

was

properly

placed

on

the

agenda

and

the

Commission’s

recommendation

approved.

Rodriguez’s most embarrassing moment, however, came under pointed questioning from Councilmember

Bush.

Attempting

to

defend

his

motion,

he

offered

an

incoherent

rationale:

“
It

is

not

normal…

to

have

respected

business

leaders

in

our

community,

which

have

been

your

friends

for

decades,

come

forward

and

press

a

lawsuit

against

the

city
.”

When

Bush

demanded

evidence,

Rodriguez

admitted

he

had

none.

He

tried

to

sidestep

the

“
details
,”

but

Bush

pinned

him

down

until

Rodriguez

could

no

longer

evade

the

truth—his

accusation

was

built

on

nothing

but

air:

59 Echoing Polanco’s exact demand two weeks earlier at the March 4 Council meeting. 48

Page 49 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 49 of 73

2. Rodriguez’s “Ad Hoc Investigation” — A Sham Disguised as Oversight Rodriguez’s proposal for an “ ad hoc investigation ” was never about uncovering the truth. He was posing

as

a

champion

of

transparency,

while

truth

was

the

last

thing

on

his

mind.

It

was

like

setting

a

barrel

of

wet

leaves

ablaze

to

make

your

neighbors

panic,

only

for

everyone

to

realize

there

was

no

fire

at

all—just

smoke.

That

was

Rodriguez’s

stunt:

an

empty

performance

designed

to

create

suspicion

where

none

existed.

This carnival-like sideshow is exactly why credible institutions separate investigations from the people

whose

conduct

is

in

question—because

otherwise

they

risk

becoming

part

of

the

cover-up
themselves. In 2018, after a series of high-profile workplace scandals, the California Legislature passed its Policy on Appropriate Workplace Conduct in June, and by February 2019, had established

a

truly

independent

Workplace

Conduct

Unit
60 staffed

with

trained

investigators.

In
October 2022, a racist comments scandal erupted in Los Angeles when a private 2021 meeting of councilmembers was leaked, prompting the California Attorney General to launch an investigation

into

the

city’s

redistricting

process—because

no

one

believed

the

council

could

credibly

investigate

itself.

And

in

New

York,

Governor

Cuomo’s

Moreland

Commission—touted

as

a

statewide

anti-corruption

effort—was

shut

down

in

March

2014,

less

than

a

year

after

its
July 2013 launch, just as it began uncovering politically damaging information. It was a textbook example of how insiders will end so-called independent probes once they threaten the powerful.

During the Sunroad scandal in 2006–2007, City Hall first relied on an insider-controlled review—promptly dismissed by local outlets as ‘the fox guarding the henhouse.’ Meanwhile, Michael

Aguirre

was

leading

his

own

parade

of

self-promotion,

holding

press

conferences

with
the flair of a carnival barker. A judge eventually barred him from prosecuting a related criminal case on ethical grounds, citing his inability to separate civil and criminal roles.

Rodriguez understood all of this. If a truly neutral investigator had been engaged on March 18, that

person

would

have

pulled

the

thread

on

the

very

coordination

and

political

theater

Rodriguez

and

Team

Aguirre

were

staging,

and

might

well

have

flagged

Rodriguez’s

“
ad

hoc
”

motion

itself

as

an

exercise

in

narrative

manipulation

rather

than

oversight.

So

he

chose

the

opposite:

a

procedurally

improper

motion

that

died

for

lack

of

a

second
61 —giving

him

the

performance

of

“calling

for

an

investigation”

and

the

talking

point

that

others

“shut

it

down,”

without

any

of

the

risk

that

comes

with

a

real,

independent

probe.

The

rest

of

the

Council

gave

Rodriguez’s

stunt

the

respect

it

deserved:

it

“died

for

the

lack

of

a

second”

meaning

that

all

that

time

and

energy

was

spent

for

a

motion

that

never

moved.

Whether

Rodriguez’s

political

career

will

be

enhanced

61 A

motion

“dies

for

lack

of

a

second”

when

no

second

member

even

agrees

to

discuss

it.

Seconds

are

almost

always

given

as

a

courtesy,

even

to

doomed

motions.

Failing

to

get

one

is

rare,

signaling

the

proposal

was

absurd.

60 Workplace Conduct Unit, 915 L St., Ste. 1260, Sacramento, CA 95814; 877.231.5956 49 Page 50 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 50 of 73 by the Aguirre-like theater will remain unknown. However, what is clear is that any legitimate legislator

would

never

allow

this

to

happen,

nor

want

this

kind

of

video

on

his

resume:

The contrast with Garcia’s later “investigation” could not be starker—or more telling. Garcia’s work

exemplified

the

kind

of

controlled,

selective

inquiry

Rodriguez’s

stunt

implicitly

favored:

ignoring

facts

where

they

mattered,

exaggerating

where

it

helped,

and

staying

silent

when

the

record

cut

against

the

preferred

storyline.

That

is

the

only

sort

of

“investigation”

Rodriguez

would

have

tolerated—but

even

that

was

too

much

risk

for

March

18,

because

the

point

that

night

was

not

to

investigate.

The

point

was

to

plant

suspicion,

cast

doubt

on

City

leadership,

and

generate

cynicism

for

personal

gain

in

the

coming

mayoral

race.

The

City

paid

the

price

in

trust.

3. The Clique’s Coordinated Statements to Garcia About Clark Being Placed on Leave In assessing whether the public comments and councilmember statements on March 18, 2025 were

independent

reactions

or

the

product

of

coordinated

messaging,

both

the

Garcia

investigative

report

and

the

meeting

transcript

reveal

notable

thematic

and

linguistic

overlap.

Witnesses

interviewed

by

Garcia

in

the

weeks

after

the

meeting

used

identical

or

near-identical

language

heard

in

public

remarks,

especially

around

the

issue

of

placing

Clark

on

administrative

leave.

Several witnesses in Garcia’s report raised the idea of Clark being placed on administrative leave.

These

comments

were

framed

as

common-sense

management

actions

in

light

of

the

accusations

and

investigation,

with

language

suggesting

urgency

and

inevitability.

For

example,

according

to

the

Garcia

Report,

Castaneda

“
believes

that

Clark

should

have

been

placed

on

admin

leave

immediately,

as

that

has

been

the

case

with

others

who

have

committed,

in

her

opinion,

far

less

serious

infractions
.”

Her

fellow

Clique

member,

Williams

mentioned

other

City

employees

“
who

were

placed

on

admin

leave

immediately

for

less

serious

infractions

…

and

he

felt

that

if

anyone

should

have

been

put

on

admin

leave,

it

should

have

been

Flores

-

Clark
.”

According

to

Garcia,

“
Apalategui

was

concerned

because

previous

cases

that

only

involved

verbal

accusations,

not

physical

ones,

resulted

in

employees

being

placed

on

leave

immediately
.”

Showing

the

extent

to

which

the

unfounded

rumors

had

spread

throughout

Clark’s

workplace,

according

to

Yamane,

who

held

an

“
open

house
”

on

March

25,

2025,

reported,

“
The

employees

50

Page 51 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 51 of 73 were concerned that special treatment was being shown to Flores Clark since, in a similar situation

in

the

past,

the

employee

was

put

on

leave

right

away
.”

4. March 2025 Meeting Comments About Leave (Rodriguez and Polanco) At the March 18 council meeting, similar language emerged. Rodriguez emphasized perceived double

standards,

stating,

“if

these

accusations

were

to

be

made

for

any

other

assistant

in

her

office,

the

response

would

be

different.”

Rodriguez

was

repeating

a

teammate’s

March

4 Council

comment,

when

Polanco

said,

“
Put

the

Mayor’s

partner

assistant

on

leave

until

all

the

unvarnished

truth

comes

out.
”

While

not

using

the

term

“
leave
”

explicitly,

his

framing

mirrored

the

Garcia

report’s

witness

statements

that

Clark

should

not

remain

in

her

position

during

the

investigation.

Other

speakers,

such

as

Polanco,

linked

Clark’s

role

to

broader

disruption,

referring

to

“havoc”

caused

and

insisting

on

accountability—language

that

supports

the

same

implication:

that

leadership

action

(including

leave)

was

necessary.

P. Team Aguirre’s In-Sync Pro-Labor Messaging to Rope In the Clique On March 18, several Team Aguirre speakers synchronized their remarks to appeal directly to the union-aligned

(MEA)

employees

in

the

chamber—particularly

Apalategui,

Castaneda,

and

Delgado—mirroring

their

talking

points

on

workplace

and

wage

issues

despite

having

shown

little

prior

interest

in

such

matters.

For

example,

Aguirre

said,

“If

you

hire

people

for

unnecessary

work

and

pay

them

hundreds

of

dollars

an

hour,

you've

taken

that

money

away

from

the

pockets

of

your

loyal

employees.

Immediately

following

public

comments

by

Castaneda
62 and

Delgado,
63 McCarthy

shared

her

new-found

concern

for

union

workers:

“
I

feel

that

money

spent

on

frivolous

outside

counsel

should

be

spent

on

the

hardworking

people

that

have

your

back,”

while

Polanco

stated

that

“this

is

money

wasted…

that

could

have

gone

to

the

labor

union

workers…

to

retirement,

to

pension,

to

those

things

that

are

important

for

the

labor

union.”

Although MEA President Apalategui did not speak during public comment at the March 18 meeting,

she

attended

alongside

Castaneda

and

Delgado—and

spoke

directly

with

McCarthy

that

evening.

March

18 was

also

the

closed

session

in

which

Bush

first

discussed

Delgado’s

accusations

against

Clark,

making

it

the

latest

possible

date

Rodriguez

could

claim

to

have

learned

of

them.

But

Apalategui

had

known

about

Castaneda’s

fabricated

allegations

almost

immediately,

learning

of

them

on

February

27—within

minutes

of

their

invention.

The

Garcia

Report

confirmed

the

March

18 interaction

between

Apalategui

and

McCarthy,

noting

that

“She

did

previously

meet

McCarthy
64 at

a

meeting

involving

many

different

unions

and

McCarthy

let

64 Despite

this

meeting

with

McCarthy,

Garcia

also

wrote,

“
Apalategui

denied

knowing

McCarthy.”

63 Just

before

McCarthy’s

comment,

Delgado

commented,

“
Times

are

tough,

but

we

hope

that

you

value

…

those

of

us

that

are

boots

on

the

ground

and

want

to

continue

serving

the

community

of

National

City
.”

62 Castaneda told the Council, “ [Y]our MEA employees are still working hard out there—through all the weather conditions

and

regardless

of

the

chaos

and

the

low

wages.
”

51 Page 52 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 52 of 73 Apalategui know that she was very supportive of the employees and was supportive of their negotiations

for

a

stronger

contract.”

This

sequence

shows

that

both

women

had

early

access

to

information

about

the

allegations,

well

before

any

details

were

made

public.

Q. March 18 Leak Drives Smear into Public Arena That staged display of pro-labor solidarity was not the end of March 18—it was only the opening act.

In

the

hours

that

followed,

the

same

network

pivoted

from

orchestrated

public

messaging

to

covert

sabotage.

Their

target

shifted

from

shaping

perception

inside

the

council

chamber

to

exploiting

confidential

proceedings

in

the

closed

session

itself.

By

night’s

end,

allegations

shared

in

that

session

were

in

McCarthy’s

hands,

ready

to

be

repackaged

for

maximum

public

damage

and

deployed

in

a

public

forum

weeks

later.

The

transition

from

coordinated

speeches

to

back-channel

leaks

underscored

the

dual

nature

of

the

campaign:

one

arm

was

designed

to

win

public

sympathy,

the

other

to

weaponize

privileged

information.

The Garcia Report shows that the words McCarthy used on April 18 were identical to the language

in

Delgado’s

complaint,

a

match

that

could

only

have

come

from

someone

with

direct

access

to

that

document.

While

Apalategui

denied

knowing

how

McCarthy

obtained

the

information,

she

had

been

involved

from

the

outset

and

was

present

for

both

Delgado’s

and

Castaneda’s

interviews.

Her

role,

combined

with

the

matching

language,

raised

serious

questions

about

whether

she,

Rodriguez,

or

another

insider

leaked

the

details

from

the

closed

session,

and

about

how

quickly

those

details

were

weaponized.

Councilmember Bush would later confirm just how directly this information traveled from the closed

session

into

McCarthy’s

public

remarks.

On

April

22,

Bush

recounted

that

during

the

April

18 meeting,

McCarthy

repeated

the

very

details

he

had

shared

in

the

March

18 closed

session:

that

Delgado

alleged

Clark

touched

her

at

an

employee

birthday

lunch

on

February

27 and

made

a

comment

about

her

body.

Bush’s

statement

made

clear

that

the

leak

occurred

within

hours

of

the

meeting

and

that

the

information

was

not

vague

gossip,

but

precise,

verbatim

details

from

a

confidential

discussion.

The

breach

was

immediate,

deliberate,

and

intended

to

inflict

maximum

reputational

harm.

The leak was not a harmless breach of protocol—it was a direct act of workplace harm. By transmitting

confidential

and

false

allegations

into

the

public

sphere,

it

amplified

the

harassment

Clark

was

already

enduring

and

ensured

those

rumors

would

circulate

beyond

City

Hall.

Under

the

Fair

Employment

and

Housing

Act

(“FEHA”),

the

City

had

a

duty

to

take

“
all

reasonable

steps
”
65 to stop this kind of discrimination and harassment. For purposes of liability, Rodriguez, Castaneda,

Delgado,

Apalategui,

and

Williams

all

met

the

statutory

definition

of

“
supervisors
,”

making

the

City

strictly

liable

for

their

conduct.

The

City

also

bore

independent

liability

for

65 Gov. Code § 12926(j)(1)
52 Page 53 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 53 of 73 failing to prevent the harassment once on notice. Instead of intervening to protect Clark, the City—through

another

supervisor—took

action

that

compounded

the

harm.

On March 20, 2025—just two days after the closed-session leak—HR Director Flores-Hernandez served

Clark

with

a

notice

of

fact-finding

to

investigate

“
complaints

may

[sic]

by

staff

against

you

concerning

potential

violations

of

the

City’s

rules

and

regulations

against

harassment
.”

This

notice

came

despite

the

availability

of

surveillance

footage

that

would

have

shown

the

allegation

to

be

baseless.

Had

Flores-Hernandez

reviewed

the

footage—or

acknowledged

doing

so—she

would

have

known

there

was

no

legitimate

basis

to

proceed.

By

moving

forward

regardless,

the

City

crossed

a

line:

Clark’s

harassment

was

no

longer

merely

tolerated;

it

was

institutionally

endorsed.

The escalation did not stop there. On April 1, 2025, the campaign against Clark spilled even further

into

the

public

arena.

That

evening,

during

a

City

Council

meeting,

Polanco

accused

Clark—still

mourning

the

sudden

death

of

her

nephew,

Javier—of

soliciting

a

$7,000

kickback.

“
The

mayor's

assistant

asked

me

to

go

along

with

the

scheme

of

giving

her

$7,000…

I

don't

appreciate

that
,”

Polanco

told

the

Council.

She

offered

no

evidence

for

the

claim,

and

any

attempt

to

justify

it

would

only

have

underscored

its

implausibility.

The

accusation

was

part

of

a

larger

pattern

of

calculated

public

smears,

designed

to

undermine

Clark’s

credibility

while

masking

the

motives

of

those

spreading

them.

At its core, Polanco’s statement was a recycled and distorted narrative: that on November 18, 2024,

when

Javier’s

employer

offered

to

cover

his

funeral

expenses,

it

was

Clark—not

Polanco—who

sought

to

profit

by

pressuring

Polanco

to

rewrite

cemetery

contracts,

backdate

them,

and

double

the

fees.

This

claim

was

not

only

absurd

but

cruelly

timed,

weaponizing

Clark’s

personal

tragedy

to

publicly

damage

her

reputation

and

to

shift

scrutiny

away

from

the

CFB.

The

attack

was

as

personal

as

it

was

political,

exploiting

grief

for

strategic

gain.

After months of silence, Clark finally broke down. At the podium, she held up her phone: “This phone

right

here,

this

is

my

son.

He's

not

my

nephew.

He's

my

son.

And

who

knows

better

than

that?

They

do.

They've

been

my

friends,

my

best

friends,

my

family

for

over

two

decades.

They

know

my

history.”

She

explained

that

her

sister

had

died

by

suicide

while

fleeing

an

abusive

relationship,

and

she

had

raised

Javier

as

her

own

son

ever

since.

She

accused

Polanco

and

McCarthy

of

exploiting

their

intimate

knowledge

of

her

life

and

grief

to

punish

her:

“They

held

my

son's

body

for

almost

a

month...

only

for

them

to

tell

me

they're

still

not

gonna

allow

me

to

bury

my

son

with

his

birth

mother,

with

my

sister.”

Her

raw

pain,

captured

on

video

archived

on

the

City’s

website,

laid

bare

the

human

cost

of

the

smear

campaign:

53 Page 54 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 54 of 73

What began as hostility soon evolved into something far more vicious—undeterred by Clark’s grief,

truth,

or

decency.

Team

Aguirre

just

doubled

down,

recycling

the

same

cruel

narratives

with

rehearsed

precision.

Seeing

Clark’s

anguish

had

only

strengthened

their

resolve.

R. April 15, 2025: McCarthy Escalates with Greater Ferocity At the very next Council meeting, McCarthy escalated her attacks to a new level of intensity. She resurrected

allegations

Clark

had

already

publicly

refuted

on

April

1,

making

it

clear

the

repetition

was

neither

accidental

nor

rooted

in

misunderstanding—it

was

intentional,

malicious,

and

designed

to

reopen

the

wound.

She

again

suggested

Clark

had

tried

to

profit

from

her

own

son’s

death,

echoing

almost

word-for-word

Polanco’s

outrageous

claim

from

two

weeks

earlier:

“
[N]ot

only

did

she

ask

for

a

free

funeral

and

cemetery

service,

but

she

also

asked

us

to

rewrite

the

contract

because

she

found

out

that

the

employer

of

her

nephew—not

her

son—was

going

to

pay

for

the

services.
”

By

reintroducing

the

accusation

after

Clark’s

emotional

rebuttal,

McCarthy

signaled

that

the

cruelty

was

part

of

a

strategy,

not

a

lapse

in

judgment.

McCarthy went beyond merely repeating the claim—she sought to bolster it with theatrics.

Waiving

a

document,

she

taunted

Clark:

“
Here

you

go.

Let

there

be

no

doubt.

And

our

attorney

has

far

more

paperwork
.”

The

gesture

was

calculated

to

project

confidence

and

legitimacy,

as

though

the

mere

existence

of

paper

proved

the

truth

of

her

words.

She

followed

up

by

accusing

Clark

of

attempting

to

falsify

Javier’s

death

certificate—a

charge

flatly

contradicted

by

the

birth

certificate

itself.

The

persistence

of

these

disproven

claims

underscored

the

deliberate

nature

of

the

smear.

The

aim

was

not

to

persuade,

but

to

saturate

the

public

record

with

the

lie

until

it

felt

impossible

to

erase.

At the same time, McCarthy worked to shield a political ally. She pivoted from attacking Clark’s character

to

defending

Rodriguez,

gaslighting

the

public

about

his

“turkey

giveaways”

and

framing

them

as

evidence

of

corruption

tied

to

the

Mayor:

“
The

Brikhos

your

friends

have

sent

have

spent

thousands

of

dollars

on

frozen

turkeys

and

hams

at

your

behest

...

We

are

told

you

are

getting

Brico

discounts.
”

These

were

not

vague

insinuations—they

were

scripted

attacks

meant

to

confuse

the

public,

muddy

the

narrative,

and

shift

attention

away

from

the

misconduct

McCarthy

and

her

allies

were

working

to

conceal.

54

Page 55 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 55 of 73 McCarthy’s April 15 performance was more than an isolated act of malice. It was a continuation of

the

March

18–April

1 pattern:

a

calculated

blend

of

personal

attack,

public

spectacle,

and

political

utility.

By

recycling

disproven

allegations

and

weaving

them

into

new,

unrelated

claims,

she

and

her

allies

kept

the

pressure

on

Clark

while

creating

a

steady

stream

of

controversy

for

political

exploitation.

It

was

the

clearest

signal

yet

that

the

campaign

against

Clark

was

not

a

spontaneous

reaction

to

events—it

was

an

organized

operation

with

staying

power.

S. April 18: Leak Weaponized and Garcia Looks Away Three days later, on April 18, 2025, the smear campaign shifted into its most aggressive phase.

That

day’s

City

Council

meeting

became

the

stage

for

a

direct

breach

of

closed-session

confidentiality—transforming

private

deliberations

from

March

18 into

a

public

weapon.

In

full

view

of

the

chamber,

the

same

network

that

had

synchronized

its

messaging

a

month

earlier

deployed

those

secrets

for

maximum

damage,

and

investigator

Mark

Garcia’s

later

handling

of

the

episode

revealed

just

how

determined

he

was

to

look

the

other

way.

The full extent of what transpired behind closed doors on March 18 would not be revealed until April 22, 2025, when Councilmember Bush publicly gave a detailed account of the April 18 breach:

At the Friday special meeting [on April 18] Luisa McCarthy publicly shared details

of

the

complaint

of

the

sexual

harassment

complaint

made

by

Elyana

Delgado

against

Josie

Flores-Clark.

The

details

shared

included

details

I

shared

…

during

the

March

18 special

closed
66 session

meeting.

Specifically,

I

described

the

facts

about

the

case

as

I

understood

it

(Josie

touched

Elyana

at

an

employee

birthday

lunch

on

2/27

and

made

a

comment

about

her

body).

The Garcia Report confirms that the words McCarthy used on April 18 were identical to language

in

Delgado’s

formal

complaint,

meaning

that

someone

with

access

to

that

confidential

document

had

provided

it

to

her.

While

Apalategui

denied

knowing

how

McCarthy

obtained

the

information,

she

had

been

involved

in

the

matter

from

the

outset

and

was

present

for

both

Delgado’s

and

Castaneda’s

interviews.

Her

role,

combined

with

the

matching

language,

raised

serious

questions

about

whether

she,

Rodriguez,

or

another

insider

had

leaked

the

details

from

the

closed

session.

T. Rodriguez Joins Team Aguirre’s April 18 Offensive The coordinated smear campaign peaked on April 18, 2025, during a City Council meeting where

Rodriguez

chose

not

to

take

his

seat

on

the

dais.

Instead,

he

crossed

the

line—literally

and

politically—by

joining

Team

Aguirre

as

a

“
member

of

the

public
,”

seated

shoulder

to

shoulder

66 “A person may not disclose confidential information that has been acquired by being present in a closed session …

to

a

person

not

entitled

to

receive

it,

unless

the

legislative

body

authorizes

disclosure.”
Gov. Code § 54963(a).
55 Page 56 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 56 of 73 with his allies: Polanco, McCarthy, Aguirre, Severson, Natalie Vilas Boas, Teran, Ashley Morrison,

Alisha

Morrison,

Doyle

Morrison,

Scheller,

and

Frank

Rivera.
67 The

alignment

was

not

subtle;

it

was

choreographed

and

unmistakable,

best

illustrated

by

still

images

now

preserved

in

the

City’s

public

archive:

April 18 was the moment Team Aguirre had been waiting for—chomping at the bit for the opportunity

to

leak

the

closed

session

information

they

had

been

holding

onto

for

over

a

month.

McCarthy

took

the

oar

and

steered

the

attack,

addressing

Mayor

Morrison

directly

with

a

question

that

unmistakably

breached

that

confidentiality:

“
Was

Ben

Martinez

trying

to

hold

your

assistant,

Josie

Flores

Clark,

accountable

…to

place

Josie

on

an

administrative

leave

to

investigate

her

for

slapping

the

buttocks

of

another

city

employee

here
?”

(emphasis

added).

Rodriguez was no mere bystander when McCarthy willfully shared Castaneda’s and Delgado’s fabricated

allegation

with

the

public;

by

that

point,

he

had

fully

aligned

himself

with

the

smear

campaign—even

as

he

tried

to

pin

his

outrage

on

having

to

work

on

a

Friday.

In

his

April

22 email,

which

suggested

Rodriguez

had

likely

leaked

the

March

18 closed

session

information

to

McCarthy,

Councilmember

Bush

also

disclosed

Rodriguez’s

private

threat

to

Apalategui:

“
[Rodriguez]

said

that

if

she

doesn't

publicly

support

Brian,

she

and/or

MEA

can

forget

asking

him

for

any

help

or

support

'when

he

becomes

Mayor.
’”

During the same meeting, a member of the public with no clear affiliation to either side called Rodriguez

out

for

abandoning

all

pretense

of

neutrality—describing

how

the

sulking

67 Playing the role of Team Aguirre’s planning expert, Rivera’s involvement is remarkable only in its ambiguity—his actual

contribution

remains

to

be

seen.

56

Page 57 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 57 of 73 councilmember, no longer at the dais, deliberately fomented vitriol from the back of the room while

Council

was

in

session:

“
Here

we

have

Rodriguez

talking

...

he's

part

of

the

problem,

he's

creating

this

controversy

here.

He's

in

the

back,

stirring

people

up.
”

At

that

same

meeting,

a

Planning

Commissioner

confirmed

that

Rodriguez

planned

to

run

against

Morrison

in

the

City’s

next

mayoral

election.
68 Rodriguez also delivered two public comments that mirrored Team Aguirre’s talking points. In the

first,

he

chastised

the

Mayor

for

“
making

backroom

deals,

trying

to

silence

the

public…

[y]ou

all

should

be

embarrassed

and

ashamed
.”

In

the

second,

he

escalated

to

full-blown

hyperbole:

You're really hijacking our city… Ron will go to every length to cover his assistant.

There

are

multiple

investigations,

an

open

lawsuit

for

not

complying

with

Public

Records

Act

requests…

operating

in

secrets,

operating

in

darkness…

complicit

in

this

hijacking

of

the

city...

Please

stop

doing

that!

Follow

the

decorum…

Can

I

have

my

ten

seconds

back?

U. Escalation of the Campaign: April 18 – June 17, 2025 Following the April 18 Council meeting leak, Team Aguirre accelerated its coordinated efforts on

multiple

fronts—through

lawsuits,

public

comment

theatrics,

investigative

manipulation,

and

even

the

beginnings

of

recall

activity.

By

this

point,

any

sense

of

decency

had

long

since

been

abandoned,

and

over

the

next

two

months

their

boorishness

became

almost

routine—normalized

as

part

of

the

public

discourse.

These

efforts

did

not

unfold

sequentially,

but

in

overlapping

bursts

of

litigation,

leaks,

and

public

pressure.

The

following

sub-sections

trace

those

parallel

developments.

1. Clark’s Formal Complaint to the City Regarding the Leak (April 21, 2025) On April 21, 2025, Clark engaged in protected activity when she filed a “Formal Complaint” with the City, alleging, “ I have reason to believe that Councilmember Jose Rodriguez improperly disclosed

this

information

to

Ms.

McCarthy,

in

direct

violation

of

City

policies

and

potentially
the Brown Act .” Three days later, on April 24, Garcia interviewed her. Clark unequivocally denied the allegations that she had ever spanked Delgado, stating, “ Absolutely not .” She described

the

complaint

as

part

of

a

broader

campaign

of

retaliation

and

misinformation

orchestrated

by

her

former

close

friends,

Polanco

and

McCarthy,

and

politically

weaponized

by

Councilmember

Rodriguez.

According to Clark, “ Louisa McCarthy and Mika Polanco were fueling this narrative that I had touched

someone

inappropriately,

and

Rodriguez

used

it

to

push

a

hostile

environment

on

me

at

City

Hall.
”

She

referred

to

their

efforts

as

a

“
smear

campaign
”

driven

by

opposition

to

a

real

68 See , Rodriguez’s Candidate Intention Statement, dated July 30, 2025. 57 Page 58 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 58 of 73 estate development project and personal resentment over her refusal to interfere in City processes.

“
They

expected

me

to

cross

a

line

I

wasn’t

willing

to

cross,”

she

said.

“This

whole

thing

has

been

manufactured
.”

Clark

described

her

workplace

environment

as

“
toxic
”

and

“
designed

to

break

[her]

down.
”

She

spoke

of

suffering

from

severe

emotional

distress,

including

insomnia

and

physical

fatigue,

and

said

that

the

manufactured

nature

of

the

complaint

made

it

all

the

more

difficult

to

endure.

“
I

don’t

sleep
,”

she

told

Garcia.

“
This

is

affecting

my

health.

They

know

what

they’re

doing

to

me
.”

2. Polanco Fake-Sues to Down-Zone Muraoka’s Property (May 1, 2025) On May 1, 2025, Aguirre filed another lawsuit for Polanco—this time a “Complaint for Declaratory Relief” (“Second Lawsuit”)—as part of her months-long campaign to pressure the Muraoka family into selling her the Project property. The cause of action itself underscored its frivolousness:

Polanco

was

literally

asking

a

Judge

to

“
determine
”

something

that

was

already

widely

known—certainly

the

City

knew—which

was

that

it

had

the

authority

to

rezone

the

Muraoka

property.

That

this

was

already

known

(and

therefore

that

the

City

did

not

need

Polanco

to

ask

the

Court

to

tell

them)

is

not

debatable.

Both

Polanco

and

McCarthy

admitted

it

during

public

comment

at

the

June

17 Council

meeting:

All right, well, as Luisa said, you do have the power to re-zone it. I don't think that

that's

the

question

being

proposed.

I

think

the

question

is

not,

you

know,

whether

these,

what,

whether

you

can

turn

it

back

to

residential

or

not,

you

know

you

can.

You

have

the

legislative

power

to

do

so.

For some reason other than the stated one, however, Polanco’s Second Lawsuit asked that precise question.

Moreover,

that

was

the

only

question

it

asked.

The

“
Prayer
”

in

her

Complaint

makes

that

clear:

This raised the same problem as her first lawsuit, filed January 24. That suit claimed to seek production

of

City

records,

but

it

was

filed

before

the

deadline

for

the

City

to

even

produce

them.

Just

as

the

First

Lawsuit

was

not

really

about

records,

the

Second

was

not

really

about

confirming

zoning

authority.

In

both

cases,

the

lawsuits

were

props.

Their

true

purpose

was

to

manipulate

the

Muraokas

by

creating

pressure

and

uncertainty,

while

simultaneously

generating

58

Page 59 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 59 of 73 documents Aguirre and Polanco could present to the public—especially the media—for an entirely

different

narrative.

In

short,

the

lawsuits

were

never

legal

disputes;

they

were

political

and

commercial

weapons.

The filing capped three months of steady pressure applied through her realtor, Sharon Smith. On February

15,

2025,

Smith

sent

the

Muraokas’

agent

two

bank

statements

showing

Polanco’s
accounts with a combined balance exceeding $4.6 million. In a March 21, 2025 email, she began floating the idea of a “ campaign ” for residential rezoning that would depress the property’s value:

“
the

neighbors
69 …

put

together

some

association

against

any

sort

of

commercial

building

in

that

area

…

If

this

group

challenges

the

annexation

this

property

could

become

only

residential
.”
70 She

even

pointed

to

media

reports

amplifying

Ms.

Morrison’s

“
controversy
”

(which,

like

Team

Aguirre’s

conduct,

had

caused

substantial

economic

harm

to

the

Zakar

family).

Although the Muraoka family’s realtor made it clear he was not interested in discussing the “ neighbors ,” Smith persisted. Her March 21 email pressed harder—asking rhetorically, “ wouldn’t the value start dropping? ”—a warning of further financial harm if the community opposition

continued.

She

invoked

Alisha

Morrison

by

name

to

underscore

the

threat.
71 The

message

was

unmistakable:

if

the

Muraokas

did

not

sell

to

Polanco,

a

coordinated

campaign

would

erode

the

value

of

their

property.

That pressure campaign was hardly a secret. Team Aguirre knew perfectly well that the City had the

authority

to

rezone

the

Muraoka

property

if

it

wanted

to—but

the

City

would

never

want

to

unless

the

Muraokas

themselves

requested

it.

Another

angle,

however,

was

confusion:

perhaps

the

Muraokas

could

be

made

to

believe

that

this

lawsuit

might

result

in

their

property

being

rezoned

against

their

wishes,

and

that

their

property

value

could

plummet.

In

fact,

the

Muraokas

were

concerned,

feeling

only

a

little

better

when

Martin

Reeder

assured

them

that

the

City

had

no

plans

to

downzone

the

Project

property.

It was never as though Team Aguirre went into these lawsuits with any coherent legal objective.

The

one

thing

they

did

know

was

that

filing

them

would

create

drama,

turmoil,

and

expense.

And

based

on

a

lifetime

of

operating

this

way,

they

also

knew

that

most

ordinary

people

eventually

get

tired

of

the

chaos

and

give

in.

The

gamble

was

simple:

drag

the

City

and

the

Muraokas

through

enough

legal

and

political

mayhem,

and

eventually

someone

might

throw

up

their

hands

and

say,

“life’s

too

short—just

give

them

what

they

want.”

71 March 21, 2025

email

from

Sharon

Smith

to

the

Muraokas’

agent,

warning

that

“
the

community

has

really

launched

a

campaign
”

against

commercial

use

of

the

property

and

suggesting

that

“
the

value

[would]

start

dropping
”

if

the

controversy

continued.

70 Alisha Morrison rallied the Lincoln Acres troops with a flyer for a meeting on February 20, 2025 .

69 Smith was referring to a “ group ” led by Alisha Morrison, who “ quit her job ” to “ campaign ” for rezoning. 59 Page 60 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 60 of 73 But another possible outcome was just as foreseeable—and that is the one now playing out. The lawsuits

were

so

flagrantly

frivolous

and

transparently

tactical

that

they

prompted

not

fear,

but

eye-rolling.

Instead

of

pressuring

the

City

into

submission,

Team

Aguirre’s

antics

revealed

their

desperation.

By

May

and

June,

their

public

comments

devolved

into

little

more

than

bargaining:

“
drop

the

lawsuits

if

you

rezone

the

property
.”

These

were

not

the

moves

of

clever

tacticians.

They

were

the

flailing

tactics

of

people

who

conduct

themselves

through

disruption

as

a

matter

of

habit,

mistaking

mayhem

for

strategy.

What Team Aguirre failed to understand was that Clark, the Mayor, and the rest of the City’s leadership

were

not

the

type

to

cave

to

circus

acts.

They

were

not

going

to

reward

clowns

in

suits

demanding

ransom.

And

by

June

17,

the

spiral

had

tightened.

The

desperation

became

undeniable,

culminating

in

public

pleas

for

an

“off-ramp”

in

exchange

for

abandoning

their

meritless

lawsuits—an

arrangement

that

looked

less

like

negotiation

and

more

like

extortion.

Time and again, Team Aguirre openly revealed what their lawsuits were really about: not justice, not

law,

but

leverage

to

force

a

sale.

They

did

not

even

bother

to

disguise

Polanco’s

extortion

campaign

when

speaking

to

the

Council.

Over

and

over,

they

said

the

same

thing:

if

you

rezone,

we’ll

drop

the

lawsuits;

if

you

don’t,

we’ll

keep

going.

The

following

compilation

of

their

statements

makes

that

point

unmistakably

clear.

3. Garcia Ignores Contradictions in Witness Testimony (May 5–11, 2025) Meanwhile, Garcia’s investigation was gathering testimony that directly contradicted the Clique’s

narrative,

yet

he

failed

to

address

it.

On

May

5,

at

9:30

a.m.,

just

an

hour

after

Castaneda

reaffirmed

her

March

26 statement

that

she

had

only

spoken

to

Delgado,

Apalategui,

and

McGhee,

Ron

Williams

told

Garcia

that

“
Juanita

Castaneda

came

to

his

office

the

Monday

following

the

incident

[March

3,

2025]

to

tell

him

…

that

Delgado

was

touched

inappropriately

on

the

butt

by

Josie

Flores

Clark.
”

Six

days

later,

on

May

11,

Councilmember

Yamane

told

Garcia

that

Castaneda

had

approached

her

during

a

public

event

on

March

25—the

day

before

Castaneda’s

first

interview—and

discussed

both

the

allegations

and

the

status

of

the

investigation.

Garcia

summarized

it

himself:

“
Yamane

stated

that

she

had

a

conversation

with

Juanita

Castaneda

on

March

25,

2025,

during

which

Castaneda

discussed

the

allegations

and

60

Page 61 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 61 of 73 the status of the investigation. ” This was a direct contradiction of Castaneda’s account, yet Garcia’s

report

never

acknowledged

it.

Meanwhile, Rodriguez, who was present at the March 18 closed session where the leak originated,

failed

to

appear

for

his

scheduled

interview.

Garcia

excused

the

absence

without

explanation

and

never

followed

up.

His

failure

to

pursue

Rodriguez,

paired

with

his

dismissal

of

Castaneda’s

contradictions,

left

the

report

irreparably

compromised.

Not only had Williams contradicted Castaneda’s claim of limited disclosure, he also admitted to misconduct—viewing

the

surveillance

video

and

sharing

it

with

other

members

of

the

Clique.
72 Garcia

recorded

this

admission

but

failed

to

address

that

it

violated

policy,

confidentiality,

and

workplace

protocol.

His

own

summary

even

contains

a

self-contradictory

account

of

whether

Williams

viewed

the

video:

Hernandez requested a 4-hour snippet of video but Williams was not sure what it was

for

at

that

time.

Williams

stated

that

he

did

not

view

the

video,

but

rather

just

put

it

on

the

network

and

gave

it

to

Hernandez.

However,

Williams

did

view

the

portion

of

the

video

in

which

the

incident

occurred.

The existence of this contradictory evidence, combined with Garcia’s decision to omit it from his credibility

analysis,

undermines

the

reliability

of

his

entire

report—especially

his

claim

that

the

source

of

the

leak

could

not

be

determined.

His

failure

to

even

mention

Rodriguez’s

refusal

to

appear

makes

that

claim

even

less

credible.

4. Garcia Sustains the Allegations Against Clark Despite the Evidence Proving Them False Despite the contradictions in testimony and the surveillance footage that undercut Castaneda’s and

Delgado’s

claims,

Garcia

sustained

the

allegation.

The

video

showed

Delgado

initiating

a

hug

while

Clark

remained

seated.

During

the

brief,

one-armed

embrace,

Clark’s

right

arm

moved

slightly,

making

momentary

contact

with

Delgado’s

lower

back

near

the

buttocks.

The

motion

was

indistinct,

lacked

force,

and

appeared

incidental—neither

clearly

accidental

nor

intentional.

It

was

simply

a

hug

between

someone

seated

and

someone

standing.

To reach a “ sustained ” finding, Garcia had to alter the assignment he was given. 73 The March 20
Notice

of

Fact-Finding

stated

that

he

had

been

retained

to

“
investigate

these

allegations
.”

If

he

73 Clark alleges on information and belief that Garcia did not change his assignment without first getting the consent of

a

city

public

official,

likely

Flores-Hernandez.

In

doing

so,

Garcia

as

the

city's

agent,

and

Flores

Hernandez

as

a

city

public

official

took

“deliberate

acts”

to

violate

Clark's

civil

rights

in

violation

of

Regulation

04.16,

FEHA,

and

federal

law

(e.g.,
42 USC § 1983; Clouthier v. County of Contra Costa

(9th

Cir.

2010)

591

F.3d

1232).

72 Not only did Williams conduct his own unauthorized investigation, he violated Regulation 04.16, which requires “
privacy

and

confidentiality
”

of

any

harassment

investigations.

61 Page 62 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 62 of 73 had done so, the only possible outcome was “unfounded.” 74 Delgado’s written complaint alleged
Clark

“
spanked

my

right

buttock
.”

Castaneda’s

alleged

Clark

spanked

Delgado

twice.

Later,

Delgado

added

claims

about

a

chest

grab.

The

inconsistencies

were

obvious,

and

the

video

evidence

disproved

all

of

them.

Garcia

knew

that

if

he

kept

his

assignment

tethered

to

those

allegations,

he

would

have

to

find

them

false.

But

Garcia

also

knew

which

side

his

bread

was

buttered

on.

Instead

of

rejecting

the

claims,

he

rewrote

them—restating

the

question

as

whether

Clark’s

hand

had

made

any

contact

with

Delgado’s

back

or

buttocks.

That

rephrasing

created

just

enough

space

for

him

to

“
sustain
”

what

could

not

otherwise

be

sustained.

His

report

illustrates

the

shift:

Although the video is from a distance and tiles at times, it does appear that Flores-Clark

pats

Delgado

on

the

buttocks

area

twice.

In

the

video

Flores-Clark’s

right

hand

cannot

be

clearly

seen,

Flores-Clark’s

right

arm

does

appear

to

move

back

and

forth

twice

when

releasing

from

the

hug.

In

the

video

her

hand

appears

to

strike

her

upper

buttocks

or

the

low

back

of

Delgado.

It

should

be

noted

that

at

1:26:45

of

the

video

Flores-Clark

hugs

an

unknown

man

and

at

the

end

of

her

hug,

pats

him

on

the

back

twice.

Garcia’s own language betrayed the problem. Delgado had accused Clark of a “ spank .” Garcia downgraded

that

to

a

“
pat
.”
75 Stripped

of

embellishment,

the

finding

amounted

to

this:

during

a

hug

initiated

by

Delgado,

Clark’s

hand

briefly

brushed

her

lower

back.

That

was

the

full

extent

of

the

alleged

“
sexual

assault
.”

The

only

thing

a

defense

attorney

would

need

to

do

to

exonerate

Clark

is

press

play.

Yet Garcia still produced a 27-page report, after interviewing ten witnesses (two of them twice), sustaining

an

allegation

of

sexual

misconduct

over

what

amounted

to

a

half-second

brush

of

a

hand.

Incredibly,

he

admitted

he

had

not

even

watched

the

second

angle

of

the

surveillance

footage,

writing

that

the

City

had

not

provided

it

to

him.
76 In

the

end,

Garcia

not

only

sustained

allegations

his

own

evidence

showed

to

be

false,

he

also

ignored

the

Regulation

04.16,

which

states:

“
Knowingly,

falsely

accusing

someone

of”

sexual

harassment

is

“grounds

for

disciplinary

conduct,

up

to

and

including

termination

of

employment
.”

Both

Castaneda

and

Delgado

had

made

knowingly

false

accusations.

Garcia

had

the

evidence

in

hand

to

prove

it.

But

rather

than

call

their

conduct

what

it

was—false

reporting—he

twisted

his

assignment

so

that

he

could

“
sustain
”

their

story

and

protect

the

City’s

chosen

narrative.

76 Garcia

wrote,

“I

was

advised

that

there

was

also

another

video

from

a

different

angle

that

showed

the

same

time

frame;

however,

that

video

was

not

provided

to

the

investigator.”

75 “Pat” suggests intentional conduct, but even then, Garcia never concluded—or even suggested—that Clark acted intentionally.

74 In workplace investigations, a finding of “ unfounded ” means the evidence shows the alleged conduct did not occur at

all.

This

is

distinct

from

“
not

sustained
,”

which

means

there

was

insufficient

proof

either

way.

62 Page 63 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 63 of 73

5. Team Aguirre’s Recall Bush Push (May 8 to June 17, 2025) As Garcia began taking his final interviews and finalizing his report–Polanco’s second lawsuit having

just

been

filed

and

served,

Team

Aguirre

began

pivoting

toward

threats

of
recall
77 —against Councilmember Bush.
78 ( See , Team Aguirre’s Recall Bush Push).
79 Supporters circulated talking points echoing the same themes from April 18: Clark was corrupt, Morrison was

compromised,

and

the

only

“
solution
”

was

to

sweep

them

out

of

office.

These

recall

stirrings

were

not

spontaneous—they

were

the

next

logical

step

in

the

pressure

campaign,

designed

to

keep

political

heat

on

both

the

Mayor

and

Clark

while

simultaneously

amplifying

litigation

threats.

V. June 17: Team “ Junior High School ” Aguirre’s Melt Down By mid-June, the public campaign waged by Team Aguirre had devolved from political theater into

personal

vendetta.

With

its

narrative

unraveling

and

the

City’s

complicity

under

scrutiny,

their

tactics

grew

more

erratic—and

more

aggressive.

On

June

17,

2025,

the

twisted

motive

behind

Polanco’s

months-long

crusade

was

exposed.

But

by

then,

Aguirre

and

Severson

had

already

been

caught

on

camera

breaking

the

law. 1. Desperation Move: Partners (and Agents) Cross the Line For months, Team Aguirre had been extremely careful while performing a tightrope dance along the

Section

47 line—willfully

defaming

with

literal

immunity

anyone,

anytime,

saying

anything

they

wanted,

as

long

as

it

was

atop

their

soapboxes

resting

at

the

foot

of

City

Hall’s

mic’d

up

podium.

In

a

single

evening,

Team

Aguirre’s

campaign

appeared

to

unravel.

Severson

showed

up

for

the

June

17 Council

meeting

in

a

very

bad

mood.

Two

weeks

earlier,

Clark’s

recently

retained
lawyer emailed Aguirre asking for a short continuance of Clark’s deposition: “ I’m booked solid until June 19. Can we move to that date? ” The next day, Severson responded, denying the professional courtesy. Over the next two weeks, Severson sent several volatile emails with building frustration at Clark’s refusal to be bullied. Giving in, on June 16, 2025, Severson agreed to schedule Clark’s for June 19 as requested, but because that date was no longer available on her lawyer’s calendar, 79 After a two-month break, Polanco climbed back onto her soap box with pent-up vitriol she could no longer contain—embarrassing

herself,

and

to

some

extent,

humanity—with

a

rant

that

was

equal

parts
creepy, crazy, and
comical. In striking contrast to her April 21 remark about “attacking the problem, and not the people ,”

Polanco

raved

about

“
slapping

ass
,”

a

“
stinky
”

mayor,

his

“
balls,
”

his

“
lover
”

(

a

“
peacock
”),

her

“
rodeo
,”

and

even

“
God.
”

78 Team Aguirre had been calling for Mayor Morrison to resign since the April 18 meeting when McCarthy first leaked

the

false

sexual

harassment

charges

against

Clark.

For

example,

in

one

evening,

Team

Aguirre

made

these

public

comments

calling

for

Morrison

to

step

down:

April 18 Video compilation
.

77 Polanco and McCarthy were never National City residents 63 Page 64 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 64 of 73 Aguirre and Severson had to book it for June 25, 2025. In a failed attempt to make lemonade, Polanco’s

attorneys

tried

to

twist

a

mundane

scheduling

issue

into

another

sign

that

Clark

was
trying to hide something. They sent the City a copy of Clark’s deposition notice as “Materials Received from Members of the Public.”

But Severson could not wait for the Council meeting to begin before venting her frustration. Spotting Clark with her daughter (and Lt. Omar Ramirez), the City’s surveillance cameras captured video of Severson angrily confronting Clark, saying: “ Are you going to show up to the deposition

this

time?

You

know

it’s

against

the

law

and

you

have

to

show
.”

When

Clark

replied,

“
You

can

talk

to

my

attorney
,”

Severson

repeated

her

accusation

that

Clark

was

breaking

the

law.
80 When Clark’s daughter told her to speak to her mother’s attorney, Severson stepped toward her, demanding,

“
Who

are

you?

What’s

your

name?
”

Clark

moved

to

block

Severson

from

her

daughter,

but

Severson

sidestepped

the

mother

bear

to

continue

her

advance:

As a licensed attorney, Severson was barred
81 from initiating any communication with Clark—let alone

confronting

and

bullying

her

and

her

daughter.

The

rule’s

application

here

was—and

always

has

been—unambiguous.

Severson

knowingly

violated

a

core

ethical

safeguard

designed

81 Rule of Professional Conduct 4.2 plainly states, “ [A] lawyer shall not communicate directly or indirectly about the subject

of

the

representation

with

a

person

the

lawyer

knows

to

be

represented

by

another

lawyer

in

the

matter.
”

80 See , Clark’s attorney’s letter, dated June 24, 2025. 64

Page 65 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 65 of 73 to preserve the integrity of the legal process. Rule 4.2 functions as a mandated shield against improper

attorney

contact,

especially

when

that

contact

is

coercive,

abusive,

or

manipulative—the

very

kind

of

misconduct

Severson

committed.

Due to Severson’s belligerence, Clark’s daughter asked Lt. Ramirez for an escort to her car when she

planned

to

leave

later

that

evening.

But

before

they

could

reach

the

lieutenant

waiting

for

her

downstairs,

Clark

and

her

daughter

were

accosted

again—this

time

by

Aguirre.

Sitting

alongside

members

of

the

public
82 outside

Chambers,

Aguirre

spotted

his

prey

passing

through.

Aguirre

grabbed

his

cell

phone,

sprang

to

his

feet

and

followed

Clark—with

his

young

associate
83 in

tow

about

to

witness

a

master

class

in

professional

misconduct.
84 As though Severson’s confrontation of Clark and her daughter were not enough, Aguirre’s own anger

caused

him

to

slip

during

public

comment,

inadvertently

revealing

his

knowledge

of

Severson's

own

misconduct

earlier

that

evening,

before

stumbling

mid-sentence

to

conceal

the

truth.

By

then,

an

unhinged

Aguirre

seized

on

a

remark

Clark

had

made

to

Severson

in

a

conversation

that

never

should

have

occurred—twisting

it

into

yet

another

pretext

to

attack

the

Mayor:

You have your assistant make a mockery out of the justice system. She doesn’t come to

her

depositions

for

six

different

deposition

times.

We

accommodated

her,

and

then

tonight

she

tells

...

um

someone

…

that

she

might

not

come

to

the

next

one,

just

on

her

whim

(emphasis

added).

84 Describing “ Prohibited Harassment,” CRPC Rule 8.4.1(a)(1)

states,

“
a

lawyer

shall

not:

(1)

unlawfully

harass

or

unlawfully

discriminate

against

persons

on

the

basis

of

any

protected

characteristic;”

Comment

[1]:

“Conduct

that

violates

this

rule

undermines

confidence

in

the

legal

profession

and

our

legal

system
.”

83 Barely six months into his licensure as a California attorney, Alexander Myers Gutterud's

supervisors

modeled

how

to

skirt

ethics

laws:

in

full

view

of

surveillance

cameras.

82 That same evening, Aguirre took unsolicited photographs of Clark, her daughter, and another attendee—prompting

the

scornful

citizen

to
photograph Aguirre back.

65

Page 66 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 66 of 73

Aguirre’s vague reference to “ um … someone ” revealed his knowledge of Severson’s illegal act.

His

decision

only

to

allude

to

Severson

was

an

effort

to

obscure

her

identity

while

still

using

the

episode

to

advance

his

argument.

By

invoking

the

incident

publicly,

Aguirre

ratified

Severson’s

misconduct

while

attempting

to

shield

his

firm

and

his

clients

from

her

liability.

2. AmBush: Aguirre Cracks Under Councilmember’s Cross, Polanco’s Secret Slips The June 17, 2025 City Council meeting was the culmination of the gaslighting, smear tactics, and

coordinated

mayhem

that

had

been

unfolding

since

November

18,

2024.

By

this

point,

the

circus

had

become

familiar.

But

that

evening

marked

a

turning

point—not

because

Team

Aguirre

escalated

their

attacks,

but

because

Councilmember

Marcus

Bush

pulled

off

a

cross-examination

that

exposed

their

true

motives

for

all

to

see.

In

a

performance

that

would

have

impressed

even

F.

Lee

Bailey,¹

Bush

pressed

Aguirre

and

his

allies

with

simple,

direct

questions

that

cut

through

months

of

noise.

The

effect

was

surgical:

in

a

few

exchanges,

Bush

forced

into

the

open

what

Team

Aguirre

had

tried

desperately

to

conceal.

The exchange was devastating. After months of portraying themselves as crusaders for transparency

and

good

governance,

Team

Aguirre

was

revealed

as

self-interested

operators.

Under

Bush’s

questioning,

Aguirre

admitted

that

someone

(he

would

not

say

who)

had

secretly

offered

to

purchase

the

very

property

at

the

heart

of

the

litigation—the

Muraoka

property.

But

Aguirre’s

mug-shot

face

showed

he

was

busted—that

it

was

one

of

his

clients

who

made

the

offer.

What

had

been

dressed

up

as

grassroots

advocacy

was

unmasked

as

a

months-long

pressure

campaign

to

clear

the

path

for

Polanco’s

power-hungry

ambitions.

The

significance

of

Aguirre’s

AmBush

moment

is

best

conveyed

by

simply

watching

and

listening:

66

Page 67 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 67 of 73

3. Morrison Restores the Record
Mayor Morrison’s closing comments on June 17 put the entire six-month circus in perspective.

He

began

by

stressing

a

simple

principle:

neighbors

are

entitled

to

input,

but

they

cannot

dictate

what

happens

on

someone

else’s

land.

Rezoning

decisions

are

either

initiated

by

the

property

owner

or

undertaken

through

a

general

plan

process,

not

by

outsiders

with

no

ownership

stake.

He

dismissed

as

“
idiotic
”

the

suggestion

that

downzoning

commercial

property

to

residential

would

have

no

effect

on

value,

pointing

out

the

obvious

conflict

of

interest:

those

pushing

the

downzone

were

the

same

people

seeking

to

buy

the

land

at

a

discount.

From there, Morrison highlighted the absurdity of the political attacks: a handful of individuals with

no

ownership

interest,

and

in

some

cases

not

even

residents

of

National

City,

were

trying

to

dictate

policy

through

accusations,

threats,

and

even

recall

talk.

He

called

the

spectacle

“
a

circus
”—one

fueled

by

personal

attacks,

childish

antics,

and

a

campaign

that

had

long

since

lost

credibility.

He

concluded

the

Council

was

being

asked

to

downzone

a

parcel

by

people

who

did

not

own

it

and

had

no

legal

standing.

That,

he

said,

was

“
a

highly

unusual

circumstance
”

he

had

never

seen

such

a

thing

in

his

33 years

of

public

office.

4. “ It’s Extortion ”: Councilmember Bush Calls Out the “ Lies ” In AmBush II After Morrison’s steady dismantling of the downzoning charade, Councilmember Marcus Bush took

it

further.

He

first

turned

to

City

staff,

asking

the

obvious:

would

rezoning

the

property

from

commercial

to

residential

cause

a

loss

in

value?

The

answer

was

clear.

Staff

explained

that

rezoning

would

substantially

reduce

the

property’s

value,

confirming

that

what

Polanco

and

McCarthy

were

demanding

was

a

“
taking.
”
85 Bush then pivoted to the public accusations, addressing McCarthy and Polanco directly. He reminded

them

that

the

gas

station

project

was

already

dead,

and

that

they

knew

it.

Yet

they

continued

to

attack

staff,

spread

lies,

and

drag

the

City

through

meeting

after

meeting

for

a

political

spectacle.

Bush

called

their

campaign

“
inappropriate
”

and

“
unprofessional
,”

exposing

it

for

what

it

was:

not

community

advocacy,

but

a

sustained

effort

to

exhaust

staff,

weaponize

process,

and

extort

the

property

owner

into

a

cheaper

sale.

Bush ended with a blunt call for direction: “ Change your approach. Stop with the attacks, stop with

the

lawsuits,

stop

with

the

political

theater.

If

you

want

to

work

together

on

something

positive,

fine—but

this

has

gone

way

too

far
.”

85 A “ taking ” means the government has limited what someone can do with their property so much that it is almost the

same

as

taking

the

property

away.

In

those

situations,

the

government

may

have

to

pay

the

owner

for

the

loss

in

value

either

voluntarily

or

through

an

“inverse condemnation” lawsuit..
67 Page 68 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 68 of 73

5. AmBush III: Rodriguez Stumbles Into His Own Trap If Aguirre’s cross-examination revealed the hidden motive, Councilmember Bush’s questioning of

Rodriguez

exposed

the

hypocrisy.

For

months,

Rodriguez

had

been

the

political

megaphone

for

Polanco

and

McCarthy,

even

violating

closed-session

confidentiality

on

March

18 to

give

them

ammunition.

Yet

on

June

17,

when

pressed

by

Bush,

Rodriguez

suddenly

denounced

the

very

practice

he

had

engaged

in—accusing

others

of

using

the

Council

dais

as

a

“
bully

pulpit
”

while

claiming

such

arguments

should

be

made

“
on

Facebook,

on

Instagram,

on

Twitter,

or

knocking

on

doors
,”

but

not

in

Council

chambers.

The exchange was as unruly as it was revealing. Both Rodriguez and Councilmember Ditas Yamane

repeatedly

interrupted

the

Mayor

while

he

was

speaking—open

violations

of

the

City

Council

Policy

Manual

(Section

VI(A)(4)),

which

explicitly

prohibits

councilmembers

from

interrupting,

disrupting,

or

disturbing

one

another

while

they

have

the

floor.

Rodriguez’s

interruptions

were

especially

persistent,

forcing

the

Mayor

to

issue

repeated

warnings

before

Bush

stepped

in

and

began

cross-examining

him

directly.

Bush refused to let him slide. Over and over, he asked Rodriguez for a substantive position: Did he

support

downzoning

the

property

or

not?

Rodriguez

squirmed,

dodging

the

question,

offering

only

vague

complaints

about

“
wasting

time
,”

and

trying

to

shift

blame

back

to

his

colleagues.

His

evasions

underscored

the

point:

Rodriguez

had

no

policy

solution,

no

substantive

proposal—just

political

theater.

At that moment, the Mayor stepped in to drive home the contrast. He reminded Rodriguez that mediation

over

land

use

does

not

happen

with

“
people

that

do

not

have

standing
,”

but

through

the

ordinary

planning

process—Planning

Commission,

staff,

and

Council—working

with

the

actual

applicant.

He

mocked

Rodriguez’s

shifting

accusations

(“
Ten

minutes

ago

you

said

I

was

putting

them

to

sleep,

now

you’re

saying

I’m

inciting

them
”)

and

turned

Rodriguez’s

“
bully

pulpit
”

line

against

him:

“
I’m

going

to

remember

those

statements

you

just

made

…

and

we’ll

remember

those

in

the

future.
”

The irony was glaring. Rodriguez condemned the use of Council chambers as a political stage while

simultaneously

using

them

for

his

own

political

purposes,

just

as

he

had

since

March

18. 68

Page 69 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 69 of 73 The Mayor and Bush together dismantled the façade: what had been cloaked as righteous advocacy

was

exposed

as

self-serving

grandstanding,

devoid

of

substance.

6. Councilmember Molina Shuts the Door
Councilmember Luz Molina delivered a prepared statement that shut the door on Team Aguirre’s scheme. Molina asked the obvious questions that had lingered all along: what was the real purpose

behind

the

rezoning

demand?

Did

Polanco,

McCarthy,

or

their

associates

have

any

financial

interest

in

the

parcel

or

ties

to

a

developer

waiting

in

the

wings?

Molina

noted

that

even

their

Memorial

Day

community

event

program

included

a

direct

appeal

to

her

and

Vice

Mayor

Bush

to

support

the

downzoning,

leaving

out

the

rest

of

the

Council—a

curious

choice

that

hinted

at

backchannel

lobbying.

Molina then laid out her reasoning. She warned that approving such a request would create a dangerous

precedent

and

expose

the

City

to

legal

liability.

She

flatly

opposed

taxing

staff

resources

any

further

on

a

dead

project.

At

the

same

time,

she

made

clear

the

proper

path:

if

the

actual

property

owner

came

forward

with

a

rezoning

petition

tied

to

their

development

goals,

that

would

merit

a

legitimate

discussion.

Until

then,

however,

Molina

would

not

support

what

amounted

to

outsiders

dictating

how

someone

else’s

land

should

be

treated.

W. Retaliation Continues: More Adverse Action and Ratification By the City The events that followed Clark’s complaint on April 21, 2025, about the closed-session leak, make

clear

that

the

City

did

not

merely

fail

to

protect

her

from

retaliation;

it

became

a

participant

in

it.

On

June

19,

a

private

attorney

Debra

Reilly

notified

Clark

that

she

had

been

retained

to

69

Page 70 of 74 ends

Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 70 of 73 investigate a complaint made against Clark
86 by Lydia Flores-Hernandez. That same evening, the HR

Director

abruptly

announced

her

early

retirement

and

departure,

leaving

Clark

to

face

the

investigation

without

consistent

HR

oversight.

Then, on July 2, 2025, Flores-Hernandez served Clark with Suspension Notice, attaching the discredited

Garcia

Report.

The

City

failed

to

provide

the

underlying

evidence

that

the

Suspension

Notice

stated

it

was

attaching,

much

less

the

materials

required

by

Civil

Service

Rule
804. A July 9, 2025 letter from Clark’s counsel—which, like all subsequent letters, constituted protected activity—demanded compliance with Rule No. 804 (which required the Suspension Notice

be

accompanied

by

all

supporting

documents,

including

exhibits,

audio

recordings,

and

investigator

notes).

When the City ignored the July 9 letter, Clark’s counsel sent a July 14, follow-up letter, reiterating that the City’s failure to provide these materials deprived Clark of her due process rights

and

violated

mandatory

duties

under

Government

Code

§

815.6,

as

well

as

FEHA’s

requirements

for

fair

and

nondiscriminatory

procedures.

When

the

City

ignored

the

July

14 letter,
Clark’s attorney sent a third letter, on July 21, 2025, demonstrating the sexual harassment complaints were false and demanding again the City’s compliance with its mandatory duties. To date,

the

City

has

failed

to

comply,

except

that,

on

July

11,

Scott

Huth

gave

Clark

a

thumb

drive

with

a

single

video

(Camera

No.

1),

but

withheld

all

other

documents

that

the

Suspension

Notice

itself

claimed

were

provided.

The pattern is unmistakable. Clark engaged in protected activity when she reported the April 21 leak

of

confidential

closed-session

information.

Instead

of

conducting

a

prompt,

thorough,

and

fair

investigation

of

her

complaint,

the

City

ignored

it.

When

false

complaints

were

lodged

against

her,

the

City

again

failed

to

investigate.

When

those

complaints

were

discredited,

the

City

nonetheless

advanced

toward

suspension,

weaponizing

its

own

flawed

investigation

process

against

her.

Even members of the City Council acknowledged that the rezoning dispute was tainted by outside

influence.

Councilmember

Molina,

for

example,

pointed

to

“
reports
”

describing

a

community-driven

architectural

plan

for

the

disputed

site,

and

asked

whether

McCarthy

or

Polanco

were

connected

to

it.

Yet

while

such

conflicts

of

interest

were

left

unexamined,

Clark—who

sought

accountability

for

an

unlawful

leak—was

singled

out

for

discipline.

Taken together, these acts constitute classic retaliation and adverse employment action under FEHA:

1)

Clark

engaged

in

protected

activity,

2)

the

City

responded

with

adverse

employment

action,

and

3)

there

is

a

clear

causal

link.

By

failing

to

investigate

her

complaint,

pursuing

86 On her own, Clark would later learn that Flores-Hernandez’s complaint—that she filed at the same time she announced

she

was

leaving

the

City’s

employment—also

named

several

other

City

employees

and

officials.

70 Page 71 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 71 of 73 discipline based on false reports, and denying her procedural rights, the City not only violated its own

policies

but

also

demonstrated

discriminatory

and

retaliatory

intent.

By

proceeding

on

an

incomplete

and

misleading

record

while

ignoring

its

duties

to

investigate

Clark’s

own

April

21 complaint,

much

less

to

notify

her

of

any

findings,

the

City

aligned

itself

with

those

who

had

targeted

her.

This

course

of

conduct—initiating

suspension,

withholding

evidence,

and

disregarding

her

rights—constitutes

unlawful

retaliation

and

discrimination.

Rather

than

protecting

Clark

from

workplace

harassment,

the

City

and

its

officials

became

active

participants,

independently

and

through

ratification,
87 by

imposing

adverse

action

because

Clark

challenged

misconduct

and

civil

rights

violations,

e.g.,

gender-based

discrimination.

III. CAUSES OF ACTION FOR AN UNLIMITED JURISDICTION LAWSUIT As required by Gov. Code § 910, Clark states that a civil action will be filed in the unlimited jurisdiction

of

the

Superior

Court

for

an

amount

in

excess

of

$10,000.

Clark

seeks

general

and

special

damages

against

all

Respondents

and

Prospective

Defendants,

and

punitive

damages

against

the

Respondent

public

employees.

Clark

will

also

seek

penalties,

attorney’s

fees,

and

costs

pursuant

to

Labor

Code

§§

1102.5(f)(1)

and

(j),

and

Gov.

Code

§

12965(b)(6).

In

her

complaint,

Clark

will

allege

the

following

causes

of

action:

A. Public Entity Liability for Failure to Perform Mandatory Duty (Gov. Code § 815.6), by

failing

to

discharge

the

duties

imposed

by

enactments
88 ,

as

proven

at

trial,

including

but

not

limited

to:

California

Constitution,

Article

I,

Section

1,

(express

right

to

privacy
89 and

as

interpretive

common

law
90 );

U.S.

Constitution,

as

interpreted

for

provide

privacy

rights,

e.g.,

the

4th
91 and

14th
92 Amendments;

Gov.

Code

§

7921.000;

Gov.

Code

§

12940

(e.g.,

unlawful

harassment

based

on

gender,

retaliation,

duty

to

prevent

harassment

and

retaliation

by,

e.g.,

providing

training

and

by

conducting

“
prompt,

thorough,

and

neutral

investigations
”

followed

by

“
immediate

and

appropriate

corrective

action
”);

Labor

Code

§

1102.5;

Gov.

Code

§

825;

and

Policy

119;

Regulation

04.16);

B. Retaliation (Labor Code § 1102.5);
C. Defense and Indemnity (Gov. Code § 825);
92 Whalen v. Roe

(1977)

429

U.S.

589

91 City of Ontario v. Quon

(2010)

560

U.S.

746

90 Soroka v. Dayton Hudson Corp.

(1991)

1 Cal.App.4th

1039

89 California

Constitution,

Article

I,

§

I

(“
All

people

are

by

nature

free

and

independent

and

have

inalienable

rights.

Among

these

are

enjoying

and

defending

life

and

liberty,

acquiring,

possessing,

and

protecting

property,

and

pursuing

and

obtaining

safety,

happiness,

and

privacy
”).

88 Gov. Code § 810.6
:

“

Enactment
”

means

“
a

constitutional

provision,

statute

…

ordinance

or

regulation
.”

87 By all defendants (Civil Code §§ 2307, 2310, 2311, 2339); by the City ( See , C.R. v. Tenet Healthcare Corporation (2009) 169 Cal.App. 4th 194); and by the City and public officials for “ deliberate acts ” (42 USC 1983; See
,
Clouthier v. County of Contra Costa (9th Cir. 2010) 591 F.3d 1232). 71 Page 72 of 74
Clark v. City of National City, et al. Gov. Code § 910 Claim dated August 26, 2025 Page 72 of 73 D. Respondeat Superior (Gov. Code § 815.2);
E. Liability of an Elected Official (Gov. Code § 815.3); F. Liability of Public Official (42 USC § 1983); G. Local Government Liability - Failure to Train (42 USC § 1983); H. Local Government Liability - Policy or Custom (42 USC § 1983); I. Ratification ;
J. Fraud Through Deceit ;
K. Fraud Through Concealment ;
L. Constructive Fraud ;
M. Breach of Contract (Oral or Written, Implied-In-Fact) ; N. Breach of the Covenant of Good Faith and Fair Dealing ; O. Inducing Breach of Contract ;
P. Intentional Interference With Contractual Relations ; Q. Intentional Interference With Prospective Economic Advantage ; R. Negligent Interference With Prospective Economic Advantage ; S. Defamation Per Se ;
T. False Light ; and
U. Intentional Infliction of Emotional Distress .

Sincerely,
Gilleon Law Firm, APC
Daniel M. Gilleon
72

Page 73 of 74 ends

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