AR 16 ATTACHMENT C - Reconnecting Communities 710 Advisory Group_2026_FINALv3 — Pasadena City Council, April 13, 2026 (part 2 of 2)

710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-4 C5651 Ozawa, et ux 3/6/1967 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 C5653 Pollak, et al 1/5/1968 Mary St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5654 Dagley, et al 12/7/1967 Mary St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5655 Rubalcava 3/13/1968 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5656 I.J.S. Caton 1/23/1968 Mary St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5657 Bishop, et al 3/26/1968 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5658 McAdam, et ux 10/6/1967 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5659 Stewart, et ux 6/25/1968 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5661 Corralez, et ux 2/28/1967 Mary St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5662 Dyo, et al 4/13/1967 Mary St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5663 Sunairi 2/14/1967
Vernon Ave. / Mary
St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5664 Ray 11/1/1968 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 C5665 Valenzuela, et ux 3/10/1967 Vernon Ave. Fee F-1214-4 C5666 Drake, Jr. et ux 5/1/1968 Walnut St. Fee F-1214-4 C5666-1 Drake, Jr. et ux Not listed Walnut St. Fee F-1214-4 C5667 L. LeMay, et ux 9/21/1967 Vernon Ave. Fee F-1214-4 C5668 Alleruzzo 2/14/1967 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 C5669 Fletcher, et ux 3/22/1967 Walnut St. Fee F-1214-4 C5670 Kelley, et ux 6/8/1967
Walnut St. / Vernon
Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 46792 Nishi 4/22/1968 Millard Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 46793 Whealan, et al 1/28/1970 Millard Ave. Cond.

F-1214-4 46794 Gillbert, et al 1/28/1971 Millard Ave. Fee F-1214-4 46795 Nickum 12/29/1967 Walnut St. Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-4 46796 Geiger, et ux 12/28/1967 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 46797 Byers 12/29/1967 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 46798 Garrison, et ux 5/7/1968 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 46799 Freeman, et ux 12/14/1967 Walnut St. Fee F-1214-4 144 C. McQuiston Leete 10/13/1950 Kensington Pl. Fee F-1214-4 154 City of Pasadena 10/16/1963 Holly St. Fee
F-1214-4 48335 Hollinger 3/23/1972 Millard Ave. Cond.

F-1214-4 48336 Carino 3/23/1972 Millard Ave. Cond.

F-1214-4 48337 Miller 12/16/1971 Millard Ave. Fee Cond.

F-1214-4 48338 Wright 3/19/1971 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 48339 White 6/9/1969 Walnut St. Fee
F-1214-4 49615 Solano 3/18/1971 Walnut St. Cond.

F-1214-4 49616 Thompson, et ux 3/3/1970 Millard Ave. Fee F-1214-4 49617 Salazar 6/25/1970 Millard Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 62298 Chavez 8/17/1970 Millard Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 62299 DeWilde 8/20/1970 Millard Ave. Fee
F-1214-4 DD46784 01-01 City of Pasadena 8/21/1975 Millard Ave. DD F-1214-4 REL. 901 City of Pasadena 6/2/1976 Walnut St. REL.

F-1214-6 41735 Doolittle 11/ 15/1968 Holly Street Fee
F-1214-6 41736 Johnson Motors Inc. 2/29/1968 Vernon Ave. Fee F-1214-6 41737 Tschumy, et. ux. 3/21/1968 Vernon Ave. Fee F-1214-6 41738 Saathoff 10/29/1968 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-6 41739 Schmidt 3/13/1968 Vernon Ave. 132 Vernon Fee F-1214-6 41740 Gutierrez, et. Ux. 9/21/1967 Vernon Ave. 140 Vernon Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-6 41741 Daniel, et. Ux. 9/1/1967 Vernon Ave. Fee F-1214-6 41742 Mears 3/25/1969 Mary Street Fee
F-1214-6 41743 Boda Co. 5/15/1968 Mary Street Fee
F-1214-6 41744 Buzek 3/25/1970 Holly Street 205 W. Holly Fee F-1214-6 41745 Monden 6/3/1968 Pasadena Blvd. Fee
F-1214-6 41746 Fleming 11/2/1967 Pasadena Blvd. Fee
F-1214-6 41747 United Cal. Bank 12/5/1967 Pasadena Blvd. Fee F-1214-6 41748 Nauls 8/17/1967 Pasadena Blvd. Fee
F-1214-6 41749 Butler 6/4/1970 Pasadena Blvd. Fee
F-1214-6 41750 Naungeyan, et. Ux. 9/14/1967 Mary Street Fee F-1214-6 41751 Skarie, et. Ux. 8/22/1967 Pasadena Blvd. Fee F-1214-6 41752 Arvizu 8/22/1967 Mary Street Fee
F-1214-6 41753 Sanders, et. Ux. 9/29/1966 Pasadena Blvd. Fee F-1214-6 41754 Gates 10/31/1967 Pasadena Blvd. Fee
F-1214-6 41755 Lee, et al 7/25/1968 Vernon Ave. 108 Vernon Ave. Fee F-1214-6 41756 Flanders 1/28/1969 Walnut Street Fee
F-1214-6 41758 Cimino, et. Al. 4/17/1968 Walnut Street Fee F-1214-6 41759 Fields, et. Ux. 10/6/1967 Mary Street Fee F-1214-6 41760 Clay 10/3/1967 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-6 41761 Cahn 1/3/1968 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-6 41762 Croan 3/24/1969 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-6 41763 Van Zandt 3/17/1969 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-6 41764 Barnewalt 11/8/1967 Vernon Ave. Fee
F-1214-6 41765 Reid 12/5/1967 Walnut Street Fee
F-1214-6 41696-6 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Mary Street Q.C.

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F-1214-7 41716 Ambassador College 5/29/1969 St. John Ave. Fee F-1214-7 41717 Jones Desert Stone 10/31/1969 Green St. 215 Green St. Fee F-1214-7 41718 Isadore Kaplan (Capitol Salvage) 6/1/1970 Green St. 201 Green St. Cond.

F-1214-7 41720 Tanaka 8/20/1969 Green St. Fee
F-1214-7 41721 Pomeroy, et ux 7/14/1970 Clay St. Fee
F-1214-7 41721-1 Pomeroy, et ux 7/14/1970 Clay St. Fee
F-1214-7 41722 Leishman 8/14/1970 Syndicate Alley Fee
F-1214-7 41723 Stasand, et ux 8/20/1968 Clay St. Fee
F-1214-7 41723-1 Stasand, et ux 8/20/1970 Colorado Blvd. Fee F-1214-7 41724 Cohn 9/2/1969 Clay St. Fee
F-1214-7 41725 Security First National Bank 11/18/1968 Colorado Blvd. Fee F-1214-7 41726 Fiore 2/19/1970 Colorado Blvd. Fee
F-1214-7 41728 Union Oil Co. 8/5/1969 Colorado Blvd. Fee F-1214-7 41730 Par. 1-2 Throop, et ux 12/17/1968 Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-7 41731 Mathewson 7/12/1969 Pasadena Ave. Fee
F-1214-7 41732 Ward 7/9/1968 Holly St. Fee
F-1214-7 41733 Par. 1-2 Throop, et. Al. 12/17/1968 Holly St. Fee F-1214-7 41734 Wilks 5/13/1971 Colorado Blvd. Cond.

F-1214-7 41696-2 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Clay St. Q.C.

F-1214-7 41696-3 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Syndicate Alley Q.C.

F-1214-7 41696-4 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Colorado Blvd. Q.C.

F-1214-7 41696-5 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Colorado Blvd. Q.C.

F-1214-7 49320-1 Carmelita Park Co. 4/6/1972 Holly St. Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-7 49320-2 Carmelita Park Co. 4/6/1972 Holly St. Eas F-1214-7 49320-3 Carmelita Park Co. 4/6/1972 Holly St. Temp Eas F-1214-7 49320-4 Carmelita Park Co. 4/6/1972 Holly St. Eas F-1214-7 DK49320-4 City of Pasadena 12/18/1975 St. John Ave. Q.C.

F-1214-7 REL 903 SEE MAP F1214-5
F-1214-8 60993 Texaco Inc. 2/ 3/1972 Colorado Blvd.

F-1214-8 60988-1 Gulf Oil Corp 7/29/1971 Green Street
F-1214-8 60988-2 Gulf Oil Corp 7/29/1971 Green Street
F-1214-8 00-060990-01-01 Street to Ambassador College 5/9/1973 Green Street F-1214-8 00-060988-01-01 Street to Ambassador College 5/23/1973 Green Street F-1214-8 REL. 901 City of Pasadena 6/2/1976 Colorado Blvd.

F-1214-8 REL.903 See Map F-1214-5
F-1214-9 41710 Gottfeld, et. Ux. 6/15/1966 Grove St. Fee F-1214-9 41711 W. H. Bell 1/13/1972 Grove St. Cond.

F-1214-9 41712 El Rancho Mkts. 1/3/1969 Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-9 41713 Orban Lumber Co. 9/15/1969 Pasadena Ave. 77 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-9 41714 Orban 9/15/1969 Pasadena Ave. Fee
F-1214-9 41715 College (Ambassador) 5/29/1969 Green St. Fee F-1214-9 47209 Collins 2/16/1970 Grove St. Cond.

F-1214-9 41707 Dugan, et. Ux. 5/2/1969 Grove St. 237 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-9 41708
Gerhart, Inc. (Gerhart Ray Inc. Bldg
Contrs) 11/12/1968 Grove St. 231 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee
F-1214-9 41709 Mayweather 4/24/1969 Grove St. 213 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-9 41694 Ambassador College 7/3/1967 Del Mar Blvd. Fee F-1214-9 41696 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Grove St. Q.C.

F-1214-9 41696-1 L.A. & S.L. R.R. Co. 12/15/1969 Vernon Ave. Q.C.

F-1214-9 41697 Hovsepian 9/20/1971 Del Mar Blvd. Fee
F-1214-9 41698 Dakon-Adams Co. 6/3/1966 Grove St. Fee
F-1214-9 41699 De Roussell 1/31/1966 Grove St. Fee
F-1214-9 41700 Echols 10/3/1968 Del Mar Blvd. 203 W. Del Mar Blvd. Fee F-1214-9 41701 Allen 8/26/1968 Del Mar Blvd. Fee
F-1214-9 41702 Oki 2/20/1969 Pasadena Ave. 267 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-9 41703 Hernandez 11/22/1968 Pasadena Ave. 251 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-9 41704 Hammond, et. Ux. 8/6/1968 Pasadena Ave. 249 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-9 41705 De Anda 7/16/1968 Pasadena Ave. Fee
F-1214-9 41706 Smith, et. Ux. 4/1/1968 Grove St. Fee
F-1214-14 45903 L.A. & S.L. Railway Co. 12/15/1969 Waverly Dr. Q.C.

F-1214-14 45903-1 L.A. & S.L. Railway Co. 12/15/1969 Waverly Dr. Q.C.

F-1214-14 46812-1
W. Buford Rayle, Braden's California
Products 5/18/1970 Pasadena Ave. 315 S. Pasadena Ave. Fee F-1214-14 46813-1
W. Buford Rayle, Braden's California
Products 6/22/1970 Pasadena Ave. 315 S. Pasadena Ave. F ee F-1214-14 46814-1
W. Buford Rayle, Braden's California
Products 9/8/1970 Pasadena Ave. 315 S. Pasadena Ave. F ee F-1214-14 46815-1 Williams, 7/22/1970 Del Mar Blvd. Fee F-1214-14 46816 Orban Lumber Co. 10/22/1969 Del Mar Blvd. Fee F-1214-14 46817 Arbuckle, 4/29/1969 Waverly Dr. 231 Waverly Dr. Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-14 46818 Jackson, 7/17/1968 Waverly Dr. Fee
F-1214-14 46819 Ambassador College 5/17/1968 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46820 Bailey, et. Ux. 5/20/1968 Waverly Dr. 255 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46821 Vroman, Incorp. 12/24/1968 Waverly Dr. 186 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46822-1 Parril, 3/18/1969 Bellevue Dr. Fee
F-1214-14 46823 Fellows, et. Al. 8/13/1968 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46824-1 Berber, et. Ux. 8/6/1969 Havendale Dr. 376 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46825-1 Smith. 9/16/1968 Havendale Dr. 386 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46826-1 Sakahara, et. Ux. 11/12/1968 Havendale Dr. 400 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46827-1 Kawashima, et. Ux. 10/3/1968 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46828-1 Burgess 7/23/1968 Bellevue Dr. Fee
F-1214-14 46829 Snook, et. Ux. 8/7/1968 Bellevue Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46830 Fellows, Jr. 12/12/1968 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46831-1 Padua, et. Ux. 7/20/1968 Havendale Dr. 268 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46832-1 Alvarez, et. Ux. 4/28/1970 Havendale Dr. 375 Havendale Dr. Cond.

F-1214-14 46833-1 Cole, et. Ux. 7/12/1968 Havendale Dr. 385 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46834-1 Nakahiro, et. Ux. 7/15/1968 Havendale Dr. 405 Havendale Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46835 Hinckley, 8/14/1968 Bellevue Dr. 255 Bellevue Dr. Fee F-1214-14 46849-1 City of Pasadena 11/26/1969 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 49321-1 Ambassador College Del Mar Blvd. Fee
F-1214-14 49321-2 Ambassador College Del Mar Blvd. Temp. Eas.

F-1214-14 49322 Magee, 6/23/1970 Waverly Dr. 265 Waverly Dr. Fee F-1214-14 49323 Williamson Waverly Dr. 288 Waverly Dr. Temp. Eas.

F-1214-14 49324-1 Kawashima, Frontage Rd. Fee
F-1214-14 49324-2 Kawashima, Frontage Rd. Temp. Eas.

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F-1214-14 49326-1 Suzuki Gordon Terr. 406 Gordon Terr. Fee F-1214-14 49326-2 Suzuki Gordon Terr. 406 Gordon Terr. Temp. Eas.

F-1214-14 49327 McMahon 5/12/1969 Bellevue Dr. Fee
F-1214-14 49321-3 Ambassador College Waverly Dr. Temp. Eas.

F-1214-14 60984-1 Ambassador College 7/19/1970 Del Mar Blvd. Fee F-1214-14 60984-2 Ambassador College Del Mar Blvd. Temp. Eas.

F-1214-14 DD 49327-01-01 AL TAMIMI 12/2/1974 Gordon Terr. D.D.

F-1214-14 DD 46832-01-01 KAWASHIMA 8/5/1975 Gordon Terr. 376 Gordon Terr. D.D.

F-1214-15 43402 C. MAITLAND et. Al. 5/28/1968 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 45903-2 L.A. & S.L. Railway Co. 12/15/1969 Bellevue Dr. Q.C.

F-1214-15 46836 Bennett, et. Ux. 2/20/1969 Bellevue Dr. 220 Bellevue Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46837 Brown, 8/23/1968 Palmetto Dr. 237 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46838 Carmack, et. Ux. 9/20/1968 Bellevue Dr. 250 Bellevue Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46839 Lauderdal, et. Ux. 2/17/1969 Palmetto Dr. 253 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46840 Wood, et. Ux. 7/9/1968 Palmetto Dr. 194 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46841 Gearhart 4/7/1969 Palmetto Dr. 206 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46842 Haskin 5/20/1968 Palmetto Dr. 216 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46843 Neighborhood Church of Pasadena 7/28/1969 Pasadena Blvd. 535 S. Pasadena Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46844 Singer Park Bldg. Cor. 2/4/1969 California Blvd. 225 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46845 Mitsumori, et. Ux. 1/2/1969 Palmetto Dr. 230 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 46847 Shelton, et. Ux. 8/29/1968 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 47380 C. Maitland 5/28/1968 Bellevue Dr. Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-15 49328 Pickeli, et. Ux. 12/22/1969 Bellevue Dr. Fee F-1214-15 49329 McCoy 12/17/1970 Palmetto Dr. 269 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 49330-1 Bartle California Blvd. Fee
F-1214-15 49330-2 Bartle California Blvd. Temp. Ease.

F-1214-15 46848 Hines, et. Ux. 4/1/1970 California Blvd. 260 Palmetto Dr. Fee F-1214-15 49505 McInerny Bellevue Dr. Ease.

F-1214-15 49506 Neil Palmetto Dr. 275 Palmetto Dr. Ease.

F-1214-15 49507 Jervey Palmetto Dr. 285 Palmetto Dr. Ease.

F-1214-15 49508 Riddell Palmetto Dr. 274 Palmetto Dr. Ease.

F-1214-15 46846-1 M. Alfers, et. Ux. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-2 R. La Rue 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-3 D. Wall 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-4 W. Bauer, et. Ux. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-5 R. Tabor 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-6 M. Colton, et. Ux. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-7 W. Gilmour 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-8 E. Vaupel 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-9 B. Birdsall, et. Ux. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-10 T. Mathews, et. Ux. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-11 M. Bishop, et. Al. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-12 A. Dettre 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 46846-13 D. Edward, et. Al. 10/18/1968 California Blvd. 245 W. California Blvd. Fee F-1214-15 60884 Keith Palmetto Dr. 284 Palmetto Dr. Ease.

F-1214-15 68923 G. Westin California Blvd. Fee
F-1214-15 68924 M. Worthington California Blvd. Fee

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710 Study Area Property Owners Source: Division of Highways Right-of-Way Maps Map No. Parcel No. Grantor/Grantee Recording Date Street Street Address Purchase Type F-1214-15 68942 F. Graff California Blvd. Fee
F-1214-15 D-46848 State to M.S. Keith 3/23/1973 Palmetto Dr. 245 W. Palmetto Dr. D.D.

F-1214-15 D-49328 McInerny 3/27/1974 Bellevue Dr. 245 W. Bellevue Dr. D.D.

F1534-5 68919-1 Stevens Not listed Bellefontaine St. Not listed F1534-5 68920-1 Simpson Not listed Bellefontaine St. Not listed F1534-5 68920-2 Simpson Not listed Bellefontaine St. Not listed F1534-5 68800-1 Braune Not listed Bellefontaine St. 156 Bellefontaine St. Not listed F1534-5 68800-2 Braune Not listed Bellefontaine St. Temp. Gr. Ease.

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Historic Report on the 710 Displacement, Task I

ARCHITECTURAL RESOURCES GROUP

Appendix C: City of Pasadena City Directory Listings, 1966-1968

710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 1 Bellefontaine St. 156 Yamato Chiyo Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory Oral histories have revealed that these residents were displaced due to construction related to Huntington Hospital, even though they are in the relinquishment area
2 Bellefontaine St. 172 Slack A. Bruce Residential 1968 City Directory 3 Bellefontaine St. 182 Guerrero Carlos M. Residential 1968 City Directory 4 Bellefontaine St. 196 Yovanovich Allan J. Residential 1967 City Directory 5 Bellefontaine St. 234 Burnham John R. Residential 1968 City Directory 6 Grove St. 205 Peerless Sheet Metal Works Commercial 1968 City Directory 7 Grove St. 210 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 8 Grove St. 212 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 9 Grove St. 214 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 10 Grove St. 221 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 11 Grove St. 254 Not Listed Not Listed Vacant/Unknown Sanborn 12 Grove St. 204 Echols Carl L. Residential 1968 City Directory 13 Grove St. 204 1/2 Johnson Ida Residential 1968 City Directory 14 Grove St. 206 Lewis Delton Residential 1968 City Directory 15 Grove St. 208 Roussell William Residential 1966 City Directory 16 Grove St. 210 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 17 Grove St. 221 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 18 Havendale Dr. 375 Alvarez Felix J. Residential 1968 City Directory 19 Havendale Dr. 376 Berber Jack Residential 1968 City Directory 20 Havendale Dr. 385 Cole Gordon Residential 1968 City Directory 21 Havendale Dr. 386 Smith Rose M. Residential 1968 City Directory 22 Havendale Dr. 400 Sakahara Henry H. Residential 1968 City Directory 23 Havendale Dr. 405 Nakahiro Toshio Residential 1968 City Directory 24 Havendale Dr. 410 Kane John A. Residential 1968 City Directory 25 Havendale Dr. 420 Snook James E. Residential 1968 City Directory 26 N. Pasadena Ave. 47 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 27 N. Pasadena Ave. 49 Michaels Ola Residential 1966 City Directory 28 N. Pasadena Ave. 51 Morris Sadie Residential 1966 City Directory 29 N. Pasadena Ave. 55 Geo L. Throop Company Yard Commercial 1968 City Directory 30 N. Pasadena Ave. 71 Bill's Beech Inn Tavern Commercial 1968 City Directory 31 N. Vernon Ave 172 Wallace LR Co Roller & Conveyor Vacant Commercial 1966 City Directory 32 N. Vernon Ave 186 Croan Engineering Co. Plastic Mfg Commercial 1968 City Directory 33 N. Vernon Ave 198 Northside Metal Products, Screw Machine Products Commercial 1968 City Directory 34 N. Vernon Ave 200 Evans Ethel Residential 1968 City Directory 35 N. Vernon Ave 214 Vaughn Ed Jr. Residential 1968 City Directory 36 N. Vernon Ave 250 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 37 N. Vernon Ave 258 Allen Emmanuel B. Residential 1968 City Directory 38 N. Vernon Ave 260 Wright Estelle L. Mrs. Residential 1967 City Directory 39 N. Vernon Ave 266 Wright Estelle Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory

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710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 40 N. Vernon Ave 273 Wilson Lucille Residential 1968 City Directory 41 N. Vernon Ave 273 Williams Joan Residential 1968 City Directory 42 N. Vernon Ave 274 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1968 City Directory 43 N. Vernon Ave 276 Woods Henrietta Residential 1967 City Directory 44 N. Vernon Ave. 148 Obazawa Hoshitane Residential 1968 City Directory 45 Palmetto Dr. 194 Wood John E. Jr. Residential 1968 City Directory 46 Palmetto Dr. 196 McMullen David Residential 1968 City Directory 47 Palmetto Dr. 206 Gearhart Edna Residential 1968 City Directory 48 Palmetto Dr. 215 Vacant Residential 1966 City Directory 49 Palmetto Dr. 216 Haskin John M. Residential 1968 City Directory 50 Palmetto Dr. 230 Mitsumori John M. Residential 1968 City Directory 51 Palmetto Dr. 237 Brown Barbara M. Residential 1968 City Directory 52 Palmetto Dr. 244 Gray Robert L. Residential 1968 City Directory 53 Palmetto Dr. 253 Lauderdale Robert V. Residential 1968 City Directory 54 Palmetto Dr. 260 Hines Wilson S. Residential 1968 City Directory 55 S. Pasadena Ave. 29 Kunelogic Coprp. MFG Magnetic Tape Recorders Commercial 1968 City Directory 56 S. Pasadena Ave. 33 Birnie F.W. Co. Inc. Auto Parts Commercial 1968 City Directory 57 S. Pasadena Ave. 55 Dud's Auto Service Repair Commercial 1968 City Directory 58 S. Pasadena Ave. 77 Orban Lumber Co. Industrial 1968 City Directory 59 S. Pasadena Ave. 205 Epoxycon MFG Chemicals Industrial 1968 City Directory 60 S. Pasadena Ave. 213 Mayweather Arthur Residential 1968 City Directory 61 S. Pasadena Ave. 231 Gerhart Ray Inc. Building Contractors Commercial 1968 City Directory 62 S. Pasadena Ave. 235 Humpries Brinkie C. Residential 1963 City Directory 63 S. Pasadena Ave. 237 Dugan Robert Residential 1968 City Directory 64 S. Pasadena Ave. 241 Casteneda Tomasa G. Residential 1968 City Directory 65 S. Pasadena Ave. 249 Hammond Charlie A. Residential 1968 City Directory 66 S. Pasadena Ave. 249 1/2 Sims Ethel Residential 1968 City Directory 67 S. Pasadena Ave. 251 Hernandez Albert S. Residential 1968 City Directory 68 S. Pasadena Ave. 267 Miyo Oki Residential 1968 City Directory 69 S. Pasadena Ave. 275 The Green Buck Restaurant Commercial 1968 City Directory 70 S. Pasadena Ave. 299 Cooper Rufus Residential 1963 City Directory 71 S. Pasadena Ave. 315 Braden's California Products Commercial 1968 City Directory 72 S. Pasadena Ave. 335 Litho Chemical & Supply Co. Commercial 1968 City Directory 73 S. Pasadena Ave. 367 Vroman's California School Book Depository Commercial 1968 City Directory 74 S. Pasadena Ave. 421 Current Control Devices Commercial 1968 City Directory 75 S. Pasadena Ave. 535 Neighborhood Church of Pasadena/Sugar Tree Nursery School Institutional 1968 City Directory 76 S. Pasadena Ave. 551 Young Fred Residential 1968 City Directory 77 S. Pasadena Ave. 866 Luttrell Lena M. Residential 1968 City Directory 78 S. Vernon Ave 30 Peter Satori Coach Works Commercial 1966 City Directory 79 S. Vernon Ave 120 Union Pacific Railroad freight station Commercial 1967 City Directory 80 S. Vernon Ave 254 Lewis Anna Residential 1960 City Directory

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710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 81 S. Vernon Ave 260 Imperial Schools Institutional 1967 City Directory 82 S. Vernon Ave 266 Corbin Beatrice Residential 1960 City Directory 83 S. Vernon Ave 268 Johnson Charles Residential 1960 City Directory 84 S. Vernon Ave 272 Winbush Vera Residential 1960 City Directory 85 S. Vernon Ave 282 Not Listed Not Listed Vacant/Unknown Sanborn 86 W. Bellevue Dr. 215 Henderson Countess Residential 1968 City Directory 87 W. Bellevue Dr. 220 Bennett Paul (int. designer) Residential 1968 City Directory 88 W. Bellevue Dr. 250 Carmak James A. Residential 1968 City Directory 89 W. California Blvd. 215 Neighborhood House Parish Hall Institutional 1968 City Directory 90 W. California Blvd. 225A Boren Jack S. Residential 1968 City Directory Singer Park Apartments; single apartment building with 225-227 91 W. California Blvd. 225B Cristy Sumner L.. Residential 1968 City Directory 92 W. California Blvd. 225C Gross Katherine Residential 1968 City Directory 93 W. California Blvd. 225D Goodchild John Residential 1968 City Directory Singer Park Apartments; single apartment building with 225-227 94 W. California Blvd. 227A Bartow Benjamin F. Residential 1968 City Directory Singer Park Apartments; single apartment building with 225-227 95 W. California Blvd. 227B Hall William Residential 1968 City Directory 96 W. California Blvd. 229A Ruger D. Residential 1968 City Directory Single apartment building with 229-231-233 97 W. California Blvd. 229B Drachman Helene S. Residential 1968 City Directory 98 W. California Blvd. 229C Mercer Lura A. Residential 1968 City Directory 99 W. California Blvd. 229D Vacant Vacant Residential 1966 City Directory 100 W. California Blvd. 231 Klapper Ivis M.V. Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory Single apartment building with 229-231-233 101 W. California Blvd. 233 Hoesley R.F. Residential 1968 City Directory Single apartment building with 229-231-233 102 W. California Blvd. 245-1 Smith George Residential 1968 City Directory 103 W. California Blvd. 245-2 La Rue Roberta Residential 1968 City Directory 104 W. California Blvd. 245-3 Wall David A. Residential 1968 City Directory 105 W. California Blvd. 245-4 Bauer William F. Residential 1968 City Directory 106 W. California Blvd. 245-5 Tabor Henry W. Residential 1968 City Directory 107 W. California Blvd. 245-6 Bornes J.W. Residential 1968 City Directory 108 W. California Blvd. 245-7 Bracken Glenda Residential 1968 City Directory 109 W. California Blvd. 245-8 Vaupel Edith M. Residential 1968 City Directory 110 W. California Blvd. 245-9 Birsdall Bergen Rev. Residential 1968 City Directory 111 W. California Blvd. 245-10 Mathews Thomas E. Residential 1968 City Directory 112 W. California Blvd. 245-11 No return No return Residential 1968 City Directory 113 W. California Blvd. 245-12 Bishop Maitland L. Residential 1968 City Directory 114 W. California Blvd. 245-13 Not Listed Not Listed Residential 1968 City Directory 115 W. California Blvd. 245-14 Dettre Adeline Residential 1968 City Directory 116 W. California Blvd. 245-15 Edwards Doris Residential 1968 City Directory 117 W. California Blvd. 257 Herzig Nettie Residential 1968 City Directory 118 W. Clay St. 211 Pasadena Brake Bond Co. Inc. Commercial 1968 City Directory

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710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 119 W. Clay St. 211 Reconditioned Brake Shoes Commercial 1968 City Directory 120 W. Clay St. 235 Ambassador College Building and Grounds Department Institutional 1968 City Directory 121 W. Colorado Blvd. 200 German Cars Sales and Service/Car Dealership New Commercial 1968 City Directory 122 W. Colorado Blvd. 205 Union Pacific Railroad Company ticket office Commercial 1968 City Directory 123 W. Colorado Blvd. 212 King-Sport Line Co Sporting Goods Mfg Commercial 1966 City Directory 124 W. Colorado Blvd. 238 Aero Mayflower Transit Company, Orth Mayflower Van and Storage Commercial 1968 City Directory 125 W. Colorado Blvd. 244 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 126 W. Colorado Blvd. 245 Jack Wall Chevrolet Auto Dealership Commercial 1968 City Directory 127 W. Colorado Blvd. 246 Bill's Coffee Shop and Restaurant Commercial 1966 City Directory 128 W. Colorado Blvd. 254 Thale Engineering Corp Auto Air Conditioning Commercial 1968 City Directory 129 W. Del Mar Blvd. 203 Echols Carl L. Residential 1968 City Directory 130 W. Del Mar Blvd. 210 King Sport-Line Co. Commercial 1968 City Directory 131 W. Del Mar Blvd. 219 Ambassador College Circulation Annex Institutional 1968 City Directory 132 W. Del Mar Blvd. 244 Martinez Amelia Residential 1968 City Directory 133 W. Del Mar Blvd. 280 Imperial School Institutional 1966 City Directory 134 W. Del Mar Blvd. 281 Student Dormitory Institutional 1966 City Directory 135 W. Del Mar Blvd. 283 Under Construction Institutional 1966 City Directory 136 W. Del Mar Blvd. 300 Tilton Georgia A. Residential 1968 City Directory 137 W. Del Mar Blvd. 320 Rothe Louis G. Residential 1968 City Directory 138 W. Green St. 181 Pasagreen Body & Fender Shop Commercial 1968 City Directory 139 W. Green St. 201 Capitol Salvage Co Commercial 1968 City Directory 140 W. Green St. 215 H.A. Jones Desert Stone Commercial 1968 City Directory 141 Waverly Dr. 186 Vroman's (A C Inc) (retail purchasing office) Commercial 1967 City Directory 142 Waverly Dr. 194 Lyons & Carnahan Publishers Commercial 1968 City Directory 143 Waverly Dr. 231 Arbuckle Eliz Residential 1968 City Directory 144 Waverly Dr. 237 Phillips Thelma Residential 1968 City Directory 145 Waverly Dr. 238 Friedman Raymond Residential 1968 City Directory 146 Waverly Dr. 255 Bailey Harrison Residential 1967 City Directory 147 N Pasadena Ave. 55 Throop Geo L Co (Yard) Commercial 1968 City Directory 148 N Pasadena Ave. 71 Bill's Beech Inn Tavern Commercial 1968 City Directory 149 N Pasadena Ave. 109 Clark Anita M Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory 150 N Pasadena Ave. 109 1/2 Zackerman Laureen Residential 1968 City Directory 151 N Pasadena Ave. 111 Hinojos Antonia Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory 152 N Pasadena Ave. 119 Tanaka Kinai Residential 1966 City Directory 153 N Pasadena Ave. 125 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1967 City Directory 154 N Pasadena Ave. 133 Johnson Tank & Tower (WHSE Metal Division) Commercial 1967 City Directory 155 N Pasadena Ave. 143 Williams Alice Residential 1967 City Directory 156 N Pasadena Ave. 145 Vacant Vacant Vacant/Unknown 1966 City Directory 157 N Pasadena Ave. 151 Nobco MFG Metal Parts Commercial 1966 City Directory 158 N Pasadena Ave. 165 Escobedo Frank Residential 1967 City Directory 159 N Pasadena Ave. 171 Skarie Louis L Residential 1967 City Directory

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710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 160 N Pasadena Ave. 183 The Allen Company - Kitchens Custom Made Commercial 1966 City Directory 161 N Pasadena Ave. 191 Anderson's Chet Furn Repair / Anderson Chet C Cabt Mkr Commerical 1967 City Directory 162 N Pasadena Ave. 193-1 MC Nish Jane L Residential 1967 City Directory 163 N Pasadena Ave. 193-2 No Return Vacant/Unknown 1967 City Directory 164 N Pasadena Ave. 193-3 Wagner Hedwig Residential 1967 City Directory 165 N Pasadena Ave. 193-4 Gasonkos Frank Residential 1967 City Directory 166 N Pasadena Ave. 193-5 Chattman David Residential 1967 City Directory 167 N Pasadena Ave. 193-6 Valdovinos Jesus Residential 1967 City Directory 168 W. Holly St. 200 Ward Service Auto Repair Commercial 1968 City Directory 169 W. Holly St. 204 Throop Geo L Co Bldg Sup Industrial 1968 City Directory 170 W. Holly St. 205 Buzek
Matilda G Mrs.

Clarence M Piano
Teacher Residential 1968 City Directory
171 W. Holly St. 217
Davis Cabinet Co, Cave's Plywood Service, Pasadena Brick & Tile Co., Crown City Paving Co. Industrial 1968 City Directory 172 W. Holly St. 223 Foothill Home Service Electric Appliances Commercial 1968 City Directory 173 W. Holly St. 309-1 Talbot Bob Residential 1967 City Directory 174 W. Holly St. 309-2 Teller Don Residential 1967 City Directory 175 W. Holly St. 309-3 Lewis Ernest Residential 1967 City Directory 176 W. Holly St. 309-4 Talbot Jr Robrt Residential 1966 City Directory 177 W. Holly St. 309-5 Villalobos James Residential 1967 City Directory 178 W. Holly St. 309-6 Young Jessie Residential 1966 City Directory 179 W. Holly St. 309-7 Lau H H Residential 1967 City Directory 180 W. Holly St. 309-8 Garcia James Residential 1966 City Directory 181 Mary St. 195 Naungavan Dimas R Residential 1967 City Directory 182 Mary St. 201 Arvizu Mary Residential 1967 City Directory 183 Mary St. 212 Bada Company Metal Products Industrial 1963 City Directory Listed under 210 Mary Street 184 Mary St. 249 Roselawn (or Roselane) Pottery Commercial 1967 City Directory 185 Mary St. 250 Jimmy's Lawnmower Shop Commercial 1968 City Directory 186 Mary St. 253 Clay Eug Painter Contractor Commercial 1967 City Directory 187 Mary St. 283 Gonzalez Javier Residential 1967 City Directory 188 Mary St. 285 Gonzalez Manuel Residential 1967 City Directory 189 Mary St. 285 1/2 Yamaguchi I. Iwazo Residential 1967 City Directory 190 Mary St. 291 De La Vega Bernandino Residential 1967 City Directory 191 Mary St. 293 Mercado Lupe Residential 1967 City Directory 192 Mary St. 301 Orth's Mayflower Van & Storage. Commercial 1968 City Directory 193 Mary St. 312 Amado Amparo Residential 1967 City Directory 194 Mary St. 320 Love Maggie M. Residential 1963 City Directory 195 Mary St. 336 Brown Earl Residential 1967 City Directory 196 Mary St. 339 Walker Wm Residential 1967 City Directory 197 Mary St. 342 Kidd Tessie Residential 1967 City Directory

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710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 198 Kensington Pl. 305 Pasadena Union Presbyterian Church Institutional 1968 City Directory 199 Kensington Pl. 311 Yamaoka Masawo Residential 1967 City Directory 200 Kensington Pl. 319 Patton Eug S. Residential 1968 City Directory 201 Kensington Pl. 327 Ralston Tracy T. Residential 1967 City Directory 202 Kensington Pl. 329 Daily Mrs. Theresa E. Residential 1967 City Directory 203 Kensington Pl. 335 Clark Earl Residential 1967 City Directory 204 Kensington Pl. 345 Busch Corita Residential 1966 City Directory 205 Kensington Pl. 296 Inouye James K. Residential 1968 City Directory 206 Kensington Pl. 304 Huber Helene T. Residential 1967 City Directory 207 Kensington Pl. 316 Yamashita James E. Residential 1968 City Directory 208 Kensington Pl. 322 Kodama Takao Residential 1967 City Directory 209 Kensington Pl. 342 Nakamura Richard T. Residential 1967 City Directory 210 N Vernon Ave. 105 Williams EDW P Residential 1967 City Directory 211 N Vernon Ave. 117 First African American Methodist Episcopal Church Institutional 1968 City Directory 212 N Vernon Ave. 108 Lee Evelyn Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory 213 N Vernon Ave. 116 Cal-Swiss MFG Co Inc Precision Instruments Commercial 1968 City Directory 214 N Vernon Ave. 124 Wm A Saathoff Real Estate Commercial 1966 City Directory 215 N Vernon Ave. 132 Schmidt Petra R Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory 216 N Vernon Ave. 140 Gutierrez Trinidad G Residential 1968 City Directory 217 N Vernon Ave. 148 Obazawa Hoshitane Residential 1968 City Directory 218 N Vernon Ave. 172 Wallace L R Co Roller & Conveyor MFR Industrial 1967 City Directory 219 N Vernon Ave. 186 Croan Engineering Co. Plastic Mfg Industrial 1968 City Directory 220 N Vernon Ave. 198 Northside Metal Products, Screw Machine Products Industrial 1968 City Directory 221 N Vernon Ave. 200 Evans Ethel Mrs Residential 1968 City Directory 222 N Vernon Ave. 214 Vaughn Ed Jr. Residential 1968 City Directory 223 N Vernon Ave. 145 Ozawa Harris H. Residential 1967 City Directory 224 N Vernon Ave. 153 No return Vacant/Unknown 1967 City Directory 225 N Vernon Ave. 163 Sunairi Shigeru Residential 1967 City Directory 226 N Vernon Ave. 175 Ray Fitting & Bolt Co. Commercial 1968 City Directory 227 N Vernon Ave. 189 Valenzuela Rudolph L. Residential 1967 City Directory 228 N Vernon Ave. 195 Cooley Jessie Residential 1967 City Directory 229 N Vernon Ave. 217 -1 Dashniell Dorothy Residential 1966 City Directory 230 N Vernon Ave. 217 -2 Chavez Lorenza Residential 1967 City Directory 231 N Vernon Ave. 217 -3 Fox Richard Residential 1967 City Directory 232 N Vernon Ave. 217 -4 Emerson Raymond Residential 1967 City Directory 233 N Vernon Ave. 217 -5 Emerson Raymond Residential 1967 City Directory 234 N Vernon Ave. 217 -6 Dashiell Dorothy J. Residential 1967 City Directory 235 N Vernon Ave. 217 -7 Vacant Vacant Residential 1966 City Directory 236 N Vernon Ave. 217 -8 Solario Peter R. Residential 1968 City Directory 237 N Vernon Ave. 217 -9 Vacant Vacant Residential 1966 City Directory 238 N Vernon Ave. 217 -10 Vacant Vacant Residential 1966 City Directory

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710 Study Area Resident, Business, and Institutions List Source: 1966-1968 Pasadena City Directory Listings No. Street Number Last Name/Business or Institution Name First Name Building Type Source Notes 239 W. Walnut St. 209 Hendricks Mary Mrs. Residential 1967 City Directory 240 W. Walnut St. 210 Pitts Willie Residential 1967 City Directory 241 W. Walnut St. 211 Sanders Veisie L Residential 1968 City Directory 242 W. Walnut St. 215 Lawler Marie C Mrs. Residential 1968 City Directory 243 W. Walnut St. 231 Huerta Joseph Residential 1968 City Directory 244 W. Walnut St. 231 1/2 Huerta Manuel Residential 1968 City Directory 245 W. Walnut St. 240 Roberts Wilfred Residential 1968 City Directory 246 W. Walnut St. 250 Bailey Aurelius Residential 1968 City Directory 247 W. Walnut St. 254 Golden Market Grocery Commercial 1967 City Directory 248 W. Walnut St. 270 Big-O Liquors Commercial 1968 City Directory 249 W. Walnut St. 282 Sanchez Mrs. Louise Residential 1967 City Directory 250 W. Walnut St. 288 Laurent Mercy Residential 1964 City Directory 251 W. Walnut St. 318 Lee's Welding Store Commercial 1968 City Directory 252 W. Walnut St. 326 Martin Louis Residential 1968 City Directory 253 W. Walnut St. 340 Bishop John D. Residential 1967 City Directory

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Historic Report on the 710 Displacement, Task I

ARCHITECTURAL RESOURCES GROUP

Appendix D: Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps

710 RECONNECTING COMMUNITIES

ORAL HISTORY REPORT
March 26, 2025, Revised

2 3

https://vimeo.com/985253951

4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:

IMPACT OF SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION
Allegra Consul�ng was engaged to document the experiences of residents, businesses, and ins�tu�ons displaced or impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on during the late 1960s and 1970s. Through interviews, stories, and both qualita�ve and quan�ta�ve data, we gathered insights into the eﬀects of this major infrastructure project and the resul�ng displacement that began more than 60 years ago.

OUTREACH AND METHODOLOGY:

Allegra’s outreach, conducted from April to July 2024, focused on engaging displaced residents, their descendants, and individuals with deep historical knowledge of Pasadena. A number of the original displaced residents have passed away, requiring us to ﬁnd and connect with their families. We captured video interviews and collaborated with community stakeholders, historical churches, and organiza�ons to iden�fy those aﬀected. Notably, the family history of many of the displaced residents in Pasadena traces back to the late 1800s, shortly a�er the City of Pasadena's founding.

FINDINGS:

Displacement due to the SR 710 freeway construc�on most notably aﬀected communi�es of color, including African American, La�no, and Japanese American families, disrup�ng the lives of homeowners, renters, businesses, and ins�tu�ons. Allegra’s team gathered informa�on from those impacted by both the SR 710 Relinquishment Area—known as “the stub” or “the ditch”—and the broader SR 710 freeway construc�on area, which extended beyond the relinquishment zone into surrounding neighborhoods.

While a number of homes acquired by Caltrans remain standing and are in various states of repair, interviewees shared experiences of enduring noise, pollu�on, and traﬃc conges�on due to the uncompleted major infrastructure project. Interviewees also expressed confusion between the SR 710 and I-210 freeway projects, as both intersected and caused displacement during the same era. The SR 710 freeway construc�on devastated a vibrant community, displacing a thriving area where people of color lived, worked, and gathered—a place they called home.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

Understanding the displacement requires considering the broader historical context of Pasadena and Los Angeles County during the 1960s and 1970s. The SR 710 freeway construc�on, part of a wave of na�onal infrastructure developments, exposed and exacerbated systema�c racism in urban planning. The era saw signiﬁcant social, economic, and cultural shi�s, which deeply impacted communi�es of color. Discriminatory prac�ces, such as racial covenants, con�nued to restrict housing op�ons for displaced families, forcing some to relocate outside Pasadena. This o�en led to the erosion of genera�onal wealth as these families struggled to atain homeownership in an extremely biased real estate market.

KEY CONTRIBUTIONS:

1. Lived Experiences:

Captures ﬁrsthand accounts of displacement and its emo�onal impact.

5 2. Systemic Challenges:

Highlights the impact of redlining, segrega�on, and economic barriers in Pasadena.

3. Resilience:

Highlights the adaptability of communi�es facing systemic injus�ce.

4. Urban Planning Lessons:

Provides insights for more equitable future development.

KEY METRICS:
• Displacement Data: 159 contacts/survey respondents, 49 displaced residents, and 42 displaced businesses. • Interviews, Media & Stories: 32 interviews, 14 videos produced. • Media Reach: Over 1.1 million digital impressions, 360,000 transit views, and 1.5 million bus shelter views.

OBSERVATIONS:

The report uncovers a range of emo�ons, from anger over systemic racism, lack of trust in government leadership, and lost genera�onal wealth to resilience and adapta�on. It serves as a tool for acknowledging past injus�ces and guiding future equitable development in Pasadena.

In presen�ng this report, Allegra Consul�ng remains neutral and unbiased, documen�ng the social, economic, and emo�onal impacts of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on Pasadena’s communi�es. The ﬁndings, derived from one-on-one interviews, group interviews, and over 100 responses, underscore themes of systema�c racism, redlining, racial segrega�on, economic barriers, environmental harm, and the resilience of those displaced. These insights oﬀer valuable lessons for shaping more inclusive urban planning prac�ces.

6 Ple

7 WHY ORAL HISTORY MATTERS:

Oral history plays a vital role in preserving the rich tapestry of human experience by capturing personal stories and voices o�en overlooked in tradi�onal historical records. It provides a pla�orm for individuals and communi�es to share their experiences, adding depth and nuance to our understanding of the past. By documen�ng these ﬁrsthand accounts, oral history builds bridges between writen sources and enriches the historical narra�ve, ensuring a more comprehensive and accurate depic�on of events.

Through the SR 710 Reconnec�ng Communi�es
Oral History Project, Allegra Consul�ng aims to
advance historical knowledge about displaced
and impacted individuals, businesses, churches,
and group experiences related to the SR 710
freeway construc�on project in Pasadena. This
project places these stories within Pasadena's
history and a broader regional and na�onal
historical context. Addi�onally, we will present
an analysis of the qualita�ve feedback collected,
highligh�ng common themes related to
displacement, including community impact and
socioeconomic drivers.

These include the economic and health impacts of the SR 710 freeway construc�on, housing and social jus�ce issues, civil rights, and social changes occurring in Pasadena, Los Angeles County, the state of California, and our country—contexts that form the backdrop of the lived experiences shared in the survey. The inclusion of videos in our report captures the authen�c voices of those displaced and impacted, providing a powerful visual and auditory dimension to these narra�ves.

The importance of oral history extends beyond mere documenta�on; it serves as a powerful tool for educa�on and empowerment. Through oral history, we gain insight into the social, cultural, and poli�cal contexts that have shaped communi�es over �me. It helps us understand how historical events have impacted individuals and groups, highligh�ng both change and con�nuity.

Moreover, oral history fosters empathy and understanding by giving voice to those who have experienced marginaliza�on, trauma, and displacement, thereby contribu�ng to collec�ve healing and social jus�ce.

In projects like the 710 Reconnec�ng Communi�es Oral History Report and Documentary, oral history is instrumental in preserving the narra�ves of those aﬀected by events such as the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

These stories educate current and future genera�ons about the consequences of past ac�ons, emphasizing the importance of remembering and acknowledging history to build a more equitable and just society. By valuing and integra�ng oral history into our historical understanding, we honor the diverse voices that contribute to our shared humanity and compel us to work towards a future that recognizes and learns from the past.

Photo: Community Outreach at First African Methodist Episcopal (First AME Church) Photo Source: Suzanne K. Madison

8 THE TRANSFORMATIVE POWER OF ORAL HISTORY:

Oral history ampliﬁes personal stories, ﬁlls gaps in writen sources, and completes the historical record by providing an accurate depic�on of the past. It captures people’s experiences through the lens of their personal and social contexts. Oral history helps us understand how individuals and communi�es have experienced history, what has changed over �me, and what has remained the same. It also conserves cultural heritage by oﬀering insights into a community's social, cultural, and poli�cal structures.

In her presenta�on at the Alkebu-lan Cultural Center’s “Because of Them, I Am” Juneteenth Na�onal Independence Day celebra�on, Dr. Alison Rose Jeﬀerson emphasized the importance of oral history interviews and collec�ng stories for inclusion in the 710 Reconnec�ng Communi�es Oral History Report and Documentary. She stated,

The 710 Reconnec�ng Communi�es Oral History Project will help to preserve the narra�ves of people displaced and impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on that have been le� out of the historical record. It will educate people about how the past inﬂuences the present and the importance of remembering the past to build a beter future for collec�ve empowerment in standing against injus�ce to create a more equitable and just society.” Pastor Madelyn Manning, in her remarks at the same event, said, In an interview, Rick Osaka, grandson of a Japanese American family who immigrated to California from Japan in 1906 and that was later forcibly displaced twice by the government —ﬁrst during World War II when his family was sent to Santa Anita Racetrack and then to Manzanar, and the second �me in the late 1960s when they were displaced from their Pasadena Beau�ful award-winning home via eminent domain—he expressed skep�cism that the City of Pasadena would acknowledge and right the wrongs of the past. However, he felt it was his duty to share his story in honor of those whose voices were never heard. This is why oral history maters.

During interviews, a millennial asked, “How long do we have to keep revisi�ng history, listening to stories, and paying for mistakes?” The response: “For as long as it takes and un�l things change.” This is why oral history maters—it informs the restora�ve jus�ce process. At the Reconnec�ng Communi�es 710 Advisory Group mee�ng in October 2024, Estolano Advisors presented a dra� restora�ve jus�ce framework, a key part of the Reconnec�ng Pasadena SR-710 Master Plan. A case study, Reconnect Rondo, examined the displacement of 650 families, businesses, and community centers when I-94 was built in St. Paul, MN (1958-1968). The framework’s principles are to acknowledge past harm, engage all impacted par�es, take accountability, and pursue remedies that lead to transforma�on. Through outreach and story gathering, we engage in restora�ve jus�ce—ensuring history is preserved, policies evolve, and a more equitable future is built for all in Pasadena. “By sharing our stories, we acknowledge the pain and trauma experienced by our community and create space for empathy and understanding. This act of storytelling is a powerful tool as it allows us to process our experiences and ﬁnd common ground. Healing also comes through unity.” “Oral history interviews are a very important way for our community to enrich the historical record for use by ordinary people and various professionals such as historians, public oﬃcials, and others.”

9 10
COMMUNITY OUTREACH, ENGAGEMENT, AND MEDIA TACTICS:

The SR 710 Reconnec�ng Communi�es Oral History Project endeavored to capture and honor the diverse stories of those impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Through our outreach eﬀorts, we sought to iden�fy four target audiences and priority groups:

• Displaced Residents and Descendants
of Displaced Residents
• Displaced Businesses
• Displaced Organiza�ons and Ins�tu�ons
• Not Displaced but Impacted by the
SR 710 freeway construc�on

Our outreach period oﬃcially began on April
30, when the city deployed a press release
announcing the launch of the Oral History
Project and the community input tool, and
ended on July 31, 2024.

The outreach campaign was developed in
three languages, English, Spanish, and Japanese, to reach the target audience, whom we believe were displaced and impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on during the displacement era.

GETTING THE WORD OUT:

In collabora�on with the City of Pasadena’s City Manager’s Oﬃce’s Public Informa�on Oﬃce, Allegra Consul�ng designed a suite of media assets to communicate, educate, and spread the word about the Oral History Project. The key
message was Amplify: Welcome
to Pasadena’s 710 Reconnec�ng
Communi�es Oral History
Project. The media suite
included transit posters placed
near the SR 710 freeway and
within communi�es of color,
and social media posts
were deployed on the city’s
feeds and shared on local
pla�orms. Addi�onally, several
city council members shared
the media on their pla�orms
and within district newsleters.

The city displayed the media on
the landing page of its website,

Photo: SR 710 Oral History Outreach Material
Photo Source: Allegra Consul�ng

Photo Source: Rafu Shimpo

11 featuring a direct link to the online survey. Printed posters and 5”x7” ﬂyers were placed in community centers and public places where the community gathers. Digital ads with click-through links to the online survey were placed in Pasadena Now, Colorado Blvd., Pasadena Star News, and a Japanese American publica�on, Rafu Shimpo.

Grassroots tac�cs included mee�ng directly with local historic churches, community connectors, community-based
organiza�ons, markets, coﬀee shops, small independent
retailers, and restaurants to place posters and ﬂyers. Knowing that our target audience is mature, Allegra Consul�ng dedicated an Oral History telephone line so residents could easily access our team and share their stories at their convenience.

The outreach team atended community events and tabled at various loca�ons to connect with the target audience. To support the outreach and engage with community stakeholders and members, the team collaborated with the Pasadena
Buddhist Temple, Alkebu-lan Cultural Center’s Genealogy Classes Juneteenth Celebra�on, West Pasadena Residents
Associa�on’s Annual Mee�ng at the Pasadena Elks Lodge Mee�ng, Pasadena’s Museum of History, City’s 138th Birthday Celebra�on and the Pasadena Senior Center’s Independence Day Party. At these events, we educated the community about the 710 Oral History Project and captured interviews for the project. In addi�on, email ﬂyers, telephone calls, and virtual online group mee�ngs were held to host in�mate discussions about the 710 Oral History Project. During the outreach period, the team conducted numerous one-on-one interviews with older community members and captured compelling videos so their stories could be u�lized and maintained for the dura�on of the project. Many of our interviews and interac�ons were with community members aged 80 to 96 years. Interviewees were delighted to refer our team to other community members who were impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

The Reconnec�ng Communi�es SR 710 Commitee Advisory Group members were gracious supporters who provided referrals, community connectors, and introduc�ons to stakeholders so that our team could meet with key community members and learn more about the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

CAPTURING INFORMATION AND CONTAINING STORIES:

An online community survey and input tool were deployed in three languages to provide residents and stakeholders with informa�on, history, and content related to the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Our report provides both quan�ta�ve and qualita�ve feedback and responses from residents impacted and displaced by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

ADAPTING AND INTERVIEWS:

During the community outreach and engagement period, our team adapted to the needs of the community and target audiences. While interviewing and engaging with residents and stakeholders, the average interview

Photo: Outreach Materials Placed at Friendship Church
Photo Source: Suzanne K. Madison

12 lasted 2-3 hours and, in some cases, required a series of follow-ups and assistance with sharing family photos and documents. In several instances, we decided to conduct the interviews via video recording, especially for our older residents, some of whom are over 90 years old. Unfortunately, in some cases, we missed the opportunity to capture the stories of stakeholders who were either too frail or passed away before we were able to meet with them.

MEDIA REACH AND VISIBILITY:

Link and QR Code Scans and Click Throughs: 3,955 Clicks Digital Media Impressions: 1,193,318 Total Impressions
Transit Media Exposure: 20 Sidewalk Transit Shelters
(English/Spanish), 1.5+ million impressions and 60 Interior Bus Cards, with 5,000 riders onboard daily, achieving over 360,000 views. Placement of signs with a focus on being near the SR 710 and communi�es of color.

COLLABORATIVE EFFORTS:

Partnerships Formed: NAACP , West Pasadena Residents
Associa�on (WPRA), Japanese American Cultural Ins�tute, First AME Church, Friendship Church, Lake Avenue Church, Metropolitan Church, Alkebu-lan Cultural Center, St.

Andrew Church, Pasadena Senior Center, 710 Restora�ve
Jus�ce Coali�on, and Pasadena Buddhist Temple.

REFERRALS RECEIVED:
208 community members were referred to our team.

QUALITATIVE IMPACT:

Tes�monials, Comments, and Feedback:
138 Qualita�ve Responses
SUCCESS METRICS:

Iden�ﬁca�on of Residents, Organiza�ons, and Businesses Displaced/Impacted:

Survey Responses: 159
Displaced Residents, Descendants, and Addresses:

Residents: 49*
Addresses: 45
*Of the 49 displaced residents, 3 people did not take the survey, and 4 of the respondents cited the same address.

Displaced Businesses:
4 Iden�ﬁed by Allegra, and an addi�onal 38 businesses
iden�ﬁed by ARG = 42 displaced businesses.

Displaced Organiza�ons/ Ins�tu�ons: 3

Impacted but Not Displaced:
116 Respondents and Residents

Number of Interviews and Stories Conducted
and Completed:
32 one-on-one and group interviews and stories
collected.

Number of Videos Produced by KPAS and MD
Produc�ons:
14 Video Interviews completed to Date.

Photo: Bus Shelter Ad in Spanish at Washington Blvd.
and Lake Avenue Photo Source: Aubin E. Wilson

13 PHOTOGRAPHS AND ARTICLES COLLECTED:

More than 300 ar�cles, documents, historical journals, church architecture, photographs, and scanned items.

INCREASED AWARENESS AND EDUCATION:
• Increased public awareness around the history of the
SR 710 freeway construc�on.
• Oral History Project and Allegra’s role
• Importance of atending community mee�ngs and
making public comment.
• Mo�vated stakeholders to beter understand
Reconnec�ng Pasadena’s Master Plan prepara�on
process.
• Clariﬁed the confusion around the SR 710
and I 210 Freeways.

RESTORATIVE JUSTICE AND ADVOCACY:
• Inﬂuencing Policy from the City of Pasadena’s
1962 General Plan to Restora�ve Jus�ce in
Pasadena.
• Community Empowerment and Public
Comment
• Spa�al Injus�ce – Loca�onal Discrimina�on
(Urban Renewal)

• History of the Civil Rights Era
OBSERVATIONS AND THEMES:

During the interviews and community engagement interac�ons, our team observed that those impacted and displaced experienced deeply layered emo�ons, reﬂec�ng a complex interplay of loss, resilience, and the enduring consequences of systema�c racism. The interviews were o�en emo�onal, with interviewees expressing sadness, tears, feelings of community disrup�on, anger, and frustra�on over systema�c racism.

There were also concerns about the city's leadership and a lack of trust in the government to act in their individual and the greater community's best interests. Many interviewees conveyed a deep sense of ongoing injus�ce and inequality, ques�oning who is truly listening and whether their voices even mater.

One historic church congrega�on in the area refused to engage with our team due to a lack of conﬁdence in the city and an unwillingness to reopen old wounds without the prospect of resolu�on. This church leader men�oned that they were given a bad deal, now landlocked and prevented from future growth. Interviewees also highlighted the city's history of using urban renewal policies to beneﬁt wealthy cons�tuents and businesses at the expense of marginalized communi�es. During these interviews and interac�ons, we also learned about other injus�ces that occurred alongside the SR 710 freeway construc�on, including racist real estate covenants, various forms of what today are referred to as redlining (discriminatory loan policies, zoning policies around what could be built, and an�-Black housing sale and other prac�ces), delays in receiving the Caltrans displacement checks needed to secure new housing, and resistance from new neighborhoods communi�es that did not welcome them as new neighbors.

Several interviewees emphasized the discrepancy between the freeway stopping at California Boulevard near more aﬄuent communi�es while their own neighborhoods were destroyed, resul�ng in the loss of genera�onal wealth and ﬁnancial stability. Interviewees ques�oned why the SR 710 freeway stopped at California Boulevard, no�ng that this area was where aﬄuent people lived. However, a few interviews, while less sad, also demonstrated resilience and adapta�on. Some par�cipants expressed a sense of acceptance, acknowledging that "it is what it is." Addi�onally, some interviewees who were not displaced voiced concerns about increased traﬃc, noise, and the neglected condi�on of Caltrans-owned homes.

14 15
UNENFORCEABLE HOUSING COVENANTS:

Even a�er the 1948 Supreme Court ruling in Shelley v. Kraemer made racist restric�ve covenants legally unenforceable, these impacts of these covenants persisted socially, perpetua�ng discrimina�on, segrega�on and exclusion. For African American, La�no, and Japanese American families displaced by the SR 710 freeway construc�on, the con�nued prac�ce of using race as a limi�ng factor in real estate sales posed signiﬁcant barriers for them to ﬁnd new homes. Though no longer legally binding, the social and economic pressures behind racial covenants remained strong, eﬀec�vely limi�ng housing choices for communi�es of color. As a result, many displaced residents were forced to relocate to less desirable areas, o�en outside Pasadena, where covenants were less prevalent, or communi�es of color were already established. This not only severed �es to their original neighborhoods, but also eroded genera�onal wealth, as families struggled to achieve home ownership in a racially discriminatory market environment. Source: The Fair Housing Center

REDLINING AND MORTGAGE DISCRIMINATION (1948-1968):

During the 1930s Great Depression, the mortgage lending markets were a mess, with thousands of homeowners defaul�ng on their mortgages daily. In 1933 half of all mortgages in America were in arrears.

President Roosevelt’s New Deal included the crea�on of the Home Owners’ Loan Corpora�on (HOLC) and the Federal Housing Administra�on (FHA) to provide federal insurance for mortgage loans to prop up the mortgage lending market by protec�ng lenders against defaults.

DISPLACEMENT ERA TIMELINE, KEY EVENTS AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

The SR 710 freeway construc�on displacement era, iden�ﬁed by Allegra through ﬁrst-person interviews and historical research, began in the 1960s and extended into the mid-1970s. This cri�cal period was marked by several key developments, including the adop�on of the Master Plan of Freeways, eminent domain acquisi�ons, growing community resistance, and the height of the 1960s-1970s era phases of the civil rights movement.

KEY EVENTS AND IMPACTS FROM THE 1960S TO 1975: A HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

To understand the impacts of key events from the 1960s to 1975, it's vital to consider the historical context of Pasadena, Los Angeles County, and the broader United States. This period saw signiﬁcant infrastructure projects including the SR 710 freeway construc�on, which caused widespread displacement in Pasadena's communi�es of color, that exposed and deepened systema�c racism in housing and urban planning under the guise of urban renewal and progress.

The era was marked by profound social, economic, and cultural shi�s that inﬂuenced community development.

Infrastructure projects, housing policies, public schools, the civil rights movements, and na�onal poli�cal events all played cri�cal roles in shaping the region's landscape and demographics. This sec�on oﬀers a brief overview of how the SR 710 freeway construc�on exacerbated exis�ng systema�c challenges for residents.

PASADENA, CA 1960S – 1970S SR 710 FREEWAY DISPLACEMENT:

The construc�on of the SR 710 freeway led to the displacement of hundreds of families from communi�es of color, causing them economic and social hardships. This project demolished homes and businesses while disrup�ng an established and thriving community, contribu�ng to the ﬁnancial and social instability of the former residents. Source:

Pasadena 710 Freeway Displacement

16 This policy, however, did not protect all
mortgage loans. Instead of establishing a
system based on the individual ﬁnancial
status of poten�al homebuyers, Roosevelt’s
administra�on used race-based valua�on
policies and redlining maps. Government
surveyors were sent to hundreds of ci�es
na�onwide to grade neighborhoods with
an A, B, C, or D ra�ng. Predominately Black,
other communi�es of color and integrated
neighborhoods were consistently rated D,
were outlined on the maps in red (hence
the term redlining emerged), and
consequently denied government
assistance. Private lenders also used the
government’s discriminatory policies to
adopt similar policies, eﬀec�vely icing any
hopes a black family and those of other people of color had of buying a property with ﬁnancial assistance. In addi�on, many deeds included racist covenants in these years that contractually prohibited homeowners from selling their property to minori�es or marginalized homebuyers.

These policies con�nued to be lawful un�l the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was passed and enforced, which prohibited housing discrimina�on, and the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act of 1975 was passed and enforced, which required the release of lending data. Unfortunately for Black Americans, the damage had already been done. Historically, redlined communi�es have been starved of infrastructure investments by governmental en��es and economic investments by the private sector, leading to deteriora�ng infrastructure and widespread economic disparity. The long-term impact of these race-based dispari�es cannot be overstated.

Lawson, M. (2022, June 18). Redlining and its impact on Black America. Los Angeles Urban League.

Davis Demographics compiled digitized historical
redlined areas through the University of
Richmond’s Mapping Inequality Project:

Redlining in New Deal America and through
spatial files available from T-RACES. We
compared them with provided addresses where
residents displaced by the 710 freeway had lived
and where they moved to. Most of the areas
where the 710 ROW is now located were in
neighborhoods designated ‘C’ or ‘D.’ When these
residents were forced to move, the vast majority
remained in neighborhoods designated ‘C’ or ‘D’.

These areas today are often correlated with
poorer health outcomes, less access to
resources, and other issues of inequity.

Photo Source: 1939 HOLC "redlining" map of Pasadena and vicinity, courtesy of LaDale Winling and PBS So Cal

17 Mapping Inequality: Redlining in New Deal America.” Nelson, Robert K., LaDale Winling, et al. Edited by Robert K.

Nelson. American Panorama: An Atlas of United States History, 2023. htps://dsl.richmond.edu/panorama/redlining/map/CA/LosAngeles/areas#loc=14/34.1562/-118.1314"T-RACES:
a Testbed for the Redlining Archives of California's Exclusionary Spaces" R. Marciano, D. Goldberg, C. Hou htp://t- races.net/T-RACES
Addi�onal Resources: Segrega�on in the City of Angels: A 1939 Map of Housing Inequality in L.A. | Lost LA | Food & Discovery | PBS SoCal, Freeways, Redlining & Racism Storymap - UCLA Ins�tute of Transporta�on Studies DISPLACED RENTERS:

During the SR 710 freeway construction, renters in Pasadena faced profound challenges. Unlike homeowners who had access to compensation through various property acquisition processes such as hardship acquisitions, fee acquisitions, or eminent domain proceedings, renters often received little to no financial assistance or relocation support. This left them especially vulnerable to financial instability caused by sudden evictions.

The freeway construction project, alongside other urban renewal efforts, exacerbated the housing crisis by reducing available housing stock and driving up rental prices. These impacts were disproportionately felt by renters of color, who also faced systemic discrimination when seeking new housing options.

While the Uniform Relocation Assistance and Real Property Acquisition Policies Act of 1970 (URA) was designed to provide protections—including moving expenses, rental assistance, and advisory services—its benefits were inconsistently applied. Renters often received less support than homeowners due to gaps in enforcement at local and state levels, leaving many without the resources needed to reestablish stable housing.

QUOTES FROM DISPLACED RENTERS:

Jose Luis Correra,
SR 710 Displaced Resident and Descendent
"Well, we had only lived in two places after moving to Pasadena from Merida, Yucatan, Mexico. The ﬁrst was on Waverly Drive, where our family of ﬁve lived in a one-bedroom home, and the second was on Orange Place, which was a two-bedroom home. My sister was born while we were living on Orange Place in 1969. Shortly after her birth, we were notiﬁed that we had to move. They gave us a fair amount of time—I think we had a year to move out. My mom, who was a very religious woman, told us that we had to pray to help us ﬁnd a permanent home, so that's what she and we did.

A few months before we had to move, my grandfather, my mother’s father, won the lottery in Mexico, and he gave all his children part of his winnings. It was with that money that my mom put a down payment on the home we still have to this day. I remember her saying, “Thank you, God, for answering our prayers. Now I will be able to ﬁnd a home that I will live in for the rest of my life,” and she did. My mom passed away on October 23
rd, 2023, in the home
she purchased in Pasadena.”
Salvador Lambarem,
SR 710 Displaced Renter
"I was in my early twenties when my
sister called me at work to tell me we had
to move immediately. We weren’t given a
30-day notice or any compensation. It
was extremely stressful, and I had to
sleep on someone’s sofa until I could ﬁnd
better living arrangements. I didn’t fully
understand what was happening since
we were renting a small duplex, and I
didn’t speak much English. We attend St.

Andrew Church and have a strong faith in
God and our family."

18 PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND DESEGREGATION
SPANGLER V. PASADENA CITY BOARD OF EDUCATION:

In March 1970, a federal judge ordered the Pasadena City Board of Educa�on to desegregate its schools, marking it as the ﬁrst district in California to receive such a mandate. The court found that Pasadena's schools were racially imbalanced, necessita�ng immediate integra�on to promote beter educa�onal outcomes for communi�es of color. As part of the
compliance eﬀort, Pasadena
implemented a busing plan to transport
students between predominantly
communi�es of color and predominantly
White schools, aiming to achieve a
balanced racial composi�on and equity
in educa�onal resources. This busing
plan, known as the "Pasadena Plan,"
ini�ally met the court's requirements in
the 1970-71 school year but faced
challenges in maintaining compliance in
subsequent years as some schools
exceeded the communi�es of color
enrollment limit.

Source: Spangler v. Pasadena City Bd. Of
Edu.

BLIGHTED TERMINOLOGY BY CITY OFFICIALS VS. URBAN RENEWAL, A COMMON THEME IN THE 1960S AND 1970S: The Pepper Street Redevelopment Project (aka Kings Villages), labeled as an urban renewal eﬀort by city oﬃcials, led to the displacement of hundreds of residents, predominantly communi�es of color. Despite strong community resistance led by First AME Church member Emmet Mickle, the project was completed, resul�ng in the destruc�on of an established communi�es of color neighborhood and ﬂourishing business district. Similarly, the SR 710 freeway construc�on and the I-210 Freeway projects displaced communi�es of color in Pasadena. All three ini�a�ves are examples of how urban renewal and infrastructure projects in the 1960s and 1970s dispropor�onately aﬀected people of color, causing long-term social and economic repercussions. Source: The Basics of Blight Informa�on – 1962 General Plan (Document, Page #111)
SEGREGATION IN PUBLIC FACILITIES:

From the early 20th century through the 1960s, public facili�es and private businesses in Pasadena, including swimming pools, theaters, and restaurants, developed systems of segrega�on. Notably, as cited in an ar�cle in ColoradoBoulevard.net about the City of Pasadena’s Brookside Plunge, a city-owned swimming pool located in the Lower Arroyo neighborhood of Pasadena restricted its use by communi�es of color. In response to public pressure, the city created ‘Interna�onal Day’, which allowed non-white minori�es to use the pool just once a week, on Wednesdays from 2:00 to 5:00 pm. When the last patron departed, the pool’s water was emp�ed and fresh water ﬁlled the pool, ensuring that the following day White swimmers would not have to

Photo Caption: Mrs. Nettie Hunt, sitting on the steps of the Supreme Court, holding a newspaper and explaining to her daughter Nikie the meaning of the Court's decision to ban school segregation. Source of Photo: Granger

19 share the same water with the people from ‘Interna�onal Day’. This prac�ce con�nued un�l 1947 when the pool was opened to all. This example highlights the pervasive discriminatory prac�ces in many public spaces in California during the early part of the 20th century. Source: A Noise Within

NATIONAL CIVIL RIGHTS EFFORTS AND THE IMPACTS IN PASADENA:

In the 1960s, the NAACP and other civil rights organiza�ons were ac�ve in Pasadena, reﬂec�ng the broader modern phase of the na�onal civil rights movement. Although exclusionary prac�ces and laws to maintain racial restric�ons between 1948 to 1968 had been weakened by the US Supreme and California Court decisions in the cases of Shelley v. Kraemer (1948), Barrow v. Jackson (1953), Brown v. Board of Educa�on of Topeka (1954), and the federal legisla�on of the Civil Rights Act (1964), the Vo�ng Rights Act (1965), and Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act (1968) -- local leaders worked to address racial injus�ces and advocated for improvements in educa�on, housing, and equal rights. Key ﬁgures included Walter Sha�ord, a civil rights atorney, Emmet Mickle of First AME Church, Sam Sheets an NAACP atorney, and Ruby McKnight Williams, who led ini�a�ves to support public educa�on, housing rights, desegrega�on and community improvement.

Source: Pasadena Now, Black History Pasadena

TAX IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SR 710 DISPLACEMENT:

The ﬁnancial challenges faced by those displaced by the SR 710 project were exacerbated by various tax implica�ons. One signiﬁcant issue was the capital gains tax, which saw a rate of 27.5% in 1969, increasing to a maximum of 30.2% in 1970 and reaching up to 35% from 1972 to 1974. Capital gains taxes levied on monies received from Caltrans a�er the sale of a home or business greatly reduced the buying power of displaced residents and businesses burden of displaced.

Sources: Wolters Kluwer historical capital gains rates and Capital Gains Tax

LOS ANGELES COUNTY:

The 1960s phase of the civil rights movement and ac�vism in Los Angeles and the region was extremely vibrant, with numerous protests and campaigns aimed at ending racial segrega�on and discrimina�on. In addi�on, local ac�vists protested in favor of fair housing and quality public educa�on and against police brutality, among other equity and civil rights issues. Source: Los Angeles in the Civil Rights Era

STATE OF CALIFORNIA:

The Rumford Fair Housing Act passed in 1963, was a pivotal California civil rights law aimed at elimina�ng racial discrimina�on in housing. Authored by Assemblyman William Byron Rumford, it prohibited property owners and landlords from refusing to sell, lease, or rent housing based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender, marital status, or physical disability. This legisla�on was a major step toward fair housing, par�cularly for African Americans and other minori�es facing systemic discrimina�on. However, in 1964, backlash against the Rumford Act led to Proposi�on 14, a ballot ini�a�ve designed to nullify it. Prop 14 sought to restore property owners’ right to refuse buyers or tenants based on personal preference, eﬀec�vely permi�ng racial discrimina�on. Supported by groups opposing civil rights, it passed but was later ruled uncons�tu�onal by the California Supreme Court, which found it violated both the U.S. and California cons�tu�ons, reaﬃrming the principles of the Rumford Act. Source: Prop14 Shaped California’s Racial Covenants

20 THE CALIFORNIA ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY POLICIES:

Santa Barbara Oil Spill in 1969, caused by a blowout on Union Oil’s pla�orm A, was a catalyst for environmental ac�vism and legisla�on. In California, the California Coastal Commission was formed, and the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) was enacted. CEQA was a founda�on law and resource used by the 710 Freeway Fighters to stop the SR 710 Freeway. Source: Santa Barbara Historical Museum

INTERVIEW WITH STATE SENATOR ANTHONY PORTANTINO -
POLITICAL INSIGHTS ON THE SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION:

The Oral History Team interviewed State Senator Anthony Portan�no to gain his perspec�ve on the SR 710 freeway construc�on, the poli�cal mo�va�ons behind its development, and the eﬀorts of the 710 Freeway Fighters, founded in 1959, to stop the SR 710 Freeway as it approached their communi�es. Senator Portan�no also discussed the unfair treatment of renters and the new policies now in place to protect renters from displacement. Addi�onally, he addressed what the City of Pasadena and the California Department of Transporta�on (Caltrans) can do to rec�fy the wrongs experienced by displaced residents. Senator Anthony’s Portan�no’s Video Link, 710 Freeway Fighters’ History

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FAIR HOUSING ACT 1968:

Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act, also known as The Fair Housing Act, enacted in April 1968, banned housing discrimina�on based on race, religion, na�onal origin, and sex. This landmark piece of legisla�on was crucial in addressing discriminatory prac�ces like various discriminatory real estate and lending prac�ces, now iden�ﬁed as redlining, which limited opportuni�es for displaced families to ﬁnd new homes during the SR 710 freeway construc�on in Pasadena.

ASSASSINATIONS ON SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS:

The assassina�ons of key ﬁgures during the 1960s, such as Medgar Evers, John F. Kennedy, Malcolm X, Rev. Dr.

Mar�n Luther King, Jr., Robert F. Kennedy, and Fred Hampton, had a profound impact on this phase of the civil rights movement. These tragedies intensiﬁed the urgency and resolve within social jus�ce eﬀorts, highligh�ng the dangers faced by those challenging systema�c racism and inequality while reinforcing the need for con�nued ac�vism.

FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION, PRESIDENTIAL INFLUENCE, AND ITS NATIONWIDE SUPPORT:

Initiated by Eisenhower's 1956 Federal-Aid Highway Act, the Interstate Highway System spurred massive freeway construction nationally. Subsequent presidents—Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, and Carter— continued the Act’s expansion by adding urban transit, environmental impacts, and public transportation to the effort, building on Eisenhower's foundational legislation. Th

21 THE JAPANESE AMERICAN EXPERIENCE AND THE SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION:

Many Japanese Americans were forced to restart their lives after the end of internment and again during displacement because of the SR-710 project. The effects of displacement in both instances have many similarities. Displacement required finding new homes and schools and relocating personal belongings. Portions of the interview from Pasadena resident, Esther Takei Nishio, help to illustrate challenges associated with displacement

Esther Takei Nishio(EN): And my mother became a cleaning house, a cleaning lady. She hopped on a bus and went to these wealthy homes and cleaned house every day, a different house every day. So they worked really hard. Really, really tough for them. Sharon Yamato(SY): And at the same time you were going to school. EN: Yes. SY: So they, did it, it took a while for them to reestablish, and did people bother them at all when they came back? EN: I don't know. They never talked about it, so I don't know.
(Densho Digital Archive - Esther Takei Nishio Interview, Segment 23) Jack Y. Kubota: “When my mom and dad came back from the camps, they came back with one suitcase apiece, my sister's ashes, and the sewing machine. Yeah, my granddaughter made a, wrote a little story the story of Grandma's, Great-grandma's sewing machine.”
(Densho Digital Archive - Jack Y . Kubota Interview, Segment 13)

Japanese American oral histories also described challenges of staying socially and culturally connected to their families and Japanese American communi�es a�er displacement.

Mary Kageyama Nomura: “…one of the teachers who was a counselor, tried to get me into college in the East Coast. But I said, "I won't go because it's too far from my family." So I went to Pasadena instead. And I didn't have the feeling that I was welcome. And so I didn't last long, I don't know how many weeks I was there, but I quit, and I went to work as a housekeeper.
(Densho Digital Archive - M ary Kageyama Nomura Interview, Segment 24) “So that's kind of how we got started. It was before the big hole over here and before the pseudo railroad track, where we always have the good and bad sides of the railroad track.”
“So we moved in here into a very, the more elite side of town, not knowing what I know now, and nothing's changed, thanks to the railroad track there, we were secure.”
“And it's going to con�nue that way because it's been almost landlocked to be preserved. Other side of the Arroyo is all well-established, it's a certain scale of Pasadena, it's upper class.”
Excerpts from Frank T. Sata’s
2022 interview. Mr. Sata spent
most of his adult life after
leaving camp in Pasadena, CA.

22 THE MEXICAN AMERICAN EXPERIENCE-
EULALIA PÉREZ: THE WOMAN BEHIND RANCHO DEL
RINCÓN DE SAN PASCUAL AND PASADENA’S EARLY
HISTORY:

Eulalia Pérez de Guillén Mariné (c. 1766–1878) is a key ﬁgure in early California history, known for receiving the Rancho del Rincón de San Pascual land grant in 1835, covering about 14,000 acres of present-day Pasadena, South Pasadena, San Marino, and
Alhambra—land originally belonging to the Tongva-Gabrielino Na�ve Americans. Born in Baja California, Eulalia became the mayordoma at Mission San Gabriel, managing its opera�ons during the Spanish and early Mexican periods. A�er the missions were secularized, she was granted the rancho, but, as a woman, could not legally own it. She married Juan Mariné, who took ownership but later lost the land a�er California joined the United States due to legal and ﬁnancial challenges. Eulalia lived in Adobe Flores, a historic site in South Pasadena. Her land grant was crucial to the area’s development, linking her legacy to the city’s early history.

Sources: Roberta Mar�nez La�nos in Pasadena
Source of Photo: Wikipedia Eulia Perez
htps://la�noheritage.blogspot.com/2011/09/eulalia-perez-de-guillen-de-marine.html htps://www.waterandpower.org/museum/Early_Views_of_Pasadena_1_of_8.html htps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eulalia_P%C3%A9rez_de_Guill%C3%A9n_Marin%C3%A9

LATINO MIGRATION TO PASADENA-
PUSH AND PULL FACTORS, CHALLENGES, AND OPPORTUNITIES:

La�no migra�on to Pasadena began in the late 1800s and was ini�ally driven by economic opportuni�es in agriculture. Mexicans arrived ﬁrst, followed by Salvadorans and Guatemalans ﬂeeing civil wars in the 20th century. Later, Hondurans, Nicaraguans, Colombians, Cubans, and Puerto Ricans came seeking stability and opportuni�es, with recent arrivals including Venezuelans and smaller groups from Argen�na, Chile, and Peru.

Established La�no communi�es and family networks eased migra�on, par�cularly a�er World War II, as Pasadena expanded. Chicanos, U.S. born descendants of Mexican immigrants, signiﬁcantly shaped Pasadena's cultural and poli�cal landscape.

Push factors for migra�on included economic hardship and poli�cal instability in La�n America, while pull factors were job opportuni�es, especially with large infrastructure projects such as the SR 710 and 210 freeways. Although freeway construc�on displaced many La�no families, it also created job opportuni�es and enhanced regional connec�vity, con�nuing to atract La�no migrants to Pasadena.

Sources: Roberta Mar�nez, La�nos in Pasadena
htps://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views5.htm htps://www.nps.gov/ar�cles/la�nothemeimmigra�on.htm
htps://calisphere.org/exhibi�ons/t10/california-cultures-hispanic-americans/

23 REMEMBERING OUR LADY OF GUADALUPE CHURCH-
A PILLAR OF FAITH IN PASADENA:

Our Lady of Guadalupe is a central ﬁgure in Mexican religious life, represen�ng the Virgin Mary as she appeared to Juan Diego in Mexico in 1531. Located at the northwest corner of S. Raymond Avenue and W.

California Blvd., the church served as a vital center for the Mexican American community in Pasadena.

Established in 1911 and completed in 1912, the church burned down in the 1970s. At the �me of the ﬁre, there was a resident priest, but details about the church's leadership remain scarce.

Father Marcos Gonzalez of St. Andrew Church shared that a�er the ﬁre, the Archdiocese of Los Angeles chose not to rebuild Our Lady of Guadalupe, encouraging parishioners from the southwest part of Pasadena to atend the larger, more ﬁnancially stable St. Andrew Church on N. Raymond Avenue. An original �le mosaic from the church was saved and is now displayed at Mijares Mexican Restaurant on a pa�o wall.

CHICANO MOVEMENT:

The Chicano Movement of the 1960s and 1970s had a profound impact on Pasadena’s La�no community, as the larger civil rights eﬀorts inspired local ac�vists in nearby Los Angeles. Pasadena’s Chicanos joined the ﬁght to address racial discrimina�on, educa�onal inequality, and lack of poli�cal representa�on within their city. Following key events like the East L.A. Walkouts (1968) and the Chicano Moratorium (1970), Pasadena’s La�no leaders and students pushed for bilingual educa�on, beter school condi�ons, and greater La�no representa�on in local government. The movement also heightened awareness about housing and labor rights, especially as many La�no families in Pasadena faced
displacement from projects like the SR 710 freeway.

This ac�vism empowered Pasadena’s La�no
community, contribu�ng to las�ng civic engagement
and shaping the city’s ongoing struggles for social
jus�ce and equality. The broader Chicano
Movement’s focus on promo�ng cultural pride and
challenging systema�c discrimina�on le� a las�ng
legacy in Pasadena, fostering a more inclusive and
equitable future for its residents.

Sources: htps://www.history.com/news/chicano-
movement

Source: Photo: Our Lady of Guadalupe
Tile Mosaic, Mijares Restaurant
Photo Source: Mijares Restaurant

Source: Photo: Our Lady of Guadalupe
Church, Pasadena, CA Photo Source:

Pasadena Public Library

Photo source: History.com/DavidFenton/Gety Images

24 Photo Source: Garﬁeld School Class Picture, Flickr

SHARED STORY OF PASADENA’S DIVERSE RESIDENTS AND DISPLACEMENT:

At the �me of the SR 710 Freeway displacement, Southwest Pasadena was home to a diverse community, as seen in Garﬁeld School’s class pictures from the late 1960s. Our survey shows that most of those displaced by the SR 710 construc�on lived north of California Boulevard and iden�ﬁed as African American, Japanese American, or Hispanic/La�no. This displacement echoed a patern of discrimina�on and economic hardship faced by these groups throughout American history, including redlining, restricted job opportuni�es, and forced reloca�ons like Japanese American internment. Despite these challenges, they built strong cultural, social, and religious ins�tu�ons, fostering resilience and a shared sense of solidarity. Their commitment to civil rights, cultural pride, entrepreneurship, and youth empowerment has enriched Pasadena, leaving a legacy of perseverance and shaping the city’s progress toward inclusivity and cultural richness.

25 26
RESPONSES – QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS 159 RESPONSES
DISPLACEMENT AND IMPACT:

The survey gathered 159 responses, which provided valuable insights into the impact of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on the community. The key ﬁndings from the survey are as follows:

Displaced Families:
49 respondents indicated that their families were
displaced due to the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

We have 45 addresses where some respondents'
family members iden�ﬁed the same address. One
respondent's home currently remains a Caltrans
house in need of repair.

Displaced Businesses:
4 respondents reported that their businesses had been
displaced. Out of these, 4 provided conﬁrmed addresses.

Architectural Resources Group iden�ﬁed 38 businesses
through directories. Note that this area was home to a thriving business community that oﬀered valuable
resources to the surrounding residents.

General Impact:

A signiﬁcant por�on of 116 respondents stated
that the SR 710 freeway construc�on impacted
them in various damaging ways such as noise,
pollu�on and loss of real estate value.

Geographic Distribu�on of Respondents:

The survey also collected data on the zip codes of the
respondents, which helps in understanding the geography of where respondents currently reside.

Family Migra�on Timeline to Pasadena, CA –
Before the 1900s to 1967:

The survey analysis sheds light on the long-term
impact of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on
Pasadena's residents and businesses. By examining
when families ﬁrst moved to Pasadena, we
understand their genera�onal �es, community
connec�ons, and economic and cultural losses
during the Family Migra�on Timeline. Nearly 8% of
respondents' families arrived in Pasadena before
1900, 29% between 1900 and 1950, 27% between
1951 and 1967, and 31% a�er 1967. Less than 5%
of the respondents did not recall when their
families migrated to Pasadena.

The years between 1900 and 1950 are particularly
significant as they represent a period of substantial
economic growth and social establishment for
many families in Pasadena. Families that settled in
the city during this �me built genera�onal wealth
Some of the survey respondent's zip codes are as follows:
91001:

12.40%
91101:

3.88%
91103:

10.85%

91104:

10.85%

91105:

27.13%

91106:

5.43%

91107:

5.43%

Other Zip
Codes:

16.28%
South
Pasadena:

7.75%

Chart #2 – Historical Timeline

27 through homeownership, owning local businesses, and community involvement. However, the SR 710 freeway construc�on led to large-scale displacement due to eminent domain and other types of property acquisi�ons for transporta�on projects, causing many of these families to lose their homes and businesses. This disrup�on not only resulted in immediate economic losses but also broke the cycle of genera�onal wealth accumula�on, aﬀec�ng ﬁnancial stability and cultural con�nuity for future genera�ons.

AWARENESS OF THE SR 710 FREEWAY
CONSTRUCTION IN THE 1960S AND 1970S:

We asked respondents about their awareness of the SR 710 freeway construc�on at that �me to beter understand
their knowledge of the event and the extent of community engagement during that period.

The results showed that nearly 85% were aware of the
construc�on, 9.16% were not aware, and 6.11% did not
recall. Understanding awareness levels helps us gauge how well-informed residents were about the project and its
poten�al impacts. This informa�on highlights the
community’s involvement in decision-making processes,
preparedness for change, and ability to advocate for their interests. It also highlights the scale and eﬀec�veness of communica�on and outreach eﬀorts at the �me, informing
current and future community engagement strategies.

FAMILY DISPLACEMENT DUE TO
SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION
RESPONSES AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT:

The survey data reveals the signiﬁcant impact of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on local families. Out of 129
respondents, 41.09% or 45 individuals reported that
their families were displaced due to the construc�on,
while 58.14% (75 individuals) indicated that they were
not aﬀected. A small percentage, 0.78% (1 individual),
could not recall if their family was displaced. This data underscores the las�ng eﬀects of the freeway project
on the community, with a substan�al por�on of survey
respondents directly experiencing displacement.

Given that 45 out of 129 respondents reported being
displaced, this number, while seemingly small, s�ll
underscores the las�ng eﬀects of the freeway project on the community. This disrup�on had enduring consequences, par�cularly for those families directly aﬀected, contribu�ng to long-term challenges in rebuilding community �es and maintaining genera�onal wealth.

Chart #3 - Awareness of freeway construction

Chart #4 – Was your family displaced?

28 AGE AT TIME OF SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION DISPLACEMENT:

We asked respondents about their age at the �me of displacement, revealing that 36% were under the age of 10, and 34% were between the ages of 11-18. Several of the younger respondents had some emo�onal awareness of the displacement, men�oning that they knew they were being forced to move. And they recognized the stress that their families experienced as they struggled to relocate and ﬁnd a new home in Pasadena.

Understanding the age of respondents at the �me of displacement is important because it provides insight into the varying levels of emo�onal and psychological impact on diﬀerent age groups. It is likely that children under 10 and adolescents between 11-18 years old experienced displacement diﬀerently. Younger children probably felt confused and anxious, while older children and teenagers might have had a greater awareness of the disrup�on and stress their families faced. Source: Youth Mental Health Displacement Study

This informa�on helps us to comprehend the breadth of the impact on families, highligh�ng the need for targeted support and resources for children and adults aﬀected by such signiﬁcant upheaval. Addi�onally, it underscores the long-term eﬀects of displacement on younger genera�ons, inﬂuencing their sense of security and community atachment, especially since many youths did not receive any psychological counseling during the displacement period.

Chart #5 – Age at Displacement

29 IMPACT OF DISCRIMINATORY POLICIES ON HOUSING OPTIONS FOR DISPLACED FAMILIES:

Of the 45 respondents who were displaced, we asked if laws such as racial covenants, redlining, and other discriminatory policies, including access to home mortgage loans, dictated where their families could move.

We found that 46.94% said yes, 14.29% said no, and nearly 39% did not recall. The respondents' age at the time of displacement influenced their understanding of these discriminatory housing policies, with most children under 10 not fully comprehending
the significance of these policies, nor how
they affected their families.

During the 1960s and 1970s in Pasadena,
California, discriminatory policies
significantly shaped housing options for
displaced families. Racist covenants, which
are illegal now, were embedded in property
deeds and used to prohibit the sale of
houses to non-White buyers. This tactic
effectively segregated neighborhoods,
limiting where communities of color could
reside or feel welcome. Redlining, the
practice where banks and insurance
companies denied loans and other services
to residents based on their race or ethnicity,
further restricting housing choices and
economic mobility for these families. Also,
displaced owners received less for their residences due to depressed neighborhood values because of redlining practices – impacting the amount of money they had available to purchase new homes when they were forced to sell their property to the State during the SR 710 freeway construction. The discriminatory practices made it difficult for African Americans, Japanese Americans, Latinos, and other communities of color families to secure mortgages. And even when they did qualify for home loans, they were often charged higher interest rates, which resulted in higher costs over the term of the loan.

Understanding these unfair policies can be challenging, especially for children under 10. At such a young age, they likely lacked the knowledge and context to grasp the complexities of these discriminatory practices. They certainly observed the immediate effects, such as being forced to move or witnessing their family's resulting stress, but the underlying systemic reasons were beyond their comprehension. As adults reflecting during the displacement period, these respondents might now recognize the broader context and impact of such policies on their families' relocation and housing options.

DISPLACEMENT OF FAMILY PLACES -
WORSHIP , CULTURAL ORGANIZATIONS, MARKETS, AND COMMUNITY SPACES:

Of the 116 respondents, we asked if their place of worship, cultural organiza�on, market, or places where their family spent �me and gathered were displaced or destroyed. The results showed that 44.35% said yes, 46.96% said no, and 8.70% did not recall.

Chart #6 – Discriminatory Policies

30 1. Cultural and Social Fabric: Places of worship and cultural organiza�ons are central to the social and cultural fabric of communi�es. They provide spiritual support, a sense of iden�ty, belonging, and con�nuity. Displacement disrupts these connec�ons, leading to a loss of cultural heritage and weakened community bonds.

2. Economic Impact: Local markets and businesses are
economic lifelines, providing jobs and essen�al services.

Their displacement aﬀects the economic stability of
families and reduces access to goods and services,
contribu�ng to economic decline.

3. Community Cohesion: Community spaces such as
parks, recrea�onal centers, and mee�ng halls foster social interac�ons, community engagement, and collec�ve
ac�on. Their loss can lead to social isola�on, reduced civic par�cipa�on, and a weakened sense of community.

4. Historical Context: Understanding the historical
context of displacement helps recognize the long-
term impacts on communi�es, par�cularly those
already marginalized by discriminatory policies. It
highlights the compounded challenges faced by
African American, La�no, and Japanese American
families in Pasadena during the 1960s and 1970s.

5. Policy and Planning: Highligh�ng the importance
of these displacements informs current and future
urban planning and policy decisions. It emphasizes
the need to review and analyze current City of
Pasadena planning policies and prac�ces that
address preserving cultural and community spaces,
ensuring equitable development, and providing
adequate support for displaced communi�es to
rebuild and thrive.

Chart #9 Displaced Places

31 DISPLACED BUSINESSES, AS STATED BY RESPONDENTS, AND SOME WERE MENTIONED SEVERAL TIMES. SOME OF THESE NAMES WERE UNVERIFIABLE WITHIN CITY DIRECTORIES:

1. Arriba Mexican Restaurant

2. First African Methodist Episcopal Church
(First AME Church)

3. Step’s Barber Shop

4. Berry and Sweeney Pharmacy

5. Stan’s Grocery Store

6. The Green Buck Restaurant

7. Valley Barbery Shop

8. Neighborhood Church

9. Pasadena Union Church

10. Pasadena Japanese American Cultural Center

11. Preble’s Market

12. Village Cleaners

13. Foster’s Freeze

14. Butcher Shop

15. Bill’s Chicken

16. Tiki Room

17. Enterprise Cleaners
TESTIMONIALS AND FEEDBACK FROM RESPONDENTS:

First AME Church Architect Paul Revere Williams
Photo Source: NPR
“First AME Church at Vernon and Walnut was our church home.

We atended Sunday school at First AME.”
Survey Respondent #181330683
“Pasadena Union Church, Pasadena Japanese American Cultural Center was where our family would spend time.” Survey
Respondent #181635886
“First AME Church, Green Buck Restaurant, and Valley Barber Shop were my three favorite places where our family spent �me.

I remember ge�ng a haircut for $2.00 and a process for $15.00 at that �me. The Green Buck Restaurant was a casual diner and a wonderful place to eat a burger or breakfast. I remember they had a house in the back where two older ladies lived. There was also a popular beauty shop on Green Street.” Survey Respondent #181330773

32 Japanese American Union Church Image Japanese American Union Church Image Photo Source: Pasadena City College Photo Source: Pasadena City College

Japanese American Union Church Pasadena Sunday
School Class Photo Source: Pasadena City College

First AME Church, Vernon Avenue – Front
Photo Source: University of California

“This was an injus�ce to the minority community. Our
community was demolished and disrupted. Village Market, Village Cleaners, Fosters Freeze, Butcher Shop, Bill's Chicken, Tiki Room, and my brother were box boys at Village Market. I atended Guadalupe Church and Friendship Bap�st Church. I ate at The Green Buck Restaurants #1 and #2.” Survey Respondent #182328867
The home we moved to, 1612 Glen Avenue, had a deed
restric�on that said it could only be sold to Whites. I don't know how we purchased it, but it had three bedrooms. I
remember the mortgage being $100.00 monthly, and I was
concerned about the payments. I had my children at the
Women's Hospital on Congress Street and was married in
1948. During the 710 and 210 freeway construc�on, I was busy raising our family, so I wasn't concerned about the poli�cs surrounding these projects. I do remember Brookside Plunge and only being able to swim on Tuesdays.” Survey Respondent #182598706

33 34

RESPONDENTS WHO WERE NOT DISPLACED BUT IMPACTED BY THE
SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION:

In this section, we explore the experiences of respondents who were not physically displaced by the SR 710 freeway construction but nonetheless felt its impact on their quality of life. These individuals, who remain near the construction area, provide valuable insights into the broader repercussions of such large-scale infrastructure projects on a community.

The SR 710 freeway construction brought about a host of changes that affected daily living conditions. Many respondents reported increased noise levels, which disrupted the peace and quiet of their neighborhoods. Air pollution levels also rose significantly, contributing to health concerns and a decline in overall quality of life.

Additionally, the construction changed traffic patterns, which caused congestion and made commuting more cumbersome. The destruction of
neighborhood landscapes, with the loss of
familiar landmarks and green spaces,
further contributed to a sense of disruption
and loss.

The city’s general plan from the 1960s
intended to divide the community by
building a freeway. However, it did not
consider the poten�ally far-reaching eﬀects
of large-scale infrastructure projects
beyond the immediate physical
displacement of residents. By examining
the experiences of those residents who
remained, we gain a deeper understanding
of the community-wide impacts of the SR
710 freeway construc�on.

IMPACT ON QUALITY OF LIFE:

Respondents who were not displaced but still were impacted by the SR 710 freeway construction were asked if their quality of life was affected. Of the 114 respondents, 46.61% said yes, 41.53% said no, and 11.86% said they did not recall. This data highlights that even those who were not directly displaced by the freeway still experienced significant disruptions in their daily lives.

Chart #9 Not Displaced, Quality of Life

35 IMPACTED, NOT DISPLACED RESIDENTS - HOW WAS YOUR LIFE IMPACTED? FACTORS AFFECTING QUALITY OF LIFE:

The SR 710 freeway construc�on signiﬁcantly aﬀected many residents who were not physically displaced but experienced profound disrup�ons in their daily lives. According to survey data from 76 respondents, the most common issues were noise and increased traﬃc, each aﬀec�ng 25% of survey par�cipants. One resident expressed the widespread sen�ment this way: “The noise and traﬃc became unbearable, altering our daily rou�nes and peace of mind.” – Survey Respondent
#181699806
Addi�onally, 6.58% of respondents cited other impacts,
including Sequoyah School's threat of demoli�on and
the emo�onal toll of the project's uncertain future. A
resident reﬂected, “Children atended Sequoyah
School, and it con�nually faced the prospect of
demoli�on, which was unsetling for everyone
involved.” – Survey Respondent #181921771
These survey results and personal stories highlight the mul�faceted impacts of the SR 710 freeway
construc�on on residents who remained in their
homes, emphasizing the need for support and
understanding for communi�es aﬀected by large-scale
infrastructure projects.

IMPACTED BUT NOT DISPLACED -
HEALTH PROBLEMS RELATED TO THE SR 710 FREEWAY CONSTRUCTION:

According to survey results from 54 respondents, 14.81% (8 individuals) reported suﬀering health problems related to the construc�on, likely due to
considerable dust and par�culate mater from
the demoli�on, transporta�on, and construc�on
ac�vi�es. These condi�ons can exacerbate
respiratory issues such as asthma and
bronchi�s, contribu�ng to long-term public
health concerns.

Meanwhile, 40.74% (22 individuals) of
respondents reported they were not
experiencing any health issues. A good size
por�on, 44.44% (24 individuals), could not recall
if they had health problems related to the
construc�on. This uncertainty suggests that
while a minority reported direct health issues,
many residents were either unaﬀected or
unsure about the SR 710 freeway construc�on's impact on their health.

Chart #10 Life Profoundly Impacted

Chart #11 Health Problems

36 37
SECTION 5: DEMOGRAPHICS OF ALL RESPONDENTS:

Racial and Ethnic Composi�on of Respondents:

The ethnic makeup data provided in the survey reﬂects a speciﬁc sample of households aﬀected by or involved in the SR 710 freeway construc�on project. To understand its signiﬁcance, it would be valuable to compare the results to the overall demographics of Pasadena, California.

When comparing the survey data to the broader demographics of Pasadena, the following dis�nc�ons can be made:
• The survey sample has a higher percentage of
Black or African American households
(29.89%) compared to the city average (10%).

• The percentage of White/Caucasian
households in the survey (28.74%) is lower
than the city average (38%).
• Hispanic/Latino households are underrepresented in
the survey (12.64%) compared to the city average
(34%).
• Japanese American households (17.81%) are
significantly overrepresented among survey
respondents compared to Pasadena’s overall Asian
population (16%). Within the city, Japanese
Americans make up approximately 1.6% of the total
population or about 2,110 residents. Source:

Pasadena Population by Race Neilsberg
According to recent census data for Pasadena (2020 - American Community Survey), the city's racial and ethnic composition is as follows:
• White/Caucasian: Approximately 38%
• Black or African American: Approximately
10%
• Hispanic/La�no: Approximately 34%
• Asian (including subgroups such as
Japanese American): Approximately 16%
• Other races and ethnici�es: Approximately 2%

The signiﬁcant diﬀerences between the survey
data and Pasadena’s current demographics
highlight how the SR 710 freeway construc�on
dispropor�onately impacted certain
communi�es, par�cularly Black or African
American and Japanese American households,
which are overrepresented in the survey. This
suggests that these groups were more heavily
aﬀected by displacement, leading to long-term
socioeconomic challenges. Addi�onal outreach
was conducted to Hispanic/La�no households to
close survey gaps and accurately represent the SR
710 freeway construc�on impact. Eﬀorts at St.

Andrew Church and among parishioners yielded
no new informa�on.

Chart #12 – Racial Ethnic Makeup of Household

38 Household Size in Your Family's Home During the 1960s-1970s:

During the SR 710 Displacement Era, the survey data reveals insights into the household sizes of families aﬀected by the construc�on. Out of 87 respondents, many families (54.02%) consisted of 4-7 members. This indicates that mid-sized families were the most common among those surveyed.

These ﬁndings suggest that most aﬀected families were
rela�vely large, with nearly two-thirds having more
than four members. This demographic detail
underscores the signiﬁcant impact of the displacement
on family units, as larger families likely faced
considerable challenges in ﬁnding adequately sized,
aﬀordable housing. It would have been diﬃcult to
maintain their social and economic stability during the upheaval caused by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

The data also reveals a small number of very large
families (8 or more members), which further depicts
the diverse household composi�ons aﬀected by this
period of displacement.

Household Composi�on During the 1960s-1970s -
Parents, Grandparents, Siblings, and Other Family Members:

The survey data on household composi�on during the SR 710 Displacement era provides valuable insights into the living arrangements of aﬀected families.

Of the 95 respondents, we found that most households
included parents and siblings, highligh�ng a tradi�onal nuclear family structure in many cases. However, a
signiﬁcant number of households also included
extended family members such as grandparents (11.58
%), and a smaller por�on had great-grandparents
(4.21%), indica�ng mul�genera�onal living
arrangements. Addi�onally, the presence of aunts or
uncles (5.26%) and family friends (7.37%) in some
households suggests a suppor�ve and interconnected
community where non-nuclear family members played
a role in daily life.

Understanding these living arrangements is key to
apprecia�ng the complexity and diversity of family
structures aﬀected by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

It underscores the broader social and familial networks that were disrupted, necessita�ng a comprehensive approach to addressing the impacts of displacement on diverse types of households on past and future transporta�on construc�on projects.

Chart 15: Household Size During
The Displacement Period

Chart 16: Household Composition

39 40
SECTION 6 VIDEO INTERVIEWS – LIFE IN WEST PASADENA DURING THE 1960S-1970S:

The following are video interviews and links conducted during the outreach period to learn more about how the SR 710 freeway construc�on impacted people of color, families, and businesses. Please note that interview ques�ons varied depending on the interviewee and to assist with expanding on the dialog happening during the interview.

Grant, Richardson, King Family Interviews:

In 1948, Family Savings and Loan was
established in the Wats neighborhood of Los
Angeles by Pasadena resident M. Earl Grant.

Originally, Grant intended to purchase
property in Pasadena to start his business,
but due to the pervasive racial discrimina�on
of the �me, he could not ﬁnd a seller willing
to transact with an African-American-owned
bank. Despite these challenges, Grant's vision
persevered, and in 1976, he successfully
opened the ﬁrst Pasadena branch of Family
Savings and Loan. A photograph taken by
Harry H. Adams captures the momentous
occasion, showing employees of the business
alongside members of the Grant family as they commemorate the groundbreaking of the new branch.

Grant, Richardson-King Family Interview: htps://vimeo.com/985253951 Barbara Richardson-King and her family discuss their Pasadena roots, arriving in 1894 from West Virginia, and the impact of displacement during the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Despite the emo�onal and economic loss, the family persevered, star�ng businesses like Altadena Rubbish and Family Savings and Loan to support minority communi�es. They emphasize the need for restora�ve jus�ce for those aﬀected by the freeway.

Grant Richardson King Family Backyard Interview Video Transcrip�on Report .docx

Allison Michelle Moses: htps://vimeo.com/1007331757
Allison Michelle Moses, granddaughter of Earl Grant, shares her family's experience of displacement during the SR 710 freeway construc�on. She discusses the loss of their home on Vernon Avenue, the struggle for fair compensa�on, and the impact of systemic racism on Black and Japanese American families. Moses emphasizes the loss of genera�onal wealth and calls for restora�ve jus�ce, advoca�ng for repara�ons and poli�cal engagement to address these ongoing inequi�es. Her story highlights the las�ng eﬀects of displacement on her family's legacy in Pasadena. Allison Moses Grant King Video Transcrip�on.docx

MIJARES FAMILY RESTAURANT ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEW:

Alice Mijares Recendez, Interview: htps://vimeo.com/1015488642 Alice Mijares Recendez shares the legacy of Mijares Restaurant, a Pasadena staple for over 100 years. The family discusses its growth, cultural �es, and resilience through challenges, including the SR 710 freeway

(Photograph by Harry H. Adams) Source: Images of America – Pasadena A Business History by Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips, and the Pasadena Museum of History

41 construc�on that displaced many. Despite this, Mijares Restaurant remains a key part of Pasadena’s cultural and culinary history. Alice Mijares Interview Video Transcrip�on .docx

R’Lene Mijares de Lang, Mijares Restaurant, Interview: htps://vimeo.com/1015489929 R'Lene Mijares de Lang shares the story of Mijares Restaurant, founded by her entrepreneurial grandmother in 1918. Star�ng as a tor�lla business, it grew into a community hub in a diverse neighborhood. The SR 710 freeway construc�on disrupted this area, displacing families and aﬀec�ng the restaurant’s clientele. Despite these challenges, her grandmother kept the business going. R'Lene hopes for a future with more green spaces and housing in the 710 Stub, preserving Pasadena's inclusivity.

R_Lene Mijares Interview Video Transcrip�on Report.docx

FIRST AME CHURCH PANEL DISCUSSION AND ORAL HISTORY INTERVIEWS:
htps://vimeo.com/1014487126
Anna Parker, Eddie Newman, Alma Stokes, Valisa Jeﬀrey, Gwen Brown (Displaced), Lorna Dee Washington, and Allene Washington:

Explore the history of Pasadena’s First AME Church in this oral history session. Voices including Alma Stokes, Anna Parker, Eddie Newman, and Gwendolyn Brown reﬂect on the church’s role in the community and the impact of the SR 710 Freeway displacement. The discussion highlights the church’s vital role it plays in parishioner's educa�on, spirituality, and social connec�on, emphasizing the legacy of its original building and spiritual home designed by Paul Revere Williams.

First AME Church Panel Discussion Video Transcript.docx

ALKEBU-LAN JUNETEENTH INTERVIEWS:

Allen Edson, NAACP Pasadena Chapter President: htps://vimeo.com/1007333547 Allen discusses the impact of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on Pasadena's Black community, including his family's displacement and the ﬁght to preserve Black history. Filmed at the Akebu-lan Cultural Center's Juneteenth Celebra�on, this interview reveals Pasadena's untold history and the ongoing push for fairness.

Allen Edson Video Transcrip�on Report .docx

James Michael Mims, Sr.: htps://vimeo.com/1007333744
James Michael Mims, Sr., a long-�me Pasadena resident, reﬂects on his family's history, including his mother’s 1933 property purchase on Lincoln Avenue. He discusses the impact of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on his neighborhood, which altered the landscape but did not displace his family. Mims shares memories of growing up on Lincoln Avenue’s tree-lined streets and the freedom his mother provided.

Michael Mims Video Transcrip�on.docx

Jamal Okeyo Jumal: htps://vimeo.com/1007333774
Jamal Okeyo Jumal reﬂects on growing up in Northwest Pasadena and atending local schools, a path shared by Jackie and Mack Robinson. He discusses how the 210 freeway split the Black community, erasing homes, schools, and churches, and how the SR 710 freeway construc�on displaced families, transforming neighborhoods. Jumal highlights the long-standing lack of recogni�on for Jackie Robinson and the dispropor�onate impact of freeway projects on Black and poor communi�es.

Jamal Okeyo Jumal_Video Transcrip�on.docx

42 State Senator Anthony Portan�no: htps://vimeo.com/993106172 In this interview, State Senator Anthony Portan�no discusses his career and role in the SR 710 Freeway Project.

He shares his shi� from the ﬁlm industry to poli�cs, focusing on educa�on, environmental protec�on, and safer streets. Portan�no learned about the 710 issues in the 1990s through local ac�vists and opposed the tunnel alterna�ve due to environmental concerns. He authored Senate Bill 7 to halt the freeway's comple�on and advocated for tenant protec�ons and community-driven reimagining of the SR 710 area.

Senator Anthony Portan�no Video Transcrip�on Report.docx

Assemblyman Chris Holden: htps://vimeo.com/1014479482
Assemblyman Chris Holden, represen�ng District #41 and author of Assembly Bill #29, reﬂects on the ﬁght against the SR 710 Freeway extension. Recorded at his Pasadena home, Holden shares his journey from growing up amid debates to authoring the bill that removed a sec�on of the freeway. He discusses the Freeway’s impact on communi�es, family displacement, and the need for fair public policies.

Assemblyman Chris Holden Video Transcrip�on .docx

Elena Phleger, Sequoyah School: htps://vimeo.com/1007332267 Elena Phleger, director of advancement at Sequoyah School, discusses the school's history on land leased from Caltrans since 1958 and its resilience during the uncertainty of the SR 710 Freeway project. She highlights the displacement of nearby homes, the school’s eﬀorts to purchase the property, and the importance of restora�ve jus�ce for aﬀected families. Elena advocates for a pedestrian-friendly, sustainable future for the SR 710 stub area, emphasizing the school's commitment to the community.

Elena Phleger Director of Advancement Sequoyah School Video Transcrip�on Report.docx

Richard Mamoru Osaka (Rick): htps://vimeo.com/1014495978 Richard Mamoru Osaka (Rick) shares memories of his grandparents' home at 170 South Pasadena Avenue, known for its gardens and family gatherings. The SR 710 freeway construc�on displaced them, forcing a move to a smaller Altadena home, ending their large family gatherings. Rick recalls the challenges and emo�onal toll of displacement. He honors his grandparents by visi�ng their old home site and advocates for markers to remember those who lost homes and businesses.

Rick Osaka Video Transcrip�on .docx

Edgar “Eddie” Riddle: htps://vimeo.com/1007333034
Eddie Riddle, son of Pasadena’s ﬁrst Black police oﬃcer, Ralph Riddle, shares his experiences growing up in Pasadena and the impact of Freeway displacement. This interview highlights the Riddle family's history and the vibrant Black community of the 1960s. Mr. Riddle is the descendant of a family who was displaced by the construc�on of the I 210. Edgar Riddle Video Transcrip�on Report .docx

Sandra McConnell: htps://vimeo.com/1007332388
Sandra McConnell, a long-�me Pasadena resident, shares her experience as a displaced homeowner during the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Her family’s home on South Pasadena Avenue, purchased in 1965, was taken through eminent domain, forcing them to relocate. Sandra discusses the emo�onal toll, the move to Lakewood Place, and the broader cultural shi�s in Pasadena. She advocates for using the 710-stub area for community spaces to honor displaced families. Sandra McConnell Video Transcript.docx

43 44
SECTION 7: IMPACT OF DISPLACEMENT AND LOSS OF GENERATIONAL WEALTH The focus of this section is to explore the complex factors that have shaped Pasadena’s neighborhoods adjacent to the freeway corridor. The outcomes identified here are based on residents' qualitative responses and an analysis by Allegra’s subcontractor, Davis Demographics/MGT, of the long-term impacts of the SR 710 freeway construction. The loss of generational wealth and property ownership equity are two of the most significant long-term detrimental consequences of the 710 Freeway project.

In the U.S., homeownership has long been a primary means for families to build and transfer wealth across generations. However, the forced displacement due to the freeway construction disrupted this opportunity.

As one former resident stated:
“This took place before I was born, but if my grandmother and family had not been displaced and forced to start over from scratch, the trajectory of their lives could have been en�rely diﬀerent.” Survey Respondent #181210581

Photo: Clara Allen Home
Photo Source: Judy Risby

These families lost not only their homes but also the ability to benefit from property value appreciation, which significantly contributes to economic stability in the United States. Over time, home values typically increase, providing homeowners with equity that can be of immense value to homeowners or passed down to future generations. Freeway displacement severed this financial lifeline, leaving many families unable to rebuild the wealth that was meant to benefit their children and grandchildren. Homeownership also provides families with the financial capital to be able to weather economic downturns or emergencies, which is a resource that renters generally lack. Moreover, the displacement disproportionately affected minority communities of color, who were already facing significant barriers to homeownership due to systematic racism from the impacts of past racist covenants, redlining practices, and discriminatory lending practices. The loss of generational wealth has had ripple effects, contributing to the ongoing economic disparities seen today. In the U.S., the average Black household has just one-tenth the wealth of the average White household. Sources: CDC Health Equity Redlining and FederalReserveBank Wealth Inequality

45 The long-term effects of this displacement are evident in the economic challenges faced by the descendants of those uprooted. Without the wealth generation foundation of homeownership, these families may have been placed at a significant disadvantage socially and economically. For example, missing opportunities for higher education, starting small businesses, securing financial stability, or maintaining adequate healthcare, which can all contribute to cycles of poverty and inequality. The legacy of the SR 710 Freeway displacement is not just a story of lost homes but of limited opportunities and enduring economic inequity.

A Descendant of the Displaced Ms. Allison Moses Speaks on the Loss of Generation Wealth

ESTIMATING THE LOST WEALTH -
THE LONG-TERM IMPACT OF SR 710 DISPLACEMENT ON HOMEOWNERS:

Davis Demographics/MGT conducted an analysis that estimated the property values of homes belonging to three displaced residents: Orrin Tracy, Porfirio Frausto, and Rick Osaka. The estimates were generated by averaging the appraised land and improvement values of single-family home parcels located within a 0.5-mile radius of each displaced address. The criteria for selecting comparable properties included a lot size of 15,000 square feet or less, homes built in 1960 or earlier, and parcels with appraised values assessed within the last 10 years. Valuations are based on 2024 values from the Los Angeles County Assessor’s Office.

Had these homeowners not been forced to move by the SR 710 freeway construction, they would have accumulated more equity in their properties, contributing to greater overall wealth for their families. This analysis highlights the long-term financial impact of the displacement on the affected residents.

Name Address Displaced Est. Land Value Est. Improvement Value Est. Total Value

1. Porﬁrio Frausto Cypress Street,
Below Villa
$629,682.32

$323,552.65

$ 953,234.97

2. Orrin Tracy 325, 327, and 329
Kensington Pl.
$942,490.56 $1,779,239.50 $2,721,730.06

3. Rick Osaka 170 S. Pasadena
Ave.
$1,177,504.50 $756,082.05 $1,933,586.55

Photo: The Yashiro’s House
Photo Source: Rick Osaka

46 47
SECTION 8 ORAL STORIES, INTERVIEWS, COMMUNITY EVENTS AND PANEL DISCUSSION TABLE OF NON-VIDEOTAPED INTERVIEWS:

ONE ON ONE INTERVIEWS:
#1 Interview - Alma Stokes
#2 Interview - Myrtle Sinclair
#3 Interview - Judy Risby
#4 Interview - Miriam Nakamura Quan and Ray Quan
#5 Interview - Claire Bogaard
#6 Interview - Doris Leonard
#7 Interview - Fr. Marcos Gonzalez – St. Andrew Church
#8 Interview - Sandra McConnell
#9 Interview - Christopher Allen Edson
#10 Interview - Walt Butler
#11 Interview - Cedric Smith
#12 Interview - Gladys Miles
#13 Interview - Orrin Tracy
#14 Interview - Joanne Nucklos
#15 Interview - Melvin Mercer
#16 Interview - Dr. Lawton Gray and Pablo Miralles –
John Muir High School
#17 Interview - Lafayete Parks
#18 Interview - Allen Shay
#19 Interview - Tim Ivison
#20 Interview - Margot Seipelt
#21 Interview - Jane Mitsumori
#22 Interview- Harrison Bailey
GROUP INTERVIEWS:
#1 Group Interview - West Pasadena Residents
Associa�on (WPRA)
#2 Group Interview - NAACP Pasadena
#3 Group Interview - 710 Restora�ve
Jus�ce Coali�on
#4 Group Interview - Sequoyah School

PANEL DISCUSSION (VIDEOTAPED):
#1 Panel Discussion - First AME Church –
Unveiling the Untold: First AME Church Oral
History Discussion and Videotaping Session

STORIES:
#1 Story - The Setlement House
#2 Story - West Dayton Street
#3 Story - James A. Garﬁeld School
#4 Story - Orban Lumber
#5 Story - “Because of Them, I Am: A Salute to
Black Pioneers of Pasadena.

COMMUNITY EVENTS:
#1 Community Event - West Pasadena Residents Associa�on (WPRA) – Annual Mee�ng – Tabling Event at The Elks Lodge, June 6, 2024

#2 Community Event - Happy Birthday Pasadena
– Silver Screen Extravaganza – Tabling Event at The Pasadena Museum of History, June 9, 2024

#3 Community Event – Alkebu-lan Cultural Center
– Juneteenth Event – “Because of Them I AM” – Collabora�ve Partner, June 18, 2024

#4 Community Event – Pasadena Buddhist Temple
– Outreach Event to the Japanese American Community, June 22, 2024

#5 Community Event – Pasadena Senior Center
– Independence Day Party – Great American Swing Band Concert and Dance -Tabling Event, July 4, 2024

48 1 ON 1 INTERVIEWS
#1 Interview:

Alma Stokes was not displaced. She is a long-�me Pasadena resident, community advocate, and volunteer. Member of the historic First AME Church that was displaced.

Date: March 6. 2024, 10:00 AM
The home where she has lived since the late 1950s, was originally slated to be on the path of the SR 710 Expansion, however neighborhood ac�vists, including Emmet Mickle and Fred Peters, got the route shi�ed so Washington Boulevard at Arroyo Boulevard was spared. Alma was born in 1931 in Everet, Washington.

As her father was an AME Pastor, her family, which included twelve siblings, frequently moved. The focus of the family was on faith, family, educa�on and living their faith. Alma received an AA Degree from San Bernardino Valley College, a BA from Cal State LA, and an MA from Azusa Paciﬁc. When she and her husband, Bailey, who she married in 1951, moved to Pasadena in 1953, they wanted to rent their “dream home” on Pasadena Avenue, however they were unable to do so because a sign that read “whites only” was posted on the front lawn of the home. For the next few years, they rented in NW Pasadena on Washington Boulevard and later at 600 W. Montana Street before they moved to her current home on Washington Boulevard. Together, un�l Bailey’s premature death, they raised four children.

She taught school locally at Washington Elementary for many years and for a short while worked for the Pasadena Community Redevelopment Agency, located in the old Union Paciﬁc Building, un�l it became a job that she believed conﬂicted with her values and was not in the best interest of the community. Alma’s students, including former city council member John Kennedy, were considered part of her extended family.

Her life, as she knew it, was interrupted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Her church home, First AME, was demolished and forced to move. This was a real blow to Alma and so many others for whom this was not only a church, but a community center and an extended family. Throughout her life Alma has been a community volunteer and social ac�vist with countless churches including First AME, Brown Memorial, Scot Methodist, St.

Barnabas, and All Saints Church Pasadena, where she has been a member for decades. She has also been an ac�ve par�cipant in numerous organiza�ons including her sorority, Delta Sigma Theta, the NAACP , and the Pasadena Educa�on Founda�on. At 93, she lives independently in Pasadena and is s�ll living her faith. She is s�ll ac�ve in the community and is currently working on the History of N. Fair Oaks Avenue- Past, Present and a Vision for the Future, a vision plan that is being developed by the Arroyo Group. Her younger sisters, Anna and Argola, both live locally and her children are scatered between Pasadena, CA and Orlando, FL. In addi�on to par�cipa�ng in a one-on-one interview, Alma was one the seven panelists who par�cipated in the “Unveiling the Untold: First AME Church Oral History Discussion and Videotaping Session” on Wednesday, June 26. There she elaborated on the trauma caused by the displacement of her beloved church home and the disrup�on of community life for hundreds of African residents of Pasadena whose lives were being upended by freeway construc�on. She also described the damage caused by the development of the Pepper Street Project which was directed by her former employer the Community Redevelopment Agency of Pasadena.

Photo: Alma Stokes
Photo Source: Aubin E. Wilson

49 #2 Interview:

Myrtle Sinclair, Family Displaced, 326 South Pasadena Avenue Family-owned Sinclair Rubbish and atended Scot United Methodist Church

Date: May 7, 2024, 3:00 PM
Myrtle and her sister, Beverly Terry Palmer, were raised in Pasadena by their aunt and uncle, Wilbur A. Sinclair. Sinclair was a long-�me resident of Pasadena and the owner of the Sinclair Rubbish Company. The family were members of and worshipped at Scot United Methodist Church. Her father was the Finance Manager for the Church and worked with Church leadership and others to ﬁnd a new loca�on for the church a�er it was slated for demoli�on.

Myrtle lived at 326 S. Pasadena Avenue between Del Mar and Waverly and atended Garﬁeld School, McKinley Junior High, and graduated in 1961 from Pasadena High School (PHS). While at PHS she took classes at what is now Pasadena City College. The Sinclair Rubbish Company, which was in business for more than 50 years, was located on Waverly Place, around the corner from the family’s home. Land for both loca�ons was sold to Caltrans through eminent domain as part of the planned SR 710 Construc�on. A�er being displaced, her family started anew and moved to Northwest Pasadena where they lived oﬀ Arroyo Boulevard.

Likewise, Sinclair Rubbish moved its opera�ons to NW Pasadena and was in opera�on for 50 years.

It was a diﬃcult move as they le� a self-suﬃcient, as well as racially and ethnically diverse neighborhood, and thriving community where everyone knew everyone and supported one another. Neighbors included the Mijares and Yamada families as well as the Allens. A�er the SR 710 freeway construc�on began, families were scatered into diﬀerent neighborhoods and despite being displaced and forced to move out of the neighborhood where her family lived and worked, Myrtle persevered and maintained her friendships from her Garﬁeld School days thanks to her family. She has memories of walking to school past the stores and businesses, including the Vroman’s Book Depository, a machine shop, a piano store, and of course, Mijares on Palmeto Drive where fresh tor�llas, Mexican candies, and sodas could be purchased as a�er-school treats on the days when she had extra pocket change.

Myrtle le� Pasadena a�er gradua�ng from high school. She atended and graduated from Central Washington State University, where she met her college sweetheart and future husband. They moved to Seatle where she studied at the University of Washington and ul�mately received a Master of Social Work Degree. Later they moved back to the Los Angeles area where she found work at St. Joseph’s Hospital in Burbank, and then later at Glendale Adven�st Hospital as a social worker. Prior to re�ring, Myrtle worked for the Pasadena Uniﬁed School District (PUSD) in Special Educa�on with children with au�sm.

She is currently living independently in Desert Hot Springs, California and is the mother to two children who are graduates of Blair High School in Pasadena.

Photo: Myrtle Sinclair
Photo Source: Aubin E. Wilson

50 #3 Interview:

Judy Allen Risby was displaced and her mother,
Clara Allen’s business, The Green Buck was displaced as well. Date: May 14, 2024, 9:30AM

Judy Allen Risby is the daughter of Clara Allen, who was the owner of the Green Buck and Green Buck 2 Restaurants in Pasadena.

When her mother was not working, they atended Friendship Bap�st Church. She is a lifelong friend of Myrtle Sinclair and a mother, grandmother, wife, history buﬀ, and playwright. Her play “Did You Know”: A History of Black Altadena and Pasadena” that debuted in Altadena on Saturday, July 27, 2024.

She shared the story of her mother, Clara Allen, a sharecropper’s daughter who was born in 1919 and migrated to Pasadena in 1943 with her second husband and two young daughters for her husband’s job in the military which was based in Burbank. Clara, raised in Georgia, had a second-grade educa�on, however she was taught early on by an aunt that if you have any money, then save it and invest in real estate. This lesson and her cooking skills stayed with her for her en�re life.

A�er her marriage dissolved, Clara was live-in domes�c in La Canada and Pasadena to raise money to buy a home for her family.

While Clara was live-in domes�c, Judy lived with rela�ves. Clara found a home at 275 S. Pasadena Avenue that she loved and was perfect for her family. Because she was Black, she was prevented from securing a mortgage despite having ample funds for a downpayment. The soon-to-be-former owners of the home knew that Clara was an independent forward thinker who would thrive despite any barrier put in front of her. As such, they carried the $10K mortgage and Clara paid them back monthly. To cover the $85 per month mortgage, Clara rented rooms in the home and cooked for her boarders. By the �me Caltrans purchased Clara’s home via the eminent domain process, her name was on the property deed.

Shortly a�er moving into her childhood home on South Pasadena Avenue, Judy met Mary Bourke, who lived on Orange Grove Avenue. Through Judy, Clara and Mary became the best of friends.

It was Mary who, because she was white, was able to purchase the Green Buck Restaurant, using money that Clara had saved, and then had it moved from its original loca�on on Green Street to South Pasadena Avenue at Del Mar Boulevard.

Photo: Judy Allen Risby
Photo Source: Judy Risby

Photo: Clara Allen, Owner of the Green Buck 1 and 2
Restaurants
Date of Photo: Unknown
Photo Source: Judy Risby

51 The new loca�on of the restaurant was in the front yard of Allen’s home on South Pasadena Avenue. Her mother was
a formidable baker and cook who claimed that she was
“led by the Holy Spirit.” Judy remembers rela�ves
migrated to Pasadena from Georgia and worked with Clara at The Green Buck along with people who lived in the
neighborhood. Ever the entrepreneur and investor, Clara opened The Green Buck 2 on North Fair Oaks Avenue near
what would later become the Parson’s project.

Clara, her family, and home as well as her ﬁrst restaurant, the original Green Buck, were displaced by eminent
domain. Because the business was on the same parcel of
land as their home, they were paid solely for the value of the home and not the business. Later, a new home,
located at 396 North Raymond Avenue (at Maple) was
purchased. This home is where Judy currently lives with her husband and two adult grandchildren.

Judy le� Pasadena a�er high school and studied in the
Paciﬁc Northwest, and later moved to Alberta, Canada,
where she met her husband, Phillip G. Risby, a Canadian- born visual ar�st whose pain�ngs are a mirror of a life lived as a Black man growing up in North America. A life consis�ng of both pleasure and pain, social injus�ce,
beauty, and resilience. Currently several grandchildren currently live with Judy and Phillip at their Victorian home in Pasadena as they con�nue the Allen family tradi�on of inves�ng in real estate to build wealth for future
genera�ons.

Photo: Clara Allen’s Home - 275 S. Pasadena Avenue, Pasadena, CA Photo Source: Judy Risby

Photo: Clara Allen Green Buck Restaurant located in her front yard.

Photo Source: Judy Risby

Photo: Clara Allen in the Green Buck
Restaurant Kitchen

Photo: Green Buck Restaurant Staﬀ.

Photo Source: Judy Risby

52 Photo: Clara Allen serving her customers.

Photo Source: Judy Risby

Photo: Honoring Clara Allen Program
Photo Source: Judy Allen Risby

Photo: Honoring Clara Allen, Ar�cle from the Pasadena Star News Ar�cle Shared By: Judy Allen Risby

Photo: Clara Allen’s Famous Pecan Pie Recipe
Photo Source: Judy Allen Risby

53 #4 Interview:

Miriam Nakamura Quan and Ray Quan were not displaced.

Ac�ve Members of the ‘No on 710 Movement’ and Japanese
American Community Connectors.

Date: May 28, 2024, 11:00 AM

The Quans, who are long�me residents of Pasadena and members of the Japanese American community, were referred to Allegra by Seiko, who is a member of the Pasadena Japanese American Cultural Ins�tute. She suggested that we speak with the Quans regarding our outreach to the Japanese American Community. They, along with Bryan Takeda, assisted us in reaching descendants of those residents who were displaced by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

They shared that this cultural belief that ‘something cannot be helped’, coupled with the pain of being marginalized repeatedly, explains why some members of the Japanese American community were unwilling to share their stories. This trauma started with the 1924 ban on all Asian immigrants coming into the United States, then con�nued with the Execu�ve Order forcing all Japanese American people living on the West Coast out of their homes and businesses into internment camps during World War II, and is visible today with ongoing racial prejudice. Mimi and Ray worked with Allegra to iden�fy local Japanese American residents who could be good community connectors and con�nue to spread the word about the SR 710 Oral History Project.

Ac�ve Members of the ‘No on 710’ Movement un�l any plans to build the SR 710 were thwarted by the State of California. They were most concerned about an increase in traﬃc conges�on, as well as the nega�ve environmental and health impacts of the planned construc�on of the SR 710 freeway. Ray was one of the ‘No on 710’ team members whose analysis of Caltrans and Metro studies and reports led to increased community awareness of both the “F” ra�ng Caltrans plan received for reducing traﬃc conges�on. His report also revealed the nega�ve environmental and health impacts of both the demoli�on of homes and neighborhoods, as well as the construc�on of the infrastructure required to build the freeway and its proposed tunnel. Addi�onally, he studied the long-term impacts of opening the tunnel and freeway. Poor air quality was at the top of his list, which, over �me, could lead to long-term health problems for neighbors, including asthma and heart disease.

Ray’s ﬁndings mirror the comments about the damaging impact the SR 710 freeway construc�on had on the individuals who completed the SR 710 Oral History survey.

Like Bryan, Mimi and Ray also spoke
of a Japanese American language
phrase Shikata ga nai (仕方がない),
pronounced [ɕi̥kata ɡa naꜜi], that
means "it cannot be
helped" or "nothing can be done
about it".

Photo: Ray and Miriam Quan
Photo Source: Miriam and Ray Quan

54 #5 Interview:

Claire Bogaard- Family was not displaced but impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Ac�ve Member of the West Pasadena
Residents Associa�on (WPRA)

Date: June 3, 2024, 2:00PM

Claire and her husband, Bill, the former Mayor of Pasadena, moved to Pasadena in the late 1960’s. In 1971, they moved to a home on Congress Place which is in West Pasadena south of California Boulevard where they lived for nearly 50 years. Their home was along the proposed route of the SR 710 Freeway.

Claire’s interest in historic preserva�on and her days as an advocate for historic preserva�on began a�er the city tore down “blighted” neighborhoods and built parking garages and oﬃce buildings. A founding member of Pasadena Heritage in 1977, Claire served as its Execu�ve Director un�l 1993. Pasadena Heritage, a community-based historic preserva�on associa�on, whose mission is to iden�fy, preserve and protect the historic, architectural and cultural resources of the City of Pasadena through advocacy and educa�on was instrumental in preserving Pasadena’s historic downtown at a �me when it was contemplated that it be raised and replaced with high-rise development. Today Pasadena Heritage works in coopera�on with the City of Pasadena and neighborhoods to create urban design plans for historic commercial districts and residen�al neighborhoods.

In addi�on to her work with Pasadena Heritage, Claire
served on the board of The West Pasadena Residents
Associa�on (WPRA), which was founded in 1962 and
served to amplify the voices of West Pasadenans. As a
group of volunteers the WPRA strives “to guide and
shape change and, as a result, enhance residents’
quality of life.” She also served as an advisor to the Na�onal Trust of Historic Preserva�on, California
State Historic Commission, and other city
commissions and advisory commitees, including the
Commitee for the Restora�on of Pasadena City Hall.

Claire worked �relessly to oppose the comple�on of
the SR 710 Freeway in Pasadena and was an ac�ve
member of the No on 710 movement. Today, Claire is
re�red and living with her husband. Their four
children, who atended both public and private
schools in Pasadena, live here in the United States
and in Spain.

Photo Cap�on: American Chef, Author, and Television Personality Ms.

Julia Child’s family home is at 1199 South Pasadena Avenue, owned by Caltrans. It has been vacant since.

Photo Source: Pasadena Now

Photo: Claire Bogaard
Photo Source: ColoradoBoulevard.net

55 #6 Interview:

Doris Leonard – Family was displaced in her youth via eminent domain; Parcel #47569, Pasadena Avenue

Date: July 11, 2024, at 2:00PM
Parents: Emanuel Shelton Leonard Sr. (b. 5/5/1919)
Graveta Jeanne Booker Leonard (b. 11/25/1921)
Emanuel and Graveta met in Seatle, WA, in 1941 and were soon married. Emanuel joined the Army, where he served as a cook, refusing to bear arms. He secretly fed families who had lost their fathers during World War II. Disturbed by the segrega�on and poor treatment of Black soldiers, he led a successful revolt against segrega�on in the military, ul�mately contribu�ng to the desegrega�on of the armed forces. Emanuel was subsequently promoted to second in command and served as a liaison to higher units.

The Leonards had three children:

Emanuel Shelton Leonard Jr.
(b. 1942 in Oakland) – Served in the Army.

Doris Mae Leonard
(b. 1945 in Oakland).

Shaﬁk Dowan Leonard
(b. 1954 in Pasadena).

A�er the war, the Leonards moved to Pasadena in 1952.

Emanuel started a construc�on company and, in 1957, built Manuel’s Motel on Lincoln Avenue, which served as a safe haven for Black travelers. Graveta became the ﬁrst Black Realtor in the San Gabriel Valley, obtaining her real estate license in 1959.

Together, they acquired and rehabilitated proper�es, o�en helping Black families purchase homes despite the challenges of redlining. They were instrumental in integra�ng Pasadena, working �relessly to upli� their community.

Emanuel was named ‘Father of the Year’ and was featured in a Pasadena Star-News cover story in the 1950s, during the �me when they lived in their Pasadena Avenue home. The Leonards were married for 64 years. The Leonards were innovators. Emanuel also started Silver Crown Limousine service, catering to entertainment industry clients. Graveta ran a successful real estate business on Washington Blvd. and Lincoln Ave. Their businesses provided jobs and opportuni�es for many, including their own children, who worked alongside them.

Photo: Emanuel and Graveta Leonard Wedding
Photo Date: 1942
Photo Source: Doris Leonard

Photo: Three Leonard children today

56 The family was displaced by the SR 710 freeway construc�on, losing their home on Pasadena Avenue. They navigated the racist real estate prac�ces of the �me to purchase another home above the Rose Bowl on Arroyo Blvd. The loss of their home had a las�ng impact on Doris, who recalled the noise, dust, and disrup�on caused by the construc�on.

Emanuel and Graveta Leonard were pillars of the Pasadena community, leaving behind a legacy of service, innova�on, and leadership. Their eﬀorts to support and upli� the Black community con�nue to be felt today.

Though they have passed, their impact remains in the lives they touched and the paths they forged.

Pasadena Avenue Home
Photos Source: Doris Leonard and family

Photo: Graveta Leonard, 1950s
Photo Source: Doris Leonard

Photo: Emanuel and Graveta Leonard
Photo Source: Doris Leonard

Photo: Emanuel Leonard, U.S. Army 1940s
Photo Source: Doris Leonard

57 #7 Interview:

St. Andrew Church- Fr. Marcos Gonzalez nor the church were impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on, but by the I 210 freeway construc�on and the Parsons Project.

Date: June 13, 2024, 3:15 PM
and August 22, 2024, 3:15 PM

St. Andrew Church was aware of the SR 710
freeway construc�on; however, the church was
not directly impacted. The church and school,
anchors in the community since 1927, were
impacted by both the construc�on of the I 210
Freeway and the Parsons Project. To this day,
they s�ll feel the environmental impact of the
projects, not to men�on the noise and the
change in traﬃc paterns for accessing both the
church and its school. Establishing a rela�onship
with Fr. Gonzalez was a springboard to
connec�ng with addi�onal Hispanic and La�no
families which increased the number of stories collected and histories ampliﬁed from displaced or impacted people and families. Many of whom cited, in the SR 710 Survey, that they iden�ﬁed as Hispanic/La�no.

Interview #8:

Sandra (Sandy) McConnell’s family was displaced, and a year later, they moved into a new home in Pasadena. Caltrans took the house, which is s�ll standing.

Date: June 27, 2024, 4:30 PM

Sandy, a long�me resident of Pasadena, purchased a
home located at 1150 S. Pasadena Avenue for $24,000 in
1965 when she moved there with her husband and two
small children, including a newborn. In 1968, the
McConnell family received an eminent domain order
from Caltrans and were given $34,000 for their home.

A�er a year of looking for a new home, they stretched
their budget and in 1969 moved into their new home,
737 Lakewood Place in Pasadena, where she lived with
her daughters un�l 1983, a�er her divorce in the early
1980’s. Since then, she has rented in Pasadena for many years and now lives on Casa Grande Street.

Life changed when the family moved to Lakewood Place. A trauma�c and life-changing event at their new home a week a�er they moved in made an already disrup�ve and diﬃcult move even more challenging.

Photo: St. Andrew Church, Pasadena
Photos Source:

St. Andrew Church website

Photo: Fr. Marcos Gonzalez
Photos Source:

St. Andrew Church website

Photo: Sandy McConnell and Daughters
Photo Source: Sandra McConnell

58 Professionally, Sandy con�nued to work for the Pasadena Uniﬁed School District (PUSD) as a teacher at Allendale School during the desegrega�on of PUSD and to work part-�me for the World Book Company. Meanwhile her husband, Glen, worked as a city
atorney in downtown Los Angeles. Teaching and volunteering with the PTA during the desegrega�on of the schools was diﬃcult – it happened quickly, and teachers and parent volunteers were not given the necessary tools and coaching to successfully integrate new families into their respec�ve schools, classrooms, communi�es and programming. For example, acknowledging, understanding and apprecia�ng the cultural diﬀerences between the various families in each school was not a skill they had at their disposal. The impact of the situa�on is counterintui�ve to the concept of school desegrega�on which encouraged diversity, as it further divided rather than uniﬁed the schools. She simultaneously taught at Allendale and Franklin Elementary for many years while working for the World Book Corpora�on as a full-�me employee.

Today, Sandy, a mother and grandmother, re�red from PUSD and is an ac�ve par�cipant in The Pasadena Village, a caring community of older adults who support each other as they age in place.

Interview #9:

Christopher Allen Edson, then NAACP President, is related to Mrs.

Hazel Huﬀ, who was displaced by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

Date: July 1, 2024, 2:00PM

Christopher Allen Edson, current NAACP President, and a Pasadena na�ve, shares his family's history and experiences with displacement due to the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Allen Edson is related to Gladys Miles and remembers Hazel Huﬀ as a signiﬁcant ﬁgure in his life. His family migrated to Pasadena in the early 1900s and was later displaced by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

Born in 1953, Allen Edson recalls his childhood during the 1960s. As a young adolescent, he didn't fully understand the poli�cs surrounding the 710 Freeway because he wasn't allowed to par�cipate in adult conversa�ons. During that �me, he atended Friendship Bap�st Church and fondly remembers Enterprise Dry Cleaners and his father's beau�ful rose garden.

Front View of 1150 S. Pasadena Avenue
Photo Source: Sandra McConnell

Photo: Christopher Allen Edson
Photo Source: NAACP Pasadena Chapter

59 As he grew older, Allen became aware of the sundown laws of local nearby ci�es (Glendale, South Pasadena, Burbank) and segrega�on in Pasadena. He recalls the Pasadena city yard being the city jail and the city's segregated neighborhoods. Despite this, he appreciated the diversity of his community, living among Japanese American and Mexican families and having posi�ve interac�ons with his neighbors.

Allen also remembers the displacement that forced many Black families to move to Altadena and the eﬀorts of the Neighborhood Improvement Associa�on to beter the area’s quality of life. Before the displacement, his grandparents, parents, and siblings lived together, crea�ng a close- knit family environment.

Allen Edson's story highlights the challenges and resilience of his family and community in the face of displacement and segrega�on, as well as his apprecia�on for the diverse community he grew up in.

Interview #10:

Walt Butler’s family was displaced by both the SR 710 freeway construc�on and the I-210 freeway construc�on, and his family’s church, First AME, was displaced. (South Pasadena Avenue)

Date: July 1, 2024, 5:00PM
Walt, a long�me resident of Pasadena and Altadena is, according to the Pasadena African American Film Foundation, one the
greatest athletes to come out of Pasadena.

He grew up in a large family in Pasadena who was displaced from their home near Garﬁeld School (he did not recall the exact address) between 1967 and 1970. They later moved to Northwest Pasadena.

He atended Garﬁeld School, McKinley Junior High School, and later Pasadena High School.

As a student at Garﬁeld, he recalls being paid 25 cents to eat as many apples and oranges as possible from the fruit trees in the yards of homes on California Boulevard adjacent to the Arroyo. Homeowners saw this as an eﬀec�ve tool for warding oﬀ squirrels and other animals.

His family atended First AME church. A�er First AME was destroyed, his father and uncle became Deacons at New Revela�on Missionary Bap�st Church. Years later, Walt became involved with the church’s renova�on project. Church has always played an important part of Walt’s life – he remembers ﬂying home late one night from a track meet in Texas so he could atend church the next morning.

Ever the compe�tor, Walt, did not want to blemish his perfect atendance record!

Photo: Christopher Allen Edson
as a young boy.

Photo Source: Christopher Allen Edson

Photo: Walt Butler
Photo Source: Pasadena City College Library

60 Walt was a standout track and ﬁeld star at both McKinley Junior High and Pasadena High School specializing in running hurdles. To this day, he holds records at both schools. As a teenager his preference was to atend Muir High School with his friends, however, he was bused to the predominantly white Pasadena High School.

Despite facing racial challenges at Pasadena High School, Walt gained na�onal acclaim in track and ﬁeld, se�ng a California Interscholas�c Federa�on (CIF) record in the 120-yard-high hurdles, and competed at the Na�onal High School Track and Field meet at the University of Texas. A�er gradua�ng from Pasadena High School Walt enrolled at Pasadena City College (he was the only one in his family to atend college), where he graduated with a degree in Public Rela�ons and Outdoor Adver�sing. At PCC he played football and ran track and ﬁeld, becoming the State Junior College Champion in the 120-yard hurdles.

A�er college, Walt coached track and ﬁeld at Pasadena City College, par�cipated in Master Athle�cs events where he broke more records that s�ll stand today. In 1979, he opened Walt Butler Sports Shoes in Northeast Pasadena, closing it a�er more than 30 years of being in business. According to an ar�cle in Local News Pasadena he helped everybody who walked into his store. If you didn’t have the money, he worked with you.

Or, if you were a good student, he’d “straight-up give you some shoes.” As Walt shared with us, his mantra has always been “don’t be greedy give to the needy!”
In 2014, he was inducted into the USA Track & Field Master’s Hall of Fame and was inducted into the Pasadena City College Sports Hall of Fame in 2023, and in 2025, he will be inducted into the Pasadena Sports Hall of Fame. We spoke at length about his accomplishments and na�onal recogni�on in the sports world, however when the conversa�on turned to his family, the impact of the SR-710 and I-210 displacements on his family, the conversa�on quickly reverted to his successes in sports. “Just look me up – you can ﬁnd anything you want to know about me online or at PCC,” was his closing comment as we wrapped up our conversa�on.

Interview #11:

Cedric Smith was not displaced; his mother, Mrs. Lillian Smith, nego�ated transac�ons with Caltrans to move homes scheduled for demoli�on to other parts of Pasadena.

Date: July 12, 2024, 2:00 PM

Cedric Smith’s family migrated to Pasadena from Texas in 1944. His parents, Nolan Sr., and Lillian Smith had three children: daughter Nolanda Smith and two sons, Nolan Smith Jr., and Cedric Smith. Cedric's narra�ve centers on his mother, Mrs. Lillian Smith, a
successful realtor in Pasadena known
for her shrewdness and ability to
close real estate transac�ons
throughout the en�re city.

Lillian was a trailblazer, naviga�ng
the racist Pasadena real estate
industry during the 1960s and 1970s.

She facilitated real estate
transac�ons for successful African
American doctors and surgeons,

Photo: Mrs. Lillian Smith, 1960s
Photo Source: Cedric Smith, Son

Photo: Nolan and Lillian Smith’s Family
Photo Source: Cedric Smith, Son

61 leading to Solita Road being known as Doctors Row. Prominent doctors, including Dr. Robert D. Nesbit and Dr.

Adolpus Trailor, were among her clients. Lillian’s oﬃce was located near Howard and Lincoln Road, adjacent to John Muir High School, where the school buses parked. Lillian’s oﬃce could have been displaced due to the 210 freeway construc�on.

With remarkable foresight, Lillian nego�ated the purchase of homes scheduled for demoli�on by Caltrans and physically moved these homes to other parts of Pasadena. She later sold these relocated homes to people of color, ensuring they would remain in the community. Lillian retained three proper�es for her own por�olio, where Cedric Smith’s grandchildren now reside on Del Monte St., Forest Avenue, and Claremont St.

Cedric's father, Nolan, worked at California Consumer Corpora�on, a frozen food packaging company known for employing hundreds of minority workers. Nolanda, Cedric, and his younger brother Nolan Jr. were the ﬁrst minority students to atend Pasadena Chris�an School at Montana St. and Lincoln Ave. Cedric experienced racial trauma and prejudice there but later found acceptance at Cleveland Elementary. Nolanda and Nolan Jr. remained enrolled at Pasadena Chris�an School.

Lillian was more than just a realtor; she was a pillar of the community. She served as the community notary public and voter registrar. Her home was a gathering place where people socialized and connected. Her legacy con�nues to impact the lives of her family and the broader Pasadena community. Mrs. Lillian Smith passed away in 1991.

Photos: These real estate photos are of Lillian Smith's relocated homes where Cedric Smith’s grandchildren reside today.

Photos Source: Cedric Smith

62 Interview #11:

Gladys A. Miles—Her mother, Hazel Huﬀ, who lived at 762 Winona Street in Pasadena, was displaced via eminent domain.

Date: July 12, 2024, 4:00 PM

Gladys Miles, a remarkable 96-year-old Pasadena na�ve,
shares her family's long and rich history in the area. Gladys’s family migrated to Pasadena before the 1900s, and she was born here. Her mother, Mrs. Hazel Huﬀ, had eight daughters and two sons. Caltrans took their family home at 762 Winona St. through eminent domain.

A�er being displaced, Hazel Huﬀ managed to purchase
another home at 1612 Glen Avenue. This three-bedroom
house had a deed with old language of the racist restric�ve covenant writen on it sta�ng it could be sold to Whites only. By the late 1960s, when Hazel was buying this house, the US Supreme Court had taken judicial ac�ons since 1948 that made these covenants unenforceable, even though they s�ll appeared in deeds in Pasadena and around the na�on.

Gladys married at Friendship Bap�st Church and had ﬁve
children, all born at Women’s Hospital on Congress Street.

Her memories of Pasadena include the Brookside Plunge,
which at one �me only allowed communi�es of color to swim one day a week, and the Parke Theatre on Fair Oaks Ave. north of Washington Blvd.

At 96, Gladys con�nues to live independently. She pays her own bills, tends to her garden, and lives near Mayor Victor Gordo. Her resilience and dedica�on to her family and
community are evident in her stories and the life she
con�nues to lead.

Gladys’ sisters: Hallie Humdy, who recently passed away in July 2024 at age 102, and Betsy Perkins, who is 92 years old and s�ll resides independently in Pasadena.

Photo: Friendship Church Board Missionary Department,
including Hallie Humdy, sister of Gladys Miles.

Photo Source: Historical Journal – 75 Diamond Jubilee
Celebra�on – Friendship Bap�st Church – 1893-1968

Photo: Mrs. Gladys A. Miles, Pasadena Na�ve
Photo Source: PasadenaNow, Eddie Rivera

63 Interview #12:

Orrin Tracy – His family and the Taylor family were displaced.

They owned three homes, 325, 327, and
329 Kensington Avenue, which was sold to Caltrans.

The property owner was Ernes�ne Taylor.

Date: July 12, 2024, 4:00 PM
Orrin Tracy's family migrated to Pasadena in 1915. His
grandfather, John F. C. Taylor, served as the pastor at First AME Church on Vernon Ave. and Kensington Place
in the displacement area from 1915 to 1918. Orrin’s
grandmother, Ernes�ne Taylor, joined them in
Pasadena in 1917. Orrin fondly recalls the bustling
household where he lived with his grandparents,
parents, and three siblings.

The Taylor family owned three homes at 325, 327, and
329 Kensington Avenue, all located in the displacement
area and on one parcel of land. Due to the
construc�on of the SR 710 Freeway, the family was
forced to move. Orrin’s brother remained in one of the
homes un�l its demoli�on. Eventually, the family
relocated to 894 Summit Avenue, Pasadena.

Photo: Friendship Church Board Members including Hazel Huﬀ, mother of Gladys Miles
Photo Source: Historical Journal – 75 Diamond Jubilee
Celebra�on – Friendship Bap�st Church – 1893-1968

Photo: Friendship Church - The Banquet Commitee including Hallie Humdy, sister of Gladys Miles.

Photo Source: Historical Journal – 75 Diamond Jubilee Celebra�on – Friendship Bap�st Church – 1893-1968

Photo: First AME Church, North Vernon Avenue
Photo Source: First AME Church

64 Orrin's educa�onal journey took him through Lincoln Elementary, McKinley Jr. High School, Pasadena High School, and ﬁnally, John Muir Junior College in 1954. His memories of the community include Preble’s Market, Joyce Shoe Factory at Vernon Ave. and Colorado Blvd., George Throop, and The Green Buck Restaurant.

However, Orrin's experiences were not without hardship. He vividly recalls the extreme racial prejudice and discriminatory prac�ces, par�cularly in the area east of Lake Avenue. Despite these challenges, the First AME Church remained a cornerstone in his life. Orrin atended First AME as a child and con�nues to be an ac�ve member today. Orrin dedicated 35 years of service to the US Postal Service before re�ring. He now resides in Altadena, CA, where he reﬂects on the rich history and resilience of his family and community.

Interview #14:

Joanne Nucklos was not displaced. She is a long-�me resident of South Pasadena who was an ac�ve par�cipant in No On 710 Movement.

Date: July 24, 2024, 3:00 PM
Joanne, a resident of South Pasadena since 1967,
was one of the South Pasadena 710 Freeway
Fighters. A neighbor of AlvaLee Arnold, she quickly
became involved in her neighbor’s ﬁght to stop the
Long Beach Freeway extension from further dividing
the City of South Pasadena which was already
bisected by the 110 – Pasadena Freeway. When the
proposed Meridien route was chosen over a more
westerly route that would not run through the heart
of the city, the Freeway Fighters ramped up their
visits to Sacramento, to local town hall mee�ngs
hosted by Metro which was led by Kirk Kirkorian and
Caltrans (formerly known as the Bureau of
Highways), and to court to kill the SR 710 freeway
construc�on and the planned tunnel through South
Pasadena.

Joanne shared a ‘No On 710’ �meline of the project
commencing with a resolu�on against extending the
freeway by the City of South Pasadena in 1947
ending with SB7 and AB 29, which were
spearheaded by Senator Anthony Portan�no and by
Assemblymember Chris Holden, and then signed by
Governor Gavin Newsom on October 13, 2019. This
decision ended the controversial eﬀort of the SR-
710 North Gap Closure Project and supported the
City of Pasadena’s ongoing eﬀorts for the
relinquishment of the corridor.

Photo: No on 710 Freeway Fighters.

Photo Source: Pasadena Star News

Photo: The South Pasadena Freeway Fighters. Joanne is on the far le�.

Photo Source: South Pasadenan.com

65 #15 Interview:

Melvin Mercer’s family was displaced. His family lived on Lincoln Avenue at Eureka.

Date: July 26, 2024, 11:00 AM and
August 14, 2024, 12:15 PM
Melvin, a resident of Corona, was born in Los Angeles and moved to Pasadena from Wats. His Mother brought the family to Pasadena to live with his younger brother’s father, Eugene Mar�n, whose family lived on Orange Grove Boulevard at Pasadena Avenue. Eugene was a long�me resident and employed by the City of Pasadena and later the Altadena Country Club. He was also close friends with baseball great Jackie Robinson. Melvin’s mother, who married twice, was a stay-at-home mom and later worked at local convalescent homes in Pasadena. Melvin is one of ten children, four of whom are s�ll living. Like Melvin, his siblings no longer live in Pasadena, but in Bellﬂower and Lancaster.

One of his earliest childhood memories was when his family was living in Wats. Even though his family was not religious, when asked what he wanted to be by Art Linkleter on “Kids Say the Darndest Things”, he said that when he grew up, he wanted to be a preacher. A�er moving to Pasadena, Melvin atended Washington Elementary, Washington Junior High School and graduated from Blair High School in 1970. This was not his neighborhood school, which was a problem as he really wanted to atend Muir or Pasadena High School as did his friends and those, he played sports within the California Interscholas�c Federa�on League (CIF) , including Walt Butler.

He has fond childhood memories of living in Pasadena and is s�ll in touch with friends from here including Carlos Robledo whose family owned a boxing gym on Manzanita Ave. where many of the African American boys from the neighborhood spent �me together. Melvin and his friends also went to the Boys Club located on N. Fair Oaks Avenue and Villa Street. Here he swam, played litle league baseball, made arts and cra�s and par�cipated in a summer camp program.

When Melvin grew up there were rumblings about the SR 710 Freeway being built, but didn’t pay aten�on to them. He was a teenager when his family received the no�ce aler�ng them that they needed to move because the freeway was going through their house. A�er his family of eight was displaced from their home, they were the ﬁrst family to move into King’s Manor (located at 88 W. Washington at Fair Oaks Ave.) where the family rented a home. This was a new experience for him as it was the ﬁrst �me his family had lived in a brand-new home.

A�er gradua�ng from Blair HS, he atended Pasadena City College. He worked in diﬀerent jobs for LA County, the City of Pasadena, and Abbot Laboratories in Alhambra. The blood plasma lab where he worked was open 24/7 and he worked a shi� that required him to drive through South Pasadena a�er sundown. Despite the sundown laws in place in South Pasadena, he was able to travel back to Pasadena on Fremont Avenue as the police were less strict about enforcing the law that thoroughfare vs. Fair Oaks Avenue, where the police were more vigilant about enforcing the law.

Photo: Melvin Mercer
Photo Source: Melvin Mercer – Facebook Page

66 His mother moved to Compton from Pasadena. Melvin joined her there and par�cipated in a Manpower program that was co-sponsored by the City of Compton and McDonnell Douglas. His ﬁrst posi�on at McDonnell Douglas was as an aircra� structure engineer. Later, he worked as the Employee Assistance Program Coordinator, as well as a Cer�ﬁed Drug and Alcohol Counselor a�er receiving his counseling creden�als from Cypress College. In this capacity he started an in-plant drug and alcohol recovery program.

Subsequently, at Boeing (they acquired McDonnell Douglas in 1997), he was the President of the Black Employees Associa�on, an aﬃnity group which was ac�vely involved in introducing DEI into the culture at the company. During his tenure there, Boeing sponsored programs in Washington, D.C. that aﬀorded Melvin to meet with the Congressional Black Caucus and President Clinton. Upon re�ring, Melvin worked for McDonnell- Douglas and the Boeing Corpora�on for almost 30 years.

Melvin met his wife, Cynthia, a long�me employee of the San Bernardino Sheriﬀ’s Department when they were both living in Compton. Together they have ﬁve children (3 daughters and 2 sons) and six grandchildren.

One of his sons, who atended John Muir High School, met his wife at the Head Start program here in Pasadena. Today, Melvin lives in Corona where he has been a football coach for the last ﬁ�een years and con�nues to lead a Chris�an 12 Step program at Patria Church in Rancho Cucamonga.

Of his life, Melvin says, “I have l lived two lifestyles in one life�me.”

#16 Interview:

Dr. Lawton Gray and Pablo Miralles – John Muir High School – Alumni History Museum

Date: August 6, 2024, 4:00 PM
A visit to the John Muir High School Alumni History Museum and a conversa�on with the school principal, Dr. Lawton Gray, and the school historian, Pablo Morales. The museum was in the process of being set up in a new loca�on on the school’s campus. Several class photo collages were on display, as was a small collec�on of sports memorabilia. Visitors to the museum can now view old year books via computers set up in the library. There were several boxes of archives that were s�ll packed from the recent move and unable to be accessed.

We spoke about SR 710 freeway construc�on, and it did not directly impact John Muir High School. Neither Lawton nor Pablo was personally impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on. Pablo shared a story about his family moving into a new home in Altadena that his father, a successful architect, designed. When he went to a local bank to secure a mortgage, he was turned down despite having the funds to qualify for the loan and the income necessary to pay the monthly mortgage. Upon being turned down, he secured a loan from a bank in Los Angeles that would service a man of Hispanic/La�no descent.

Pablo wrote and directed the acclaimed documentary “Can We All Get Along? The Segrega�on of John Muir High” originally released in 2019 and aired on PBS in 2022. We spoke brieﬂy about school desegrega�on in

67 Pasadena and how it was one of the many events taking place in the city at the same �me as the construc�on of the I-210 freeway, the Pepper Street Project and the SR 710 freeway construc�on. When asked if he thought it was important for us to interview Dr. Ramon Cor�nes, the former PUSD Superintendent of Schools during the late 1960s and early 1970s, to get his take on the impact of the SR 710 freeway construc�on on PUSD students and families, he said that he did not believe it was necessary.

#17 Interview:

Lafayete C. Parks, Jr., AKA “Sunny”, Not Displaced and Family Atended Friendship Bap�st Church
Born in 1935, Mother: Arena Lee Parks
Family Roots at Friendship Bap�st Church

Date: September 3, 2024, 5:00 PM
Lafayette recalls knowing about the SR 710
freeway construction but was not displaced.

The Parks family lived at 60 Palmetto Drive,
Pasadena, in a lovely two-story home that was
later purchased by Beacon Storage and
demolished. Lafayette’s mother, Arena Lee
Stephen, was born and raised in Pasadena and
is the young girl breaking ground in the
Friendship Baptist Church photo. The family
attended Friendship Baptist Church through
the years and remembers a time when there
was no building; church services were held in
tents, and they sat on benches. Arena Lee
Stephen married Lafayette Parks Sr. at
Friendship Baptist Church in 1934.

Photo: Groundbreaking Ceremony; Friendship Church, Arena Parks wearing white dress and holding shovel. Below: Grandparents Oneal Pickens Family Photo, circa 1920’s when ﬁrst arrived in Pasadena. Source: Lafayete Parks, Jr.

Photo Sources: Dr. Lawton Gray John Muir High School, Pablo Miralles Arroyo Seco Films, John Muir High School Alumni History Museum

68 Lafayette Jr. recalls meeting Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. at Friendship Baptist Church when he was eight years old, along with the large outdoor speakers and a big crowd of people.

Lafayette’s Aunt Pickens sang in the church choir, and in 1941, his father, Lafayette Sr., was drafted into the U.S. Army. At that time, Arena was a housewife but later took a job at Lockheed and eventually became a realtor in Pasadena.

Lafayette remembers how well Pasadena treated him and
believes it was due to his
light skin complexion.

Lafayette Sr. was Creole
(French, Indian, and
Spanish), and his mother was Black. Lafayette Jr. was born with blonde hair and blue eyes, and people walking by often assumed his mother was his nanny. Lafayette's father encouraged him to embrace being different and unique. Lafayette shared fond memories of house parties, telephones on the wall, a diverse community, sleepovers, and backyard celebrations. He attended Garfield Elementary, McKinley Jr. High, and Pasadena Community College. After selling the family home on Palmetto Drive, Arena Parker purchased a home in Altadena to be near her daughter and grandchildren.

Lafayette Jr. is now 89 years old, married, has one son, Lafayette Parks, III, and two grandchildren, and currently resides in Menifee, CA.

#18 Interview:

Allen Shay- Displaced Resident
Born in 1958 From Jackson, Mississippi

Date: September 3, 2024,
11:00 AM

Allen Shay was born in Mississippi and is the eighth of 13 children. The story that he shared during the interview centers on Rena Mae Shay, his mother, who was born on August 18, 1929, into a family of sharecroppers in Jackson, Mississippi. She migrated to Pasadena in August 1963. Rena Mae lived on Kensington Street and was displaced by the SR 710 Freeway. She rented the house from a cousin of hers who owned the property and whose last name was Brown.

Allen remembers being close friends with the Prince family, visi�ng The Green Buck Restaurant, a dry cleaners, and a doctor’s oﬃce in his community. Rena Mae was a domes�c worker who also provided for her family by ren�ng a house at Howard St. and Navarro Ave. She later purchased a bungalow-style home at 950 Worcester Ave., Pasadena. Rena Mae subsequently applied several �mes for a building permit to remodel the a�c to accommodate her growing family, but the city’s building department repeatedly denied

Photos: Lafayete Parks and family.

Photo Source: Lafayete Parks, Jr.

Photos: Arena Lee Stephen married
Lafayete Parks Sr. at Friendship
Bap�st Church in 1934.

Photos: Allen Shay
Photo Source: PasadenaNow

69 her requests. Frustrated, Rena purchased another home in 1969 in Altadena and rented out the Worcester property.

Rena Mae atended Friendship Bap�st Church and later
joined Lincoln Avenue Church, which became the family’s church home. She lived by three guiding principles: God, Family, and Business. In 1972, Rena Mae purchased The
Litle Red Hen Coﬀee Shop on Fair Oaks Avenue in
Altadena. Living in Altadena allowed her family to engage with a variety of progressive people of color, including Sam Cooke, Ivan Dixon, talent from the “Fat Albert” Show, and the Jacksons (the singing group), all of whom le� a posi�ve imprint on her children.

Allen speaks very highly of his late mother, describing her as an amazing, humble woman who didn’t get involved in poli�cs. The Litle Red Hen Coﬀee Shop remained open un�l it was destroyed during the Eaton Fire and was run by her daughter and granddaughter, con�nuing the family legacy.

# 19 Interview:

Tim Ivison – Not Displaced, but Impacted, Caltrans Renter South Pasadena Avenue

Date: September 4, 10:15 AM

Tim’s Grandmother was a tenant who, beginning in October 1968, leased a Caltrans home located at 955 S.

Pasadena Avenue and lived there un�l 2015-2016. Tim, his wife, Julia Tcharfas, and their family assumed the lease and now rent the home from Caltrans. They currently qualify via the Aﬀordable Rent Program for a ﬁxed monthly rental fee of 30% of their household income. This program went into place in 2015-2016 and was made permanent during the COVID-19 pandemic.

As Caltrans renters, they were oﬀered the ﬁrst right of refusal to purchase the property they rent from Caltrans. Tim and Julia qualify for an Aﬀordable Purchase Program allowing them to purchase the home at a lower cost providing they can demonstrate that they, as tenants who have lived in the home for 5 or more years and have an income that
is no more than 150% of area
median income. There are
restric�ons on when they can
sell the home, on how the
proceeds from the future sale
of the home are disbursed,
however this is something they
are pursuing. They were
recently told that escrow on the
property could take between six
months and a year to close.

Photos: Litle Red Hen Restaurant, Altadena, CA
Photo Source: Suzanne Madison

Photos: Tim Ivison
Photo Source: O�s School of Design

Photos: Ivison Home
Photo Source: Aubin Wilson

70 ONE ON ONE INTERVIEWS

#20 Interview:

Margot Seipelt – Family Displaced
Date: September 30, 2024,
3:00PM

Margot’s mother, Barbara M. Brown was born in 1914 and passed away in Norther California in 2002 at age 88.

She moved to Palmeto Drive in 1944 and lived there un�l 1968 when her home was purchased through eminent domain and later demolished to make way for the SR 710 Freeway. The move happened just three weeks a�er the marriage of her youngest child, a daughter. The house was built in 1906 or 1909, and it was a grand three-story home with eight bedrooms. It was the perfect home to raise her 5 children. However, by the �me her daughter got married it was too big a house for Barbara. Margot recalls her mother being relieved that her house was being purchased by eminent domain as if she tried to sell it herself no one would have bought knowing that the SR 710 Freeway was supposed to go straight through her property.

#21 Interview:

Jane Mitsumori- Family Displaced

Date: October 4, 2024, 1:00PM
Jane’s parents, John Manabu Mitsumori and May Mitsumori, lived on Palmeto Drive in Pasadena. Their home, a three-story, shingled Cra�sman-style home with huge bedrooms, was purchased
through eminent domain in 1968. The move was disrup�ve to the family who did not want to move out of the neighborhood.

They were fortunate and were able to purchase a home on Markham Place, which is just a short distance from their former home on Palmeto Drive. Jane’s Mother was insistent that they remained in the same neighborhood. The home on Markham Place is s�ll owned by the Mitsumori family. Jane recalls that her parents didn’t tell them much about the move, but on the day that the moving van came Jane went upstairs to check out the 3
rd ﬂoor for the ﬁrst �me. As a rule, the door to
the third ﬂoor was closed, and no one ever went upstairs, but this day, she did and found three bedrooms and two bathrooms. John was born in 1923 and raised in Pasadena. At age 17, his family was sent to an Internment Camp in Arizona and returned to Pasadena a�er the war ended. He was a plumbing engineer who worked for diﬀerent ﬁrms un�l his re�rement. He passed away in 2020 at age 97. May was born in 1924 and was raised in Pomona. At age 16, her family was sent to an Internment Camp in Wyoming and returned to Pomona a�er the war ended. She was a stay-at-home mother who raised three children, 2 sons and a daughter. She recently celebrated her 100
th birthday and splits her
�me between her children’s homes in Southern California.

Jane and her brothers, one older and one younger, atended Pasadena public schools – Garﬁeld Elementary, McKinley, and Blair High School. Like many Japanese American families in Pasadena, the Mitsumori family worshipped at the Japanese
American Union Presbyterian
Church at 305 Kensington Place,
which is now located on Lincoln
Avenue in Altadena.

Photo: Mitsumori Family Home
Photo Source: Google

71 #22 Interview:

Harrison Bailey III and Karen Bailey Powell - Grandparents, Harrison Bailey, Sr., and Laura Bailey were displaced in 1967.

First Cousins of Gary Moody and Michelle Moody
Date: November 20, 2024 –
1:00PM – Allegra Consulting’
Office – 129 N. Marengo
Avenue, Pasadena.

The Bailey’s family connec�on to 255 Waverly Dr, The Walter Raymond Home, designed by Myron Hunt, one of the most important Southern California architects, began in 1921 when Harrison Bailey Sr., born in 1900 and died in 1970 of cancer, and Laura B. Bailey nee Laura Short bought the property and moved in with her mother Frances Short and John Short Sr. who moved into the rear house of the same address. They brought with them their daughter Julia Frances (1 year old) and the Winfrey (cousins) from Augusta, Georgia to setle in Pasadena.

Grandfather Bailey was a chauﬀeur and gardener, and their grandmother was a domes�c.

During those years, the Baileys had a son Harrison Bailey Jr. who was born two (2) years later in 1923 and many nieces, nephews, cousins, grandsons/granddaughters, great grandsons, and granddaughters.

There were many benchmarks of those 47 years that included trips up the hill on New Year’s to observe the Tournament of Roses parade. The Baileys hosted many holiday family events (Easter, Thanksgiving and Christmas) bringing family members from all over the country to share in these celebra�ons. At these �mes of the year the kitchen was jammed with people preparing food for these feasts.

The Bailey family shared with the community of “South End” Pasadena and the membership of Friendship Bap�st Church hos�ng major church banquets that was atended by the Pastors (Dr. Carter, Marvin T. Robinson, and Stan Lewis) over those 47 years.

Photo: Harrison Bailey Sr., Laura Bell Bailey,
Julis Frances Bailey and Harrison Jr. Bailey.

Photo Source: Google

Photo: Grandma Short and Grandpa Short in front of their home at 255 Waverly Place, Pasadena.

Photo Source: Harrison Bailey III and Karen Bailey Powell

Photo: Myron Hunt, architect
Photo Source: Boys Republic

Photo: Grandma Short Photo
Source: Harrison Bailey III and Karen Powell
Bailey

72 According to Harrison and Karen, their grandparents were pillars in the community and helped set the cornerstone at Friendship Bap�st Church in 1925 with Pastor Dr. Carter and the members of Friendship Bap�st Church. Their family, including the Winfrey family, who occupied the three brownstone homes adjacent to 255 Waverly Drive, was the only Black family west of the railroad tracks, which made our home the center of ac�vity and pres�ge. The family enjoyed an in�mate rela�onship with the neighbors, especially the Magee’s with whom Grandpa Bailey shared many conversa�ons and shared seasonal fruit and vegetables from the many trees that occupied both proper�es. They s�ll have vivid memories of the large avocado tree in the yard as well as the so� dichondra grass that blanketed the yard, and white rose bushes that were later moved to the house on Worcester Street a�er being forced to sell their home through the eminent domain process.

Their Bailey grandparents, along with Great Grandma and Grandpa Short (both of whom passed away in the 1950s), experienced a renaissance that spanned two genera�ons of family members, as well as Pasadena’s evolving government and changing downtown landscape. They witnessed the migra�on of families to Northwest Pasadena as the city’s popula�on grew to over 100,000 residents. Among their close family friends were the Valen�nes of Woods Valen�ne Mortuary. Mrs. Valen�ne was a frequent guest at Grandmother Laura’s popular a�ernoon tea.

Mr. and Mrs. Bailey’s daughter, Julia Frances, was married twice—ﬁrst to Mr. Moody, with whom she had four children: Michelle, Francine, Winston, and Gary. She later married Mr. Mitchell, and they had three children:

Sidney, Julie, and Laurie, who now live in the house on Claremont Street in Pasadena that Harrison purchased for Julia Frances.

On their mother’s side, their grandparents, William J. and Celeste Bunch, came to Pasadena from Chicago and lived on Vernon Avenue. Grandmother Bunch had ﬁve daughters, lovingly referred to as the “Bunch Girls.” Neither Harrison nor Karen recall whether their home was taken through eminent domain for the construc�on of the SR 710 freeway. Harrison and Karen’s parents, Harrison Bailey, Jr, and Jacqueline Bunch, married and later divorced. Harrison and Karen’s parents, Harrison Bailey, Jr, and Jacqueline Bunch, married and later

Photo: Grampa and Grandma Short – Circa 1952
Photo Source: Harrison Bailey III and
Karen Bailey Powell

Photo: Harrison and Laura Bailey and Family – Circa
1952 Photo Source: Harrison Bailey III and
Karen Bailey Powell

73 divorced. As children, Harrison III and Karen lived on Garﬁeld Avenue, and then, a�er their parents divorced, they moved with their mother to Sunset Avenue in Pasadena and, for a short while, lived with their father in Los Angeles, who moved closer to his job with the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). A�er re�ring from the LAPD, their father worked for the Admiral Corpora�on. Their Mother worked for the LA County Court as a clerk in their Pasadena oﬃce and in downtown Los Angeles un�l she re�red. Their father, Harrison, Jr. remarried several �mes, and their mother remarried once. Harrison Bailey, Jr. passed away at age 78 from heart disease, and Jacqueline Bunch Bailey passed away at age 91.

Harrison and Karen atended PUSD schools from grammar school and graduated from Blair High School. Karen was among the ﬁrst students to graduate from Blair High School. They were bused there even though John Muir was their neighborhood school. At that point, a school had not been built. At that �me, Blair was small, 200-300 students. They atended school in an old windowless factory-type building repurposed as a school. Unless the air quality was poor or the weather was bad, gym class was held outdoors in Allendale Park, and the Allendale branch of the Pasadena Public Library served as the school’s library.

Despite the school being very diverse, neither Harrison nor Karen do not have a recollec�on of there being any racial discord at Blair. They remember that they both got along well and socialized with everyone.

A�er gradua�ng from Blair High School, both Harrison and Karen atended Pasadena City College. Harrison III has done much professionally; he served in the US Air Force for four years, worked for IBM and Savin in their copier divisions, and worked for CB Ellis Commercial Real Estate, where he created an online portal where agents could view available proper�es. Addi�onally, he worked for Cedars Sinai Hospital in admissions and in Denver for an electric power plant manufacturer. Most recently he owned a successful limousine service with mul�ple cars and employed numerous drivers that served both corporate and private clients. He is now re�red and splits his �me between Southern California and Mexico.

A�er leaving PCC, Karen became a ﬂight atendant for TWA. Karen later moved with her husband, who worked for Lockheed, to Kansas City, MO. Here she worked her way up at Menorah Medical Center and became the hospital’s Assistant Medical Staﬀ Director. A�er 11 years in Kansas City, Karen returned to Southern California and con�nued her career where she had administra�ve posi�ons at numerous hospitals in the Greater Los Angeles area, including St. Luke’s Hospital (Pasadena), Keck Medical Center of USC, Century City Doctors Hospital, and St. Francis Hospital in Lynwood. She is now re�red and resides in Torrance.

Photo: Harrison Bailey, Jr.

Photo Source: Harrison Bailey III
and Karen Bailey Powell

Photo: Harrison Bailey, Sr.

Photo Source: Harrison Bailey III
and
Karen Bailey Powell

74 In 1967 Harrison Bailey Sr. was mandated by the State of California to move from 255 Waverly Drive by Right of Eminent Domain to make way for the construc�on of the SR 710 Freeway and was forced to accept a non-nego�able sum to relocate. This pris�ne property had an immaculate garden, gravel driveway, and second home and was a showcase home on Waverly Drive on a property that stretched from Orange Grove Blvd. to Pasadena Ave. Many gardeners would come to consult with their Grandpa Bailey and view his beau�ful ﬂowers and dichondra grass in the front yard.

Because of his declining health, the family acted quickly and found a new home on Worcester Street in Northwest Pasadena.

In 1967, Grandfather Harrison Bailey Sr. was mandated by the State of California to move from 255 Waverly Drive by Right of Eminent Domain to make way for the construc�on of the SR 710 Freeway and forced to accept a non- nego�able sum of money to relocate. This pris�ne property had an immaculate garden, gravel driveway, and second home and was a showcase home on Waverly Drive on a property that stretched from Orange Grove Blvd. to Pasadena Ave. Many gardeners would come to consult with Grandpa Bailey and view his beau�ful ﬂowers and dichondra grass in the front yard. Because of his declining health, the family acted quickly and found a new home on Worcester Street in Northwest Pasadena.

When the State of California moved the SR 710 freeway construc�on more than 100 feet east of 255 Waverly Drive, Harrison Bailey was deceased, and Laura B. Bailey was in no condi�on to understand the brevity of the status at said property. The children of Harrison and Laura, Julia Frances Mitchell and Uncle Harrison Bailey Jr., weren’t no�ﬁed of the adjustment, and the property sat unoccupied and was ﬁnally razed some�me in the early 1970s. The property remained a vacant lot un�l the sale of the land to Mass Development Corpora�on and the subsequent building of a new single-family home in 2018.

According to Harrison and Karen, the trauma that was inﬂicted on the family when their Grandparent's home was sold through eminent domain is s�ll felt by the descendants of the family today. They cannot bring back the home that was the Bailey Legacy nor the pride of the family’s church and community throughout these 47 years, but they believe they need to be made “whole” regarding the unceremonious way this property has been juggled from various poten�al buyers without no�fying the descendants and family members that s�ll live in and around the greater Pasadena area. They were appalled that there is a single-family home being built on said property without giving the original residents an opportunity to retrieve what was stolen from their family.

Photo: Michelle Moody, Gary Moody and their cousin
Karen Bailey Powell with Aunt Frances in the backyard
of the family’s home on 255 Waverly Place.

Photo Source: Harrison Bailey III and Karen Bailey
Powell

75 GROUP INTERVIEWS
#1 Group Interview

West Pasadena Residents Associa�on (WPRA) -
Atendees are part of Priority Group 4 -
Not Displaced but Impacted by the SR 710 Construc�on.

Date: May 8, 2024, 6:00 PM

According to the West Pasadena Residents’ Association’s website its mission is to amplify the voices of west Pasadenans. As a group of volunteers with a more than 60-year history, they strive to guide change and, as a result, enhance residents’ quality of life.

Mirroring qualitative data collected via the SR 710 Oral History Project Survey, members of the WPRA noted that for more than 50 years, residents have contended with “high traffic volumes, gridlock and a shift in traffic patterns on Pasadena Avenue and St. John Avenues, increased cut-through traffic, closed-through streets such as Markham Place or Wigmore Drive, unsafe sidewalks that are not being cared for by Caltrans, disrupted and blighted neighborhoods such as the Markham Historic District where homes remain empty” because of the planned SR 710 freeway construction.

Residents in West Pasadena spoke of the quality-of-life factors such as air pollution, noise, and traffic that they experience every day. “These factors add an often-unrealized level of inconvenience and stress to our daily lives.” Despite these daily inconveniences, some of those in attendance moved to West Pasadena after the SR 710 Construction began.

Additionally, the WPRA spoke about the importance of historic preservation of the homes being sold by Caltrans. In addition, it is their desire to have the voices and views of those who live south of California Boulevard represented in the final plans for the SR 710 Freeway Stub. At this meeting we were first introduced to the “Freeway Fighters”, a coalition of South Pasadena based community advocates who, with residents of El Serreno and Pasadena, lead a 60-year grassroots battle against extension of the 710 Freeway. These freeway opponents were united by their belief in accessible, safe, sustainable, and healthy communities for all.

The WPRA expressed their desire to assist Allegra in collec�ng surveys from their membership. An eblast introducing the survey, as well as a reminder to take the survey, were sent to more than 1,400 households.

Addi�onally, Allegra was invited to host an informa�on table at the WPRA’s Annual Meeting on June 6 at Elks Lodge. At this mee�ng, the main program focused on “Reconnec�ng Pasadena: mobility, transporta�on and opportunity in the 710 Corridor”. Experts were brought in to discuss traﬃc and land use, both subjects which are of great interest to the WPRA.

76 #2 Group Interview
NAACP Pasadena— Members of the Pasadena Chapter of the NAACP fall into all Priority Groups, including Displaced Residents, Businesses, Organiza�ons, and those who were Not Displaced but Impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

Date: May 9, 2024, 6:00 PM

The Pasadena Branch of the NAACP has a more than 100-year history. The Branch was founded in 1919 when a small group of citizens answered the call of John Wright to respond to the needs of minority people in Pasadena. For over a century, the NAACP Pasadena has been fighting for civil and human rights, including the impact of desegregation of the public school system in Pasadena where the N A A C P, in Spangler vs. Pasadena Board of Education, asserted that:
a) There was a racial imbalance or segregation in the student bodies and faculties of the Pasadena Unified School District at all levels: elementary schools, junior high schools, and senior high schools. b) That imbalance is a result of defendants' failure to carry out their announced policies of integration, policies that relate both to faculty and student assignments.
c) These failures have occurred in connection with the teacher assignment, hiring and promotion policies and practices of the district, its construction policies and practices, and its assignment of students.

Memories were shared about the beau�ful homes destroyed, including President Allen Edson’s rela�ve’s home on Vernon Avenue, and businesses, such as
Preble’s Market on Dayton Street that was
displaced because of the SR 710 freeway
construc�on.

Allen also shared recounted stories about
another notable Black-owned business
including the Hotel Carver
, located at 107 S.

Fair Oaks Avenue which was listed in the Green
Book and was located outside of the SR 710
displacement area. Owned by Percy Carter and
his family, this was the ﬁrst Black-owned hotel
in Pasadena which was also home to a
nightclub called The Onyx Club, later called
Club Cobra. (Photos are shown on the following
page.)

Subsequently, we accessed the NAACP archives, where we collected photographs, newspaper ar�cles, and legal documents focusing on diverse neighborhoods, economic and social segrega�on, community changes, racial tensions and segrega�on, public safety, and more.

Photo: NAACP celebrates 95 years. Leadership featured in the photo.

Source: NAACP Pasadena Chapter

77 NAACP General Membership Mee�ng-
Oﬃcer Elec�on Processes and Procedures and SR 710 Reconnec�ng Communi�es and Oral History Presenta�ons
Date: August 22, 2024, 6:30PM

Listening and learning were the overarching
themes of the evening’s ZOOM mee�ng.

Danny Parker, chairman of the Reconnec�ng
Communi�es SR 710 Advisory Group,
reintroduced the SR 710 Reconnec�ng
Communi�es Project to the group and
brought everyone up to speed on the who,
what, where, and when of the project. He
stressed the importance of keeping abreast
of when mee�ngs are being held and
atending mee�ngs to ensure that the
NAACP member's voices are heard and that
the organiza�on has a seat at the table
during community conversa�ons about the
restora�ve jus�ce process and the future of
the Stub. Having voices heard and
meaningful change realized builds on the
legacy of past NAACP Pasadena leaders
working �relessly to address racial injus�ces
and advoca�ng for improvements in
educa�on, housing, and equal rights. Key
ﬁgures included Walter Sha�ord, a civil
rights atorney, and Ruby McKnight
Williams, the two-�me president of the
Pasadena branch of the NAACP , who led
ini�a�ves for desegrega�on and community
improvement.

Addi�onally, members learned about the SR
710 Oral History project and how the NAACP
was instrumental in providing Allegra with
historical insights into the events taking
place in Pasadena during the displacement era, including the desegrega�on of the Pasadena Uniﬁed School District (PUSD) and the Pepper Urban Renewal Project. The collec�on of 19 ar�cles, leters, maps, memos, and photos was instrumental in doing so. Echoing what was gleaned in the SR 710 Oral History survey and at the Japanese American Buddhist Temple event, the ques�on was raised about how the City of Pasadena was going to address the families and businesses who were displaced and impacted by the I 210 construc�on.

Photo: Displaced Community Favorite
Preble’s Market and Preble’s Fishery
Recipe. Preble's Market and
Fishery, founded by Newfoundland
native Albert Preble, was a beloved
Pasadena staple in the 1950s and
1960s. Known for its fresh produce,
seafood, and friendly service, the
original store was on Green Street.

By the 1960s and '70s, Preble
expanded to ﬁve locations,
including one at Lake and Walnut.

The market stood out for offering
fresh juices, live seafood, and
recipe cards, leaving a lasting
impression on the local community.

Photo Source: Photograph and
Recipe from the Pasadena Museum of
History

Photo Source: The Black Collec�on at
the Pasadena Museum of History.

Photo: Preble’s Ad in Historical Journal –
75 Diamond Jubilee Celebra�on –
Friendship Bap�st Church – 1893-1968
Photo Source: Historical Journal – 75
Diamond Jubilee Celebra�on –
Friendship Bap�st Church – 1893-1968

Photo: Percy Carter Jr., posed for
the 1944 photograph at South Fair
Oaks Avenue and Green Street.

Photo Source: Pasadena Museum
of History

78 #3 Group Interview
710 Restora�ve Jus�ce Coali�on –
The coali�on, comprised of local nonproﬁt organiza�on leaders and community members, is advoca�ng for a just and equitable solu�on in the 710 Stub Redevelopment Plan. Coali�on members include Dr. Gilbert Walton, two members of the SR 710 Advisory Group, Tina Jackson Williams and Jasmin Shupper. Addi�onal members of the coali�on are Brandon Lamar, Pastor Mayra Macedo Nolan, and Hannah Berk.

Date: May 10, 2024, 8:00 AM

As part of its Oral History Outreach Eﬀorts, Allegra met with several community connectors, including the 710 Restorative Justice Coalition. Its mission is to collabora�vely create a repair-based solu�on that is historically rooted, community-led, and ensures those who were displaced and/or directly impacted by the city’s long history of racially biased policy, including suppor�ng a planned route for the SR 710, par�cipate in the conversa�on and beneﬁt from the solu�on. Like the NAACP , the 710 Restora�ve Jus�ce Coali�on demands to have a seat at the table when conversa�ons are being held about the future of the SR 710 Stub and believes that all, including the city’s youth, need to be part of determining what the remedy will be and what restora�ve jus�ce looks like. A professor, at Duke Medical School, writes about moving from inequality to jus�ce via the ARC method, a three-phase process:

"The City of Pasadena has a long history of disenfranchising the African American community, from the Brookside Plunge to the displacement of homes, businesses, and places of worship in the 1960s and 1970s," said Dr. Gilbert Walton, chairperson.

A
Apology and
Acknowledgement

R
Res�tu�on
C
Concilia�on

"The SR 710 is not an isolated incident. We must acknowledge the city's history and ensure it isn't repeated. Restora�ve jus�ce requires a fresh perspec�ve with an equity lens, leading to tangible solu�ons like long-term housing policy changes, opportuni�es for homeownership, and addressing health inequi�es. Equity is achievable, and people need to be made whole."
Dr. Gilbert Walton

79 #4 Group Interview
Sequoyah School - The School was not displaced but
impacted by the SR 710 freeway construc�on.

Rebbeca Hong, Head of School
Elena Phleger, Director of Advancement
Date: June 18, 2024, 11:00 AM

Sequoyah School, founded in the late 1950’s, began
leasing space at 535 South Pasadena Avenue from the
Neighborhood Church in 1959. In 1968, the property was
sold to Caltrans to make way for the SR 710 Freeway.

Neighborhood Church le� its historic building on South
Pasadena Avenue at California Boulevard and moved to its current loca�on on North Orange Grove Boulevard.

Subsequently, the church sanctuary was torn down by
Caltrans. However, Sunday school buildings and the rest of the campus were le� intact. Thus, a�er the sale of the
property, Sequoyah began leasing space from Caltrans to con�nue its school func�ons. During this period,
Sequoyah searched for a permanent place to move,
however they were unable to ﬁnd a property that met
their needs and budget.

The planned SR 710 freeway construc�on impacted the
school in many ways. First, as renters from Caltrans, they feared being evicted and not having a viable place to go.

And second, the traﬃc and sidewalks on Pasadena Avenue
are signiﬁcant safety hazards. Neither of the streets was designed to be on and oﬀ ramps for a freeway, and the
neighborhood is not pedestrian-friendly. The sidewalks are narrow and in disrepair. Third, the impact on educa�on was signiﬁcant as well. Children atending schools like Sequoyah School in the SR 710 Corridor faced instability, due to pollu�on from the freeway and nearby power plants.

These concerns mirror opinions shared in the qualita�ve data collected via the SR 710 Survey.

Central to the vision of Sequoyah School is a dedica�on to diversity, equity, and inclusion. According to Rebecca Hong, Head of School, “We must name what happened. We want to see a space created that replicates what the neighborhood looked like before – a combina�on of businesses and residences that is pedestrian-friendly and socio-economically diverse. Everything should be knited together and uniform. "The school con�nually faced the prospect of
demoli�on un�l 2018. Addi�onally, the
disrup�on extended to health, as highlighted
by concerns about "breathing and allergies"

Photo: Neighborhood Church
Photo Source: Library of Congress

Photo: Rebecca Hong
Photo Source: Sequoyah School

Photo: Elena Phleger
Photo Source: Sequoyah School

Photo: Classroom Building Sequoyah School
Photo Source: Library of Congress

80 PANEL DISCUSSION

#1 Panel Discussion
First African Methodist Episcopal Church (First AME Church) – Unveiling the Untold: First AME Church Oral History Discussion and Videotaping Session
History and Heritage Commitee – Gwendolyn Brown, Valisa Jeﬀrey, Anna Parker, Eddie Newman, Alma Stokes, Allene
Washington, and Lorna Dee Washington.

Date: June 26, 2024, 1:30 PM

The First AME Church of Pasadena, located at 107 N. Vernon Avenue, was designed by Paul Revere Williams, a prominent Los Angeles architect who was the ﬁrst African American to become a member of the American Ins�tute of Architects (AIA). With its shiny alter rail, soaring pipes of its famous organ, colorful stained- glass windows and grand center aisle, it was a masterpiece that “had an aura about it”, according to Anna Parker. Adjacent to the sanctuary were other buildings on the campus that included the Pastor’s parsonage, classrooms and retail shops. First AME was an extraordinary religious and cultural center for the African American community. Here families and friends gathered to celebrate, dine, play, sing, socialize, study, worship, and to be safe and free.

Beginning in the
late 1960s, this
historical church
and bedrock of the African American community was seized through eminent domain along with the other buildings on the campus. Though church leaders fought valiantly against its destruc�on due to the planned SR 710 freeway construc�on, they were unsuccessful in their eﬀorts.

“We were expendable, said Gwendolyn (Gwen) Brown,
whose father was the Pastor of First AME at the �me of the decision. Fortunately, church elders managed to salvage the beau�ful stained-glass windows and front door of the church before bulldozers arrived.”

Photo: Banquet in Basement of Vernon and
Kensington.

Photo Source: 1st AME Church & Mayon Denton, M D
Produc�ons

Photo: Women’s Choir
Photo Source: 1st AME Church & Mayon Denton, M D

81 These historic treasures (architectural elements) are part of First AME’s current home at 1700 N. Raymond Avenue in Pasadena.

The power of faith and the importance of First AME Church in the lives of the panelists and their families was a constant theme that echoed throughout the oral history discussion and videotaping session. “The church was the center of our life,” said Alma Stokes. And Eddie
Newman shared that when she moved to Pasadena from
Memphis, TN to live with her aunt and uncle to atend
John Muir High School, her faith and church were such
important parts of her life that her Pastor in Tennessee wrote a leter of transfer for her so she could quickly join First AME and ﬁnd her new church community.

Pastor Madelyn Manning writes that “it is the power of
faith that sustained these churches and members
impacted through the trials and tribula�ons of their
displacement, and it is our faith today that provides us with the strength to overcome adversity and to pursue
jus�ce. We must believe in the power of our voices and
the signiﬁcance of our stories. By sharing our experiences, we are strengthening the bonds that unite us and
aﬃrming the value of every person’s contribu�on to our
shared history.” The panelists from the History and
Heritage Commitee believe in the power of their voices
and oral histories and will no longer be bullied by people and policies designed to marginalize and push the people of color out of Pasadena – “We must resist the force. Our voices must and will be heard. We need to be part of the conversa�on, not for our genera�on but for the children of Pasadena,” said Gwen Brown.

Photo: First AME Church Historic Architectural Elements Moved into New Church. Note the stained-glass windows in the Kensington Church can been seen in the Raymond Ave. Church. Photo Source: First AME Church and Mayon Denton, M.D. Produc�ons

Photo: Stained Glass Windows
Photo Source: First AME Church and Mayon Denton, M. D.

Produc�ons

82 COMMUNITY EVENTS

#1 Community Event
West Pasadena Residents Association (WPRA)– Annual Meeting – Tabling Event at The Elks Lodge Date: June 6, 2024, 5:00 PM
More than 200 people were in atendance for the West Pasadena Residents Associa�on’s Annual Mee�ng, which focused on the city’s plans to “reclaim, re-envision, reconnect and redevelop” the 710 Freeway stub and corridor. To beter understand the theme: “Reconnec�ng Pasadena: Mobility, Transporta�on, and Opportunity in the 710 Corridor”, experts were brought in to discuss traﬃc and land use. These subjects are of great interest to the WPRA, as noted in the qualita�ve data collected through the SR 710 Oral History Survey, in feedback collected on-site at the mee�ng’s informa�on fair, and during our May mee�ng with the WPRA. At Allegra’s outreach team’s table, a laptop with an online connec�on and paper surveys were used to gather informa�on from event atendees. During this event, we engaged with more than 50 atendees who were given outreach materials and signed up to receive more informa�on.

#2 Community Event
Happy Birthday, Pasadena! - Silver Screen
Extravaganza - Tabling Event at The Pasadena
Museum of History
Date: June 9, 2024, Noon
More than 300 people atended the City of
Pasadena’s 138
th Birthday Party, a family-friendly
annual event, at the Pasadena Museum of
History. This community-wide celebra�on
oﬀered us the opportunity to educate atendees
about the SR710 Oral History Project by
distribu�ng postcards and conversing with a
broad cross-sec�on of community members

#3 Community Event
Alkebu-lan Cultural Center – Juneteenth Event – “Because of Them I AM.” – Collabora�ve Partner
Date: June 18, 2024, 12:30PM
The Alkebu-lan Cultural Center and its genealogy class, led by Aldra Allison, organized a Juneteenth Na�onal Independence Day Celebra�on. This Celebra�on honored community trailblazers, shared a message of hope, faith, and healing, celebrated oral history as an important tool for collec�ng and preserving the voices memories and perspec�ves of people and for educa�ng the community about the past and in doing so learn from it so past mistakes are not repeated. The highlights of the day were the release of the class’s book “Because of Them, I AM”, and the personal stories shared by several of the city’s trailblazers, three of which were recorded. This celebratory and joy-ﬁlled commemora�ve community-wide luncheon and program atracted more than 150 guests.

Photo: Because of Them, I Am: A Salute to Black Pioneers of Pasadena Book, a project of the Alkebu-lan Cultural Center Genealogy Class Photo Source: Alkebu-lan Cultural Center

83 Oral history, according to Dr. Alison Rose Jeﬀerson, is the oldest form of historical inquiry and mode of transmi�ng knowledge learned that arrived before a writen tradi�on was developed. “The SR 710 Revisioning Project will help to preserve personal oral narra�ves of people impacted by the freeway construc�on that have been le� out of the historical record that will engage people and educate them now and in the future about how the past inﬂuences the present and the importance of remembering the past inﬂuences the present, and the importance of remembering the past to build a beter future for our collec�ve empowerment in standing against injus�ce to create a more just society, and inclusive narra�ve and iden�ty.”

#4 Community Event
Pasadena Buddhist Temple –
Outreach Event to the Japanese
American Community
DATE: June 22, 2024, 1:30PM
Connec�ng with Pasadena’s
Japanese American community
was an integral part of our
outreach eﬀorts. SR 710 Advisory
Group Member, Bryan Takeda
introduced us to the Japanese
American language phrase
Shikata ga nai (仕方がない),
pronounced [ɕi̥kata ɡa naꜜi],
which means "it cannot be
helped" or "nothing can be done
about it". Understanding this
deeply rooted cultural belief that
‘something cannot be helped’,
coupled with the pain of

Photo: Alkebu-lan Cultural Center
Photo Source: Alkebu-lan Cultural Center Facebook Page

Photo: Aldra Allison
Photo Source: Suzanne Madison

84 being marginalized repeatedly, beginning with the Immigra�on Act of 1924 which legislated a ban* on all Asian immigrants coming into the United States, helped us to beter understand the culture of this community.

*The Immigration Act of 1924, or Johnson–Reed Act, including the Asian Exclusion Act and National Origins Act, was a federal law that prevented immigration from Asia and set quotas on the number of immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe.

As a result of this research, we worked in tandem with Bryan and his close friend, Ron Toshima, to plan and host an outreach event at the Pasadena Buddhist Temple, which was atended by more than a dozen Japanese Americans.

Most of the participants in the program acknowledged that do not follow the local news in Pasadena or are well-informed about what is happening in the community. Nevertheless, many knew about the Oral History Project because they had seen the signage at bus stops or a poster at the Altadena Library. Hosting this event served as an opportunity to share information, as well as to collect personal stories, and to answer questions about the project.

Themes discussed and stories shared that afternoon focused on the history of displacement of Japanese Americans and its subsequent impact on the community and their families. One of the program’s participants, Rick Osaka, the grandson of a family who was displaced from the sale of their home by eminent domain, was reticent to share his family’s story because he was skeptical that the City of Pasadena would acknowledge its responsibility and then repair the harm of the past. Even so, he felt it was his duty to share his family’s story in honor of those whose voices were never heard. To this day, he said he is filled with sadness each time he drives up South Pasadena Avenue and passes by where his grandparents’ “Pasadena Beautiful Foundation’s - Golden Arrow Award” recognized home was torn down. Mixed with undeniable skepticism, there is hope and faith that their storytelling will be a springboard for repairing what is broken and making a better city for all Pasadenans to be included and respected.
#5 Community Event
Pasadena Senior Center,
Independence Day Party-Great
American Swing Band Concert &
Dance-Tabling Event
Date: July 4, 2024, 1:00PM
Complementing our pop-by visits to
fitness classes held at the Pasadena
Senior Center, this event offered us
the opportunity to generate added
awareness of the SR710 Oral History
Project through the distribution of
postcards and mingling with more
than 100 Pasadena area Seniors.

Photo: Great American Swing Band
Photo Source: Pasadena Now

85 STORIES

#1 Stories -
The Settlement Movement in Pasadena
Historically a community gathering spot for the Mexican American community in Pasadena was located on W. Del
Mar Boulevard, adjacent to the neighborhoods ultimately demolished to make way for the SR 710 freeway
construction.

The Settlement Movement began in Chicago and focused
on providing opportunities for social betterment by a
variety of means. Recognizing similar needs in Pasadena, a group of civic-minded citizens started a Settlement House in Pasadena’s southern commercial section of town.

Alternatively referred to as the Pasadena, Mexican, or
Edna P. Alter, Settlement, it provided a medical loan chest in case of illness, a maternity hospital, and secondhand store. Classes offered included traditional folk expressions, English, “Americanization”, and it was a place for
neighbors to celebrate Halloween. (Pasadena Museum of
History). Like one’s parish, the Settlement House was a hub and an important community gathering spot for the
Mexican American community in Pasadena many of whom
who lived the neighborhood.

Also at the Settlement, a variety of clubs were established, each with the goal of keeping youngsters involved in positive, rather than negative activities. National organizations like Boy Scouts of America or Campfire Girls and groups that originated at the Settlement like “Settlers Club” and later the “Settlequeens”, provided opportunities for young people to spend time together, enjoy enrichment classes and experience field trips while in a safe environment. (Lopez/Mares Collection)
The Settlement function, name and site changed over the years. After World War II, the building and organization moved to Del Mar Boulevard adjacent to the SR 710 Freeway displacement arfea. This picture was taken prior to a special event at the Settlement in 1951, a jamaica.

During a jamaica, or a community fair, each club would take the lead on organizing an activity. The women typically would prepare food, and the men would construct the booths.

Source: Latinos in Pasadena, Roberta H. Martinez Photo Source: Lopes/Mares Collection

86 #2 Stories - West Dayton Street
Dayton Street served as the business and religious hub of the African American community in downtown Pasadena for decades. For example, it was home to the Francisca Building, the first commercial building commissioned by and for African Americans in Pasadena. From the 1920’s to the 1940’s the street housed many businesses owned and operated by Pasadena’s Black residents.

This thriving commercial and cultural center of Pasadena which was also (and still is) home to Friendship Baptist Church. During the SR 710 freeway construction this street, which originally ran from Fair Oaks Avenue west to St. John Avenue, was shortened to end at the area now known as the SR 710 Freeway Stub.

Photo: The Francisca Building
Photo Source: Pasadena A Business History. Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History

Photo: Gathering at a business in the Francisca Building.

Photo Source: Pasadena A Business History. Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History.

Photo: Hanging out on Colorado Boulevard
Photo Source: Pasadena A Business History. Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips and the Pasadena Museum of History.

Photo: James T. Phillips, Jr. posed for this photograph in his law oﬃce in the Francisca Building at 24 West Dayton Street.

Photo Source: Pasadena A Business History. Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips, and the Pasadena Museum of History.

87 #3 Stories – James A. Garfield School
Garfield School was originally called the California Street School when it opened in 1888; so, named because it was built on California Street (now a boulevard). In 1890 the campus grew with the construction of additional buildings, including a separate kindergarten building, and it was
renamed James A. Garfield Elementary School. The
impressive Victorian-style school with its looming towers was eventually replaced with a brick edifice in 1906. This building sustained extensive damage in the 1933 Long
Beach earthquake and was subsequently demolished in
1936. During the Great Depression, a new Garfield School was built with the help of the Public Works Administration.

The PWA, part of the New Deal of 1933, was a large-scale public works construction agency. It was created by the National Industrial Recovery Act in June 1933 in response to the Great Depression. It built large-scale public works such as dams, bridges, hospitals, and schools. Its goals were to generate employment, stabilize buying power, and help revive the economy.

Located at the corner of Pasadena Avenue and California Boulevard, the Garfield School building was torn down again in the early 1970s as the result of the SR 710 freeway
construction. Today, a shopping mall that houses Von’s
supermarket, several banks, and shops sits on this property.

Garfield School was repeatedly mentioned during our one- on-one oral history interviews, as well in feedback collected in the survey. Survey respondents mentioned that since it was the neighborhood’s only public elementary school,
every family sent their children to study there.

Photo: Garﬁeld School
Photo Source: Pasadena Public Library Facebook Page

Photo: Garﬁeld School Class Photos
Photo Source: Claire Bogaard

88 #4 Stories – Orban Lumber
Located at 85 S. Pasadena Avenue, this business can be found on Caltrans R/W Map F-1214-9, parcel numbers 41713 and 41714. #5 Stories - “Because of Them, I AM:

A Salute to Black Pioneers of Pasadena”
Pasadena's Alkebu-lan Cultural Center (ACC) was established in 1989 as a community-based non-profit cultural center. The Center was founded by Versie Mae Richardson, a long-time Pasadena resident, internationally known opera singer, and community activist, along with two other community members: Emerson Terry, an artist, and Dr. Marie Battle, an educator. ACC seeks to encourage creativity through music, theater, drama, oratory, dance, and other mediums of artistic expression. In addition, the Center coordinates programs that provide the greater community with insight into, and appreciation of, the rich heritage and contemporary achievements of African American people. Alkebu-lan’s genealogy class’s book “Because of Them, I AM: A Salute to Black Pioneers of Pasadena,” traces the roots of families who have lived in Pasadena for generations.

Through the sharing of oral histories, the book offers insight into the fascinating histories of these families. For example, the family of Ann Marie Hickambottom still owns the home on Westgate Ave. that they purchased more than 100 years ago!
Additionally, several of the stories shared in this book speak about the disruption of the SR 710 Freeway Construction and actions people took to challenge Caltrans’ plans. In the introduction to the book, Aldra Alison thanks her husband’s nine siblings for sharing their stories about growing up in Pasadena. They lived on West Del Mar Boulevard, near the path of the SR 710 freeway construction, and attended First AME Church’s vacation Bible school when the church was still located on Vernon Ave. After school let out, they often ate lunch at The Green Buck restaurant.

Sandra Knox’s story was shared by Patricia Duff Tucker, who wrote, “Sandra Knox was the Executive Director for Pasadena Neighborhood Housing Services – Pasadena (PNHS) for over 20 years. She was a fearless advocate in bringing affordable housing services to the families in Northwest Pasadena. PNHS was the first organization to challenge Caltrans to ensure that homes along the 710 extension would go to low- income families. She also helped develop the Neighborhood Enterprise Center, which provided business education and micro-loans and grants.

Barbara Richardson King speaks about her family being able to turn lemons into lemonade. Ms. King remembers “In the 1960s, when eminent domain began elimina�ng neighborhoods in SW Pasadena, my father was desperate to help his parents relocate. My father bought this home from Caltrans and moved it to a vacant lot for my grandparents. He did ﬁve more projects that required moving houses in the middle of the night, in the middle of the street, to save them from demoli�on.”
Photo Source: Barbara Richardson King

Photo Source: Patricia Duﬀ Tucker

Photo Source: Pasadena Museum of History

89 90
SECTION 9: RESOURCES

Primary:

Online Survey/Ques�onPro.com
Printed/Mailed Surveys
1on1 Interviews (Telephone and In-Person)
Group Interviews
Video Interviews

Secondary:

Pasadena 1940-2008, Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips, and the Pasadena Museum of History Caltrans ‘Right of Way’ Maps
Pasadena Museum of History
NAACP Pasadena Branch Archives
First AME Church Pasadena Archives
Friendship Church Pasadena Archives
Because of Them, I AM: A Salute to Black Pioneers of Pasadena Alkebu-Lan Cultural Center
Conspiracy of the Good: Civil Rights and the Struggle
for Community in Two American Ci�es, 1875 - 2000
Michael E. James
(Garﬁeld Elementary School)
West of Jim Crow: The Fight Against California’s Color Line Lynn M. Hudson
Pasadena Public Library
La�nos in Pasadena, Roberta H. Mar�nez
Pasadena: A Business History, Patrick Conyers, Cedar Phillips, and the Pasadena Museum of History

91 92

THE ALLEGRA CONSULTING TEAM AND

INDEPENDENT CONSULTANTS
Suzanne Madison, CEO, Allegra Consulting
Aubin Wilson, Consultant
Arlene Lozano, Graphic Designer
Stephanie Gutierrez, Graphic Designer
Dr. Alison Rose Jefferson, M.H.C., Ph.D., Independent
Historian
Mayon Denton, Filmmaker, M.D. Productions
Scott Torlucci, Davis Demographics/MGT
McKay Larrabee, Davis Demographics/MGT
Cameron Arceneaux, Davis Demographics/MGT
Jasmine Lewis. Davis Demographics/MGT

THE CITY OF PASADENA

CALIFORNIA DEPARTMENT OF

TRANSPORTATION (CALTRANS)

COMMUNITY BASED ORGANIZATIONS

AND SCHOOLS

COMMUNITY MEMBERS AND

BUSINESSES

MEMBERS OF THE CLERGY AND

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS

RECONNECTING COMMUNITIES
710 TEAM
City Manager’s Office
Department of Parks, Recreation and Community
Services
Department of Transportation
Pasadena Media and KPAS
Pasadena Public Library
710 Restorative Justice Coalition
Alkebu-lan Cultural Center
Altadena Public Library
Altadena Senior Center
Armory Center of the Arts
John Muir High School
NAACP – Pasadena Branch
Pasadena Chamber of Commerce
Pasadena Japanese Cultural Institute
Pasadena Museum of History
Pasadena Senior Center
Pasadena Unified School District
Sequoyah School
West Pasadena Residents Association (WPRA) Aldra Allison Eugene E. Anderson
Harrison Bailey III
Karen Bailey Powell
Claire Bogaard
Gwendolyn Brown
Walt Butler
C. Allen Edson
Jeril D. Grant
Robert Grant III
Dr. Lawton Gray
Assemblymember Chris Holden
Rebecca Hong
Tim Ivison
Valisa Jefferey
Barbara Richardson King
Doris Leonard
Dianne Lewis
Roberta Martinez
Sandra McConnell
Melvin Mercer
Alice Mijares Recendenz
R’lene Mijares Recendenz
Mijares Restaurant
Gladys Miles
Michael Mims
Pablo Miralles
Jane Mitsumori
Gary Moody
Keiko Mori
Allison Michelle Moses
Miriam Nakamura Quan
Eddie Newman
Joanne Nucklos
Jamal Okeyo Jumal
Rick Osaka
Elysha Paluszek
Anna Lou Parker
Lafayette Parks
Elena Phleger
State Senator Anthony Portantino
Ray Quan
Barbara Richardson King
Komiko Richardson
Seiko Richardson
Edgard Riddle
Judith Risby
Margot Seipelt
Allen Shay
Myrtle Sinclair
Cedric Smith
Alma Stokes
Ron Toshima
Orrin Tracy
Juanita West Tillman
Emiko Yamaguchi
Lee Wallace
Allene Washington
Lorna Dee Washington
ColoradoBoulevard.net
Pasadena Now
Pasadena Star News
Rafu Shimpu
Rev. Dr. Larry E. Campbell
Rev. Gregory Gibbs
Fr. Marcos Gonzalez
Rector Mike Kinman
Pastor Madelyn D. Manning
Pastor Tyrone Skinner
Rev. Lucious W. Smith
Pastor Elizabeth Wang

All Saints Church
First African Methodist Episcopal Church
First Presbyterian Church, Altadena
Friendship Pasadena Church
Lake Avenue Church
Metropolitan Baptist Church
Pasadena Buddhist Temple
Reconnecting Communities
710 Advisory Group
Architectural Resources Group
Davis Demographics/MGT, Inc.

Perkins Eastman
The Robert Group
UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies

MEDIA PARTNERS

93 94

APPENDIX
Link - Addi�onal Data from Surveys (Charts, Graphs and Narra�ves) Link - List of Displaced Residents
Link - List of Businesses Displaced
Link – List of Ins�tu�ons Displaced
Link - Archives: Images, Scanned Documents and Cap�ons

1. People, Documents and Images: htps://spaces.hightail.com/space/PmpSqktDPp

2. Schools, Documents and Images: htps://spaces.hightail.com/space/C7lTlKIGT1

3. CBO’s Documents and Images: htps://spaces.hightail.com/space/A303IBG9cx

4. Churches, Documents and Images: htps://spaces.hightail.com/space/w1H4FBwqy2

Link – Davis Demographics – Impact of Displacement and Loss of Genera�onal Wealth Analysis – 18 Proper�es. The linked analysis examines the long-term impact of lost genera�onal wealth. Davis Demographics/MGT es�mated the property values of homes belonging to 18 displaced residents using 2024 data from the Los Angeles County Assessor’s Oﬃce. Valua�ons were based on the average appraised land and improvement values of comparable single-family homes within a 0.5-mile radius of each displaced address. Selec�on criteria included homes built in 1960 or earlier, lot sizes under 15,000 square feet, and appraisals conducted within the past 10 years. Caltrans purchase prices were not available for this evalua�on.

Link – ARG 710 Relinquishment Area Residents and Summary

95 AERIAL IMAGES OF THE DISPLACEMENT AREAS.

Photo: SR 710 Map showing the Displacement Area
Photo Source: UCLA

Photo: SR 710 Caltrans R/W Maps
Source: Perkins Eastman

Photo: 1967 Aerial Split Map
Photo Source: ARG

96 RESEARCH REPORT
Racial Segregation in Pasadena:

The Role of Freeway Development
and Institutional Mechanisms
May 2025

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
i
Abstract
This study documents the historical and current patterns of racial/ethnic residential segregation in Pasadena, examining the role of freeways and other mechanisms in shaping these outcomes. Using quantitative data, this project compares racial segregation in Pasadena with that in the rest of Los Angeles County and analyzes demographic changes in the neighborhoods containing Interstate 210 and State Route 710 before and after their construction. Additionally, the study investigates other institutional policies, practices, and projects that contributed to segregation. The findings offer insights to support Pasadena’s efforts to redress the historical impacts of freeway development.

Pasadena and the wider Los Angeles County have become more racially diverse over time. Despite these broader changes, neighborhoods along the built and unbuilt freeway corridor have grown increasingly segregated and economically polarized. From 1960 to 1970, tracts affected by freeway construction lost almost 1,800 units of housing (-28%), while the city overall and the South tract, not directly impacted by freeway construction, experienced steady growth. Home values, rents, and income generally fell north of SR-710 but rose around it and south of it. Pasadena mirrored national trends in housing discrimination, including redlining, racially restrictive covenants, school integration resistance, and anti-integration ballot measures. In the face of these barriers, residents of color successfully organized protests and pursued legal remedies. Urban renewal projects, particularly around the SR-710 stub, disproportionately displaced communities of color under the guise of eliminating urban blight. Freeway development in Pasadena left a lasting legacy of environmental and social inequality.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
ii
About the UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies
The UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies supports and advances cutting-edge research, the highest-quality education, and meaningful and influential civic engagement on the many pressing transportation issues facing our cities, state, nation and world today. The institute is part of the University of California Institute of Transportation Studies, a four-campus consortium that includes UC Berkeley, UC Davis and UC Irvine. UCLA ITS is also a proud partner of the Pacific Southwest Region 9 University of Transportation Center, a federally funded research network with seven other universities.

About the UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge
The UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge conducts basic and applied research on the socioeconomic formation and internal dynamics of neighborhoods and how these collective spatial units are positioned and embedded within regions. The Center for Neighborhood Knowledge works with a broad set of data and employs a range of analytical skills to examine neighborhood phenomena across time and space.

Acknowledgments
This study was made possible through funding from the City of Pasadena. The authors would like to thank the City for its support of university-based research and especially for the funding received for this project. The authors also thank Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris, Emmanuel Proussaloglou, Andres F. Ramirez, and Abigail Fitzgibbon at UCLA and Wendy Macias, David Reyes, and the Reconnecting Communities 710 Advisory Group at the City of Pasadena.

The UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies and UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge acknowledge the Gabrielino/Tongva peoples as the traditional land caretakers of Tovaangar (the Los Angeles basin and So.

Channel Islands) and that their displacement has enabled the flourishing of UCLA. As a land grant institution, we pay our respects to the Honuukvetam (Ancestors), ‘Ahiihirom (Elders) and ‘Eyoohiinkem (our relatives/relations) past, present and emerging.

The research team acknowledges the presence of the study area on the traditional, ancestral and unceded territory of the indigenous peoples who today use the names Tongva, Gabrielino, Kizh, and Chumash.

Disclaimer
The contents of this report reflect the views of the authors, who are responsible for the facts and the accuracy of the information presented herein. This document is disseminated under the sponsorship of the State of California in the interest of information exchange. The State of California assumes no liability for the contents or use thereof.

Nor does the content necessarily reflect the official views or policies of the State of California. This report does not constitute a standard, specification, or regulation.

Racial Segregation in Pasadena:

The Role of Freeway Development and
Institutional Mechanisms
Paul M. Ong, Ph.D., Research Professor, UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs and Director, UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4358-6297 Chhandara Pech, Deputy Director, UCLA Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3065-051X
Casey Chung, Graduate Student Researcher, UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies, https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5698-7594
Jacob L. Wasserman, Research Program Manager, UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies, https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2212-5798
May 2025
Project ID: UCLA ITS-LA2410
DOI: 10.17610/T6XW3J
Cover Photo Credit: Pasadena Office of the City Manager III

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA

TABLE OF

CONTENTS

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
v
Table of Contents
Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................................ xi Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................... 2 Part 1. Racial Diversification and Segregation in Pasadena and Los Angeles County, 1940-2020 ................ 4 Population Trends and Composition.................................................................................................................... 4 Segregation and Diversity Metrics, 1950-2020.................................................................................................... 6 Part 2. Impacts of Freeway Developments: I-210 and SR-710, 1950-1980 ....................................................... 16 Analytical Study Area and Population Trends ................................................................................................... 16 Increased Segregation in the Study Area .......................................................................................................... 20 Changes in Housing Units Across Study Area Tracts ....................................................................................... 26 Economic Polarization in the Study Area .......................................................................................................... 28 Part 3. Institutional Discriminatory Practices in Housing .................................................................................. 32 Housing Discrimination, National Context, and Pasadena ................................................................................ 32 Redlining ............................................................................................................................................................ 34 Intersection of Housing and School Segregation .............................................................................................. 37 Opposition to Fair Housing ................................................................................................................................ 38 Neighborhood Tipping and White Flight ............................................................................................................ 41 Part 4. Urban Renewal and Restructuring Projects ............................................................................................ 45 Freeway Construction and Urban Restructuring ............................................................................................... 45 Norton Simon Museum ...................................................................................................................................... 51 Parsons Headquarters ....................................................................................................................................... 51 Ambassador College/Worldwide Church of God ............................................................................................... 52 Old Pasadena .................................................................................................................................................... 53 Pepper Project ................................................................................................................................................... 55 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................................................. 57 Appendix: Data and Methods ................................................................................................................................ 59

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
vi
References .............................................................................................................................................................. 73 Primary Sources ................................................................................................................................................ 73 Secondary Sources ............................................................................................................................................ 78

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
vii
List of Tables
Table 2-1. Housing Units in Pasadena and Los Angeles County, 1950-1980 ......................................................... 27 Table 2-2. Changes in Housing Units in Pasadena and Los Angeles County, 1950-1980 ..................................... 27 Table 3-1. Proposition 14 (1964) Results ................................................................................................................. 40 Table 4-1. Housing and Demographic Changes in the Parsons Headquarters Area, 1960-1980........................... 52 Table 4-2. Housing and Demographic Changes in the Ambassador College Area, 1960-1980 ............................. 53 Table 4-3. Housing and Demographic Changes in the Part of Old Pasadena to the East of the SR-710 Corridor, 1960-1980................................................................................................................................................................. 54

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
viii
List of Figures
Figure 1-1. Los Angeles County Population in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020.................................................. 4 Figure 1-2. Los Angeles County Non-Hispanic White Population in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020 ................ 5 Figure 1-3. Los Angeles County Demographics in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020 ........................................... 6 Figure 1-4. Los Angeles County Dissimilarity and Entropy Indices in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020 .............. 7 Figure 1-5. Los Angeles County Entropy Scores in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020 .......................................... 8 Figure 1-6. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1970 ............................................................................... 9 Figure 1-7. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1990 ............................................................................. 10 Figure 1-8. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 2010 ............................................................................. 11 Figure 1-9. Diversity, as Measured by the Entropy Score, in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1970............................ 12 Figure 1-10. Diversity, as Measured by the Entropy Score, in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1990.......................... 13 Figure 1-11. Diversity, as Measured by the Entropy Score, in Pasadena by Census Tract, 2010.......................... 14 Figure 2-1. Pasadena Study Area in Context........................................................................................................... 17 Figure 2-2. Pasadena Study Area Tracts ................................................................................................................. 18 Figure 2-3. Study Area Population, 1940-2020 ........................................................................................................ 19 Figure 2-4. Study Area’s Share of Pasadena’s Population by Race/Ethnicity, 1940-2020 ..................................... 20 Figure 2-5. Racial/Ethnic Distribution of the Study Area, 1950-1980 ...................................................................... 21 Figure 2-6. Share Non-Hispanic White in the Study Area Tracts, 1950-1980 ......................................................... 22 Figure 2-7. Segregation, as Measured by the Dissimilarity Index, in Pasadena, 1950-1980 .................................. 23 Figure 2-8. Center Tract Population, 1950-1980...................................................................................................... 24 Figure 2-9. South Center Tract Population, 1950-1980 ........................................................................................... 25 Figure 2-10. South Tract Population, 1950-1980 ..................................................................................................... 26 Figure 2-11. Average Home Value Relative to the City of Pasadena ...................................................................... 29 Figure 2-12. Average Rent Relative to the City of Pasadena .................................................................................. 30 Figure 2-13. Median Income Relative to the City of Pasadena ............................................................................... 31 Figure 3-1. Restrictive Clause in a Pasadena Deed ................................................................................................ 33

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
ix
Figure 3-2. 1939 HOLC Redlining Map of Pasadena and Surrounding Areas ........................................................ 35 Figure 3-3. Current Home Values and Historic Redlining, Pasadena...................................................................... 36 Figure 3-4. Map of Voting Patterns on Proposition 14, 1964 ................................................................................... 40 Figure 3-5. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1950 ............................................................................. 43 Figure 3-6. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1970 ............................................................................. 44 Figure 4-1. Population Distribution of Pasadena Residents of Color, 1935, and Future Freeway Routes ............. 46 Figure 4-2. Pasadena Redlined Areas, Redevelopment Areas, and Freeway Routes ........................................... 47 Figure 4-3. Aerial Photographs of Changes in Land-use Patterns at the Central Pasadena Interchange .............. 48 Figure 4-4. Major Development Sites near SR-710 Stub......................................................................................... 49 Figure 4-5. Major Development Sites near SR-710 Stub, 1967 and 1989 .............................................................. 50 Figure 4-6. Pepper Project Urban Renewal Area Plans .......................................................................................... 55

EXECUTIVE

SUMMARY

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xi
Executive Summary
This study documents the historical and current patterns of racial and ethnic residential segregation in Pasadena, examining the role of freeways and other mechanisms in shaping these outcomes. Using quantitative data, this project compares racial segregation in Pasadena with that in the rest of Los Angeles County and analyzes demographic changes in the neighborhoods containing Interstate 210 and State Route 710 before and after their construction. Additionally, the study investigates other institutional policies, practices, and projects that contributed to segregation, including housing discrimination, redlining, and the redevelopment of the central business district and adjacent areas. The findings offer insights to support Pasadena’s efforts to redress the historical impacts of freeway development and its related historical processes.

Pasadena and the wider Los Angeles County have become more racially diverse over time. During the quarter- century after the Second World War, both Pasadena and the broader county were predominantly non-Hispanic white, but by the last quarter of the century, both the region and the city had become “majority-minority.” Despite the influx of people of color moving into the area, the City of Pasadena continued to remain segregated, as people of color remained disproportionately concentrated in the northwestern section of the city, just east of the Arroyo Seco valley, due to restrictive covenants written into property titles and enforced by the government (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020); Rose, 2016; Cole, 2021; Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023; and A. Ramirez et al., 2025).

Segregation levels began to decrease around the 1960s, with Pasadena showing lower levels of segregation than the rest of the county, as calculated using a number of measures of segregation and diversity. Nonetheless, the northwest section remained predominantly Black, with newer Asian areas in the southeast and Latino/a populations spread out across the city (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)).

Despite these broader changes, neighborhoods along the built and unbuilt freeway corridor have grown increasingly segregated and economically polarized. The study area’s population remained stable through the 1950s, then declined sharply in the 1960s, remained low over the next decade, and partially recovered during the post-freeway period. Subareas within the study area (See Figure E-1) became increasingly racially polarized and segregated over time, more so than the rest of Pasadena. Especially in the North tract but generally along I-210, shares of residents of color increased, while south of the interchange along the SR-710 stub and unbuilt sections, areas lost residents of color or saw little demographic change (See Figure E-2). From 1960 to 1970, tracts affected by freeway construction lost almost 1,800 units of housing (a 28% reduction), while the city overall and the South tract, not directly impacted by freeway construction, experienced steady growth. Home values, rents, and income generally fell north of SR-710 but rose around it and south of it (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)). Together, these findings paint a picture of economic stratification within Pasadena’s western neighborhoods.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xii
Figure E-1. Pasadena Study Area Tracts

Data source: 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1960); base map: Esri, 2024b Turning to historical policy research, we find that Pasadena mirrored national trends in housing discrimination during the freeway-development era. Pasadena implemented land-use regulations that, while not overtly racist, had a disproportionate impact on people of color and reinforced segregation. Likewise, around 60 percent of Pasadena properties had a restrictive covenant—clauses in property deeds that prohibited sales based on race/ethnicity—in 1942 (Shook, 2020; Gotham, 2000; Rose and Brooks, 2015; and Cole, 2021). Federal redlining maps that helped preclude people of color from obtaining home loans labeled Pasadena neighborhoods of color

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xiii
Figure E-2. Share Non-Hispanic White in the Study Area Tracts, 1950-1980

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980)
as being affected by “infiltration” of a “...Mexican and Negro population,” a “real menace” (quoted in Nelson et al., 2023). The enforcement of residential segregation in Pasadena led to both limited economic opportunities and subjection to poorer living conditions for communities of color, restricting upward mobility and significantly impacting their quality of life and standard of living (Swope, Hernández, and Cushing, 2022 and Nardone et al., 2020). But Pasadena was also a site of resistance against housing discrimination, including the Fairchild v.

Raines (1944) case that presaged the invalidating of restrictive covenants nationwide (Shelley v. Kraemer, 1948 and Cole, 2021).

These anti-discrimination efforts met with backlash. For instance, school desegregation and busing efforts in Pasadena faltered amidst local opposition. And Proposition 14 in 1964—which temporarily overturned the anti- housing-discrimination Rumford Act before itself being invalidated by the courts—passed overwhelmingly in Pasadena and surrounding segregated towns, with northwest Pasadena a lone island of opposition (Lee, 1970; Blumberg, 1964; Oppenheimer, 2010; Maryland Law Review, 1967; Vyas, 2014; Anderson and Lee, 1965; and Jordan, 1964).

North (I-210)
North (I-210)
North Center (I-210)
North Center (I-210)
Center (interchange)
Center (interchange)
South Center (SR-710 stub)
South Center (SR-710 stub)
South (freeway not built)
South (freeway not built)
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
1950 1980
Share of Residents, Non-Hispanic White
Year and Tract

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xiv
Both public and private urban renewal projects, particularly around the SR-710 stub, disproportionately displaced communities of color under the guise of eliminating urban blight. Along with the City’s 1962 General Plan, major developments near the freeways reinforced the isolation of people of color. Four major sites—the Norton Simon Museum, Parsons headquarters, Ambassador College, and Old Pasadena (See Figure E-3)—significantly influenced neighborhood demographics and urban dynamics beyond the freeway’s immediate impact. From 1960 to 1980, housing units across these areas declined sharply (See Table E-1). In 1960, non-white residents occupied over half of the housing units across the sites; by 1980, this figure had fallen to just 17 percent,1 highlighting the profound displacement of people of color as a result of these projects. Meanwhile, the Pepper Project redevelopment north of the interchange, meant to include mixed uses and some integrated affordable housing, was not completed and ended up displacing existing Black residents and businesses (calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024); Pasadena Planning Commission, 1962; Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023; A. Ramirez et al., 2025; Norton Simon Museum, 2024a, 2024b; Coplans, 1975; Los Angeles Times, 1975; Vincent, 2011; Los Angeles Conservancy, 2024; Erdman, 2013; Baker, 2023; Old Pasadena Management District, 2024; Marshall, 2013; Shigley, 2005; Mann, 1978; Pincetl, 1992; B. Ramirez, 2021; Nicolaides, 2024; Frieden and Sagalyn, 1991; and Blumberg, 1964).

All told, the developments of I-210 and SR-710, along with several city improvement projects in Pasadena during this time period, were marked by controversial and discriminatory practices that exacerbated racial segregation.

The construction of the I-210 and the I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange resulted in the displacement of numerous households and contributed to a demographic shift marked by white flight, which increased the relative proportion of residents of color. Similarly, the development of the 710 stub to the south disproportionately displaced households of color. Under the policy of addressing urban blight—particularly in the downtown areas—the city and private developers, whether intentionally or unintentionally, engaged in practices that perpetuated racial erasure in and around renewal areas. The displacement of communities of color became an inherent consequence of these urban improvement initiatives. Of course, there were larger societal dynamics and institutional practices perpetuating racial segregation; nonetheless the evidence in this report reveals that freeway construction and related urban restructuring exacerbated racial segregation, deepening demographic and economic polarization in neighborhoods along I-210 and SR-710.

The impacts are not just historical. Mid-20th century freeway development in Pasadena left a lasting legacy of environmental and social inequality, particularly when comparing neighborhoods along different freeway segments. Data on air pollution, traffic density, and access to opportunities reveal stark disparities across the study area, with neighborhoods of color north of the interchange bearing a significantly higher environmental burden and having limited access (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023 and CTCAC, 2024a). The consequences of freeway development and urban restructuring continue to manifest today, leaving an economic and environmental legacy of racial and spatial inequality.

1. The 1960 figure represents “non-white households” and excludes Hispanics, while the 1980 figure reflects people of color in the population, not households. This discrepancy makes a direct comparison challenging.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xv
Figure E-3. Major Development Sites near SR-710 Stub, 1967 and 1989

Note: 1967 aerial image at left; 1989 aerial image at right; Norton Simon Museum outlined in pink; Parsons headquarters outlined in purple; Ambassador College outlined in green; Old Pasadena sub-area for analysis outlined in yellow Sources: UC Santa Barbara Library, 2012 and 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961a)

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xvi
Table E-1. Housing and Demographic Changes in Major Projects near the SR-710 Corridor, 1960-1980 Statistic
Parsons Headquarters Ambassador College Part of Old Pasadena in Study Area
1960 1970 1980 1960 1970 1980 1960 1970 1980
Housing units 166 43 0 137 18 24 250 187 63

Occupied housing units 147 37 0 126 18 16 223 161 54

Owner households 22 5 0 39 3 3 48 15 5
Renter households 125 32 0 87 15 13 175 146 49
Non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 36 19 no data 32 0 no data 131 46 no data Share, non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 24% 51% no data 25% 0% no data 59% 29% no data Share, households of color no data no data N/A no data no data 5% no data no data 39%

Note: The Norton Simon Museum site did not contain any housing units from 1960 to 1980; the project replaced historic Carmelita Park for the museum’s expansion.

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961 and Manson et al., 2024); Norton Simon Museum, 2024b; and Coplans, 1975

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
xvii
potential remedies. Any proposed actions should be directly linked to specific damages and should reflect the values and priorities of stakeholders, especially those from communities that have been disproportionately harmed.

CONTENTS

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
2 Introduction
This study documents the historical and current patterns of racial and ethnic residential segregation in Pasadena, examining the role of freeways and other mechanisms in shaping these outcomes. Using quantitative data, this project compares racial segregation in Pasadena with that in the rest of Los Angeles County and analyzes demographic changes in the neighborhoods containing Interstate 210 and State Route 710 before and after their construction.2 Additionally, the study investigates other institutional policies, practices, and projects that contributed to segregation, including housing discrimination, redlining, and the redevelopment of the central business district and adjacent areas. The findings offer insights to support Pasadena’s efforts to redress the historical impacts of freeway development and its related historical processes.

The study draws on decennial enumeration data from the U.S. Census, analyzing data by census tract (small areas of a few thousand residents defined by the U.S. Census Bureau (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022b)) as proxies for neighborhoods (See Appendix). Commonly accepted methods are used to measure residential patterns and housing segregation, with further details on data and methodology provided in an appendix. We first review historical and contemporary segregation in Pasadena and the rest of the county from 1940 to 2020. A more focused analysis then examines segregation and demographic change from the late 1950s to the 1970s specifically within the primary study area in Pasadena: the census tracts along the I-210 corridor in northwest Pasadena and those along the SR-710 stub in central/southwest Pasadena (the constructed and partially constructed segments of that freeway before it was ultimately canceled). Next, we conduct a qualitative analysis of broader institutional discriminatory factors, reviewing and synthesizing existing literature and documents from national sources, local archives, and other locations. Where relevant, we also conduct some quantitative assessments of these practices.

The study’s major quantitative findings reveal that 1) Pasadena and the wider Los Angeles County have become more racially diverse over time, 2) segregation levels began to decrease around the 1960s, with Pasadena showing lower levels of segregation than the rest of the county, and 3) despite these broader changes, neighborhoods along the built and unbuilt freeway corridor have grown increasingly segregated and economically polarized. Freeway developments contributed significantly to this latter outcome.

Our qualitative research also sheds light on racialized housing and transportation patterns. We find that 1) Pasadena mirrored national trends in housing discrimination during the freeway-development era, 2) both public and private urban renewal projects, particularly around the SR-710 stub, disproportionately displaced communities of color under the guise of eliminating urban blight, and 3) major developments near the freeways reinforced the isolation of people of color. These actions pushed non-white residents out of the city, deepening long-term racial divides. The consequences of freeway development and urban restructuring continue to manifest today, leaving an economic and environmental legacy of racial and spatial inequality.

The rest of the report is organized into four main sections. First, we discuss racial diversification and segregation in Pasadena and Los Angeles County from 1940 to 2020. After, we focus on the impact of the developments of the SR-710 and I-210 freeways from 1950- to 1980. We then review institutional discriminatory practices in housing. We provide an analysis of urban renewal and restructuring projects in the area. The report concludes

2. As in Loukaitou-Sideris et al. (2023), we abbreviate Interstates with “I-” and California State Routes with “SR-.”

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
3 with reflections on the role of past and legacy harms in guiding Pasadena’s restorative-justice efforts. An appendix provides further details on the data and methods used in the study.

Although this report covers some aspects of the I-210, a fuller account of the history of that freeway can be found in a previous publication. This report builds on the work the UCLA research team conducted for the California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) and the Pacific Southwest Region University Transportation Center on the construction and legacy of I-210 in northwest Pasadena. That report documents the full context of national, state, and regional freeway development plans; their ties to urban restructuring and systemic racism; and how these forces played out in Pasadena in the era of freeway construction. That report calculates the demographic differences between the route ultimately chosen for I-210 north of the central Pasadena interchange (and the SR- 710 stub to the south as a result) and a less destructive route not chosen. Over the segment north of the interchange on we could conduct an apples-to-apples comparison, the former displaced over 1,700 people (not counting the interchange itself), three quarters residents of color, compared to just over 200 people, half residents of color, for the latter route. That report also describes how state and local planners built I-210 through Black northwest Pasadena but how communities in the path of the planned I-710—some now Hispanic, others suburbs with a deep history of racial exclusion—successfully stopped the completion of that freeway as late as 2017, with only the SR-710 stub having been built (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023). This report extends the analysis from there, offering further quantitative analysis of regional and local segregation as it relates to the freeway and exploring the policies and programs that influenced and followed from the construction of SR-710.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
4 Part 1. Racial Diversification and
Segregation in Pasadena and Los Angeles
County, 1940-2020
Population Trends and Composition
Pasadena, a medium-sized city incorporated in 1886 and located in the San Gabriel Valley about 11 miles northeast of downtown Los Angeles (City of Pasadena, 2024), experienced modest population growth in the period after the Second World War. During the quarter-century after the war, both Pasadena and the broader county were predominantly non-Hispanic white. From 1950 to 1980, Pasadena’s average decennial growth rate was only about one-sixth of that of the rest of the county. However, there was a gradual decline in the non- Figure 1-1. Los Angeles County Population in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020) 0 30,000
60,000
90,000
120,000
150,000
180,000
0 2.0 mil.

4.0 mil.

6.0 mil.

8.0 mil.

10.0 mil.

12.0 mil.
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
2020
Pasadena Population
County Population
Year
Tracts in rest
of Los Angeles
County
Pasadena
tracts

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
5 Figure 1-2. Los Angeles County Non-Hispanic White Population in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020) Hispanic white population share beginning in this period, which only accelerated in the 1970s and continued throughout the rest of the 20th century. By the last quarter of the century, both the region and the city had become “majority-minority” (See Figures 1-1 and 1-2) (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)).

The rapid ethnic diversification of Pasadena in the 1960s and 1970s (calculated by authors from 1960 and 1970 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1970)) reflected the same trends in the rest of the United States, with populations of color flocking to commercial centers, seeking better economic opportunities and living conditions. Pasadena saw substantial increases in its Black, Latino/a, and Asian populations, driven by both internal and international migration. Although the city’s demographic landscape was becoming increasingly more diverse over time (See Figure 1-3) (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)), specific laws and regulations were established with the intention of upholding systemic barriers and fostering de facto segregation (discussed below). Unequal distribution of both resources and opportunities continued to exist across the city.
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
2020
Share, Non-Hispanic White
Year
Tracts in rest
of Los Angeles
County
Pasadena
tracts

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
6 Figure 1-3. Los Angeles County Demographics in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1980, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S.

Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980, 2010)
Despite the influx of people of color moving into the area, the City of Pasadena continued to remain segregated, as people of color remained disproportionately concentrated in the northwestern section of the city, just east of the Arroyo Seco valley, due to restrictive covenants written into property titles and enforced by the government (Rose, 2016; Cole, 2021; Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023; and A. Ramirez et al., 2025). The concentration of residents of color in specific, designated areas of Pasadena led to the exacerbation of residential segregation, which in turn, made way for the development and cultivation of other types of racial disparities.

Segregation and Diversity Metrics, 1950-2020
Various metrics of segregation uncover important patterns in the racial dynamics of both Pasadena and the rest of Los Angeles County. We examined three primary metrics: the dissimilarity index, the entropy index, and the entropy score. The first two measure segregation; the last measures diversity (See the Appendix for detailed descriptions of these metrics.).

The dissimilarity index measures the degree of residential segregation between two groups. A higher value in the dissimilarity index indicates greater segregation and spatial separation between groups within a geographical 7% 7%
16% 17%
5% 7%
12%
20%
8% 10%
7%
28% 18%
48%
33%
86% 88%
53% 55%
28%
39%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Tracts in
rest of Los
Angeles
County
Pasadena
tracts
Tracts in
rest of Los
Angeles
County
Pasadena
tracts
Tracts in
rest of Los
Angeles
County
Pasadena
tracts
1950 1980 2010
Share of Residents
Geography and Year
Non-Hispanic white
Latino/a
Black
Other

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
7 area. Values closer to 1 (100%) indicate maximum segregation and values near 0 indicating minimal segregation.

The dissimilarity index can be interpreted as the percent of a group that would have to move from neighborhoods where they are overrepresented to neighborhoods where they are underrepresented in order to achieve complete integration. In examining Los Angeles County and Pasadena, we calculated the dissimilarity index between two groups, non-Hispanic white residents and residents of color.

The entropy index offers an alternative measure of segregation, capturing the level of segregation across multiple populations. We calculated the entropy index for four groups: non-Hispanic white residents, Black residents, Latino/a residents, and a residual group labeled “Other” (encompassing Asians and all remaining racial and ethnic groups). Unlike the dissimilarity index, the entropy index is nonlinear and less intuitive, making comparisons between the two metrics challenging. However, the entropy index still provides valuable insights into changes in the levels of multi-racial segregation. Lower entropy index values indicate lower segregation levels, while higher values suggest greater segregation. Additionally, rather than comparing their absolute levels, we can assess Figure 1-4. Los Angeles County Dissimilarity and Entropy Indices in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020) overall segregation trends over time by examining the temporal direction of change in both the dissimilarity and entropy indices. If both metrics are trending upward, segregation is increasing, and vice versa.

0.0 0.1

0.2 0.3

0.4 0.5

0.6 0.7

0.8 1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
2020
Index Value
Year
Dissimilarity index between non-Hispanic white residents and residents of color: Pasadena Dissimilarity index between non-Hispanic white residents and residents of color: rest of Los Angeles County Entropy index: Pasadena
Entropy index: rest of Los Angeles County

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
8 Both Los Angeles County and Pasadena exhibited high levels of racial segregation in the early decades of the study period, followed by a steady decline after the 1960s (See Figure 1-4).This trend aligns with the passage of several significant anti-housing discrimination laws, including the Civil Rights Act of 1968 (the Fair Housing Act) (1968), the Rumford Fair Housing Act (1963), the nullification of Proposition 14 (Oppenheimer, 2010; Maryland Law Review, 1967; Mulkey v. Reitman, 1966; and Reitman v. Mulkey, 1967), and the landmark decision in Shelley v. Kraemer (1948) (See Part 4 for more details on these.). Even sharper declines in the dissimilarity index were observed in Pasadena than the rest of Los Angeles County, partly due to regional-level place segregation and differences in racial/ethnic composition (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)).

The entropy index calculations reveal similar trends: values increased in the early decades of the study period and then decreased later on for both Pasadena and the county. Pasadena has consistently shown lower tract- Figure 1-5. Los Angeles County Entropy Scores in Pasadena and Beyond, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)

0.0 0.2

0.4 0.6

0.8 1.0

1.2 1.4
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
2020
Entropy Score
Year
Pasadena
Rest of Los Angeles
County
Mean tract in
Pasadena
Mean tract in rest of
Los Angeles County

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
9 level segregation than the county under both indexes (See Figure 1-4) (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)).

Figure 1-6. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1970

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
10 To effectively measure the diversity of a place (Pasadena, the rest of Los Angeles County, and individual census tracts therein) we used the entropy score, which indicates how evenly or unevenly racial and ethnic groups are present within an area. Similar to the entropy index, we calculated the entropy score for non-Hispanic white, Black, Latino/a, and other residents. If only one racial/ethnic group is present while others are absent, the score would be 0. With all four groups present, the maximum possible entropy score is 1.4 (for reasons discussed in the Figure 1-7. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1990

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1990 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1990); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
11 Appendix). A higher entropy score reflects a more balanced and diverse population. It is also important to note that this score is nonlinear.

With the racial/ethnic recomposition of Pasadena and Los Angeles County’s populations, the entropy score has risen for the city and the rest of the county in parallel (See Figure 1-5). The sharp increase in the entropy score Figure 1-8. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 2010

Data sources: calculated by authors from 2010 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
12 from 1970 to 1980 is particularly notable, aligning with the substantial increase in populations of color during the 1970s discussed above (See Figure 1-2). The average entropy scores at the tract level are lower than those for the city and region as a whole, indicating that racial/ethnic groups are not equally distributed across smaller geographies. However, the average tract-level scores for Pasadena are higher than those in the rest of the county, suggesting greater diversity within Pasadena—a difference that has continued to grow over time Figure 1-9. Diversity, as Measured by the Entropy Score, in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1970

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
13 (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)).

Figure 1-10. Diversity, as Measured by the Entropy Score, in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1990

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1990 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1990); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
14 Figure 1-11. Diversity, as Measured by the Entropy Score, in Pasadena by Census Tract, 2010

Data sources: calculated by authors from 2010 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a
To analyze the specific spatial patterns of segregation within Pasadena across select decades from 1970 to 2010,3 a period that includes freeway development (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023), the project uses geographic

3. 2020 patterns are very similar to 2010 patterns, and thus we exclude them for brevity (calculated by authors from 2010 and 2020 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010, 2020)).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
15 information system software mapping to visualize racial/ethnic distribution and entropy scores. These maps help identify neighborhoods where racial/ethnic populations were concentrated and isolated, assess the relative diversity within census tracts, and understand the spatial relationship between diverse and homogenous areas.

We begin by examining maps of the percentage of residents of color by census tract (See Figures 1-6, 1-7, and 1-8). In 1970, populations of color were primarily concentrated in northwest Pasadena, with the exception of the neighborhoods along the Arroyo Seco. The I-210 and I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange cut through the center of this racially segregated corridor, reinforcing geographic and social divisions within the city (calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970); Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023; and A. Ramirez et al., 2025).

By 1990, the area with a high percentage of residents of color had expanded eastward in a contiguous pattern, reflecting both an absolute increase in populations of color and a growing relative presence in the city. By 2010, areas with a high concentration of residents of color had extended into much of southeast Pasadena, signifying continued demographic shifts over time (calculated by authors from 1990 and 2010 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1990, 2010)).

However, the 2010 map does not capture the diversity within the broader category of residents of color. The northwest section remained predominantly Black, while the newer areas of color in the southeast section had a higher proportion of Asian residents. The Latino/a population, which grew significantly over these decades, also contributed to the overall increase in representation of residents of color. Latino/a residents were more spread out than Asian and Black Pasadenans, with a noticeable presence in both the northwest and southeast (calculated by authors from 2010 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010)). These trends highlight the evolving racial composition of Pasadena’s neighborhoods, shaped by decades of demographic growth and migration patterns.

The entropy score maps illustrate increasing diversity across most parts of Pasadena over time (See Figures 1-9, 1-10, and 1-11)., consistent with the previous figures showing overall diversity trends for the city (See Figures 1- 6, 1-7, and 1-8). Visually, this is evident as tracts within Pasadena have darkened, indicating higher diversity as measured in entropy scores. Similar diversification can be observed in tracts surrounding Pasadena, aligning with trends across the county as a whole. The areas with a noticeable but not overwhelming population of color were generally more diverse. It is notable that the area south of the I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange shifted from approximately average diversity relative to the city in 1970 to relatively lower diversity in the following decades (calculated by authors from 1970, 1990, and 2010 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970, 1990, 2010)). The lower entropy score here reflects reduced racial and ethnic integration.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
16 Part 2. Impacts of Freeway Developments: I-
210 and SR-710, 1950-1980
Analytical Study Area and Population Trends
As shown in Figure 2-1, the analytical study area encompasses much of the western half of Pasadena and is defined by five census tracts that contain I-210 north of the interchange (“North” and “North Center”), the interchange itself (“Center”), and the area along with the unbuilt segment of the SR-710 (“South Center” and “South”) (See Figure 2-2). The study-area boundaries are roughly defined by Woodbury Road to the north, Fair Oaks Avenue to the east, Columbia Street to the south, and the Arroyo Seco to the west. These were based on 1950-1970 census tract boundaries, with adjustments to 1980 boundaries for consistency purposes.

Organizing the study area by these freeway segments allows us to analyze the varying impacts of each section of infrastructure on nearby population characteristics, racial and ethnic composition, levels of segregation, home values and rent trends, and income distribution. This analytical structure—from the I-210 in the north, through the central interchange, and down to the SR-710 stub in the south—helps us trace the influence of each segment on Pasadena’s urban landscape.

Based on the population trends, we categorized the development of the study area into two time periods: 1) the freeway period (1950-1980) and 2) the period of post-freeway effects (1980-2010). Figure 2-3 illustrates that the study area’s population remained stable through the 1950s, then declined sharply in the 1960s, remained low over the next decade, and partially recovered during the post-freeway period. As a percentage of the city’s population, the study area’s share dropped significantly during the freeway period before stabilizing in the subsequent years (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
17 Figure 2-1. Pasadena Study Area in Context

Data sources: 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1960) and U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; base map: Esri, 2024b

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
18 Figure 2-2. Pasadena Study Area Tracts

Data source: 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1960); base map: Esri, 2024b

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
19 Figure 2-3. Study Area Population, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020) Initially, the study area held a disproportionately high share of Pasadena’s population of color before and during much of the freeway development period; however, this share decreased over time (See Figure 2-4). This relative decline was inevitable given the absolute increase in the city’s population of color over the decades, resulting in an expansion of the area housing people of color. In contrast, the study area consistently had a disproportionately smaller share of the non-Hispanic white population throughout the entire time period (calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S.

Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020)) 0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
0 5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
2020
Share of Population
Population
Year
Study area
population
Percent of city
population in
study area

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
20 Figure 2-4. Study Area’s Share of Pasadena’s Population by Race/Ethnicity, 1940-2020

Data source: calculated by authors from 1940, 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 U.S.

Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000, 2010, 2020) Increased Segregation in the Study Area
As shown in Figure 2-5, the racial/ethnic composition of the study area experienced noticeable shifts between 1950 and 1980. The non-Hispanic white population declined dramatically in the 1950s and remained low in subsequent years. Meanwhile, the Black population grew significantly during this period and held a plurality for the next two decades. Notably, the shares of Latino/a residents and people in the “other” group (encompassing Asians and all remaining racial and ethnic groups) remained relatively small throughout the freeway period, although the “other” race population fluctuated over time (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)). 0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
2020
Share of Pasadena Population in the Study Area
Year
Non-Hispanic white
Latino/a
Black
Other

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
21 Figure 2-5. Racial/Ethnic Distribution of the Study Area, 1950-1980

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)
Figure 2-6 illustrates that the subareas (See Figure 2-2) became increasingly racially polarized and segregated over time (more so than the rest of Pasadena (See Figure 2-7)). The Center tract shifted from majority non- Hispanic white to majority residents of color. In the two southern subareas, the South Center tract began with a majority of people of color and transitioned to majority non-Hispanic white, and the South tract, which started as with a large majority of non-Hispanic white residents, remained so. These tracts became disproportionately non- Hispanic white compared to Pasadena tracts outside of the study area. Meanwhile, the North tract passed a racial tipping point and experienced dramatic demographic change, discussed further at the end of Part 3 (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)).
6% 9% 7% 5%
28%
46% 47%
45%
8%
10% 6% 15%
57%
35% 39% 35%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
1950 1960 1970 1980
Share of Residents
Year
Non-Hispanic white
Latino/a
Black
Other

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
22 Figure 2-6. Share Non-Hispanic White in the Study Area Tracts, 1950-1980

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980)
The dramatic changes in racial/ethnic composition within the study subareas contributed to increased segregation within the study area. As shown in Figure 2-7, the dissimilarity index values indicate that non-Hispanic white population and populations of color were already exhibiting slight segregation before freeway development compared to the rest of Pasadena. However, the study area became significantly more segregated during and after freeway construction, with the dissimilarity index increasing from under 0.50 in 1950 to over 0.70 in 1980.

The rest of Pasadena did not show a long-term increase (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
23 Figure 2-7. Segregation, as Measured by the Dissimilarity Index, in Pasadena, 1950-1980

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)
The tracts most impacted by the SR-710 stub were the Center (where the stub connects from the interchange) and the South Center (where the majority of the stub is located) (See Figure 2-2). As previously noted, these two tracts experienced vastly different trajectories in population and racial composition (See Figure 2-6).

The population decline in the Center tract (See Figure 2-8) coincided with Caltrans’ property acquisitions, which displaced both non-Hispanic white residents and residents of color. Available data suggests that the tract became more internally segregated during this period, although the level of segregation was low to moderate. Block-level data shows that the dissimilarity index between white and non-white households was 0.32 in 1960, while the dissimilarity index between white and non-white households was 0.49 in 1970.4 The South Center tract (See Figure 2-9), meanwhile, experienced a steady population decline over the entire time period. People of color— particularly Black residents—initially represented a slight majority there (52%) and became a small minority (23%) by 1980. The neighborhood was also characterized by high internal segregation. The dissimilarity index between white and non-white households was 0.70 in 1960, while the dissimilarity index between white and non-white

4. We focus on white and non-white households because those are the categories consistently available at the census block level for both decades (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1970).

0.0 0.1

0.2 0.3

0.4 0.5

0.6 0.7

0.8 1950 1960 1970 1980
Dissimilarity Index between Non-Hispanic White
Population and Population of Color
Year
Study area
Pasadena beyond
study area

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
24 households was 0.69 by 1970. This shows that the level of segregation started high and remained so (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)). In the South tract, Caltrans purchased properties, but no freeway construction occurred (California Division of Highways, 1965–1969 and UC Santa Barbara Library, 2012). The absence of direct destruction may have contributed to these areas maintaining and even increasing their non-Hispanic white population share (See Figure 2-10) (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980); California Division of Highways, 1965– 1969; and Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023).

Figure 2-8. Center Tract Population, 1950-1980

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)
0 500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
3,000
3,500
4,000
4,500
1950 1960 1970 1980
Residents
Year
Non-Hispanic white
Residents of color

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
25 Figure 2-9. South Center Tract Population, 1950-1980

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
26 Figure 2-10. South Tract Population, 1950-1980

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)
Changes in Housing Units Across Study Area Tracts
Similar to the data on the population, the data on housing units across the tracts in the study area from 1950 to 1980 show distinct patterns of growth and decline, reflecting the impacts of freeway development and other urban changes. While Pasadena overall saw an increase in housing units—from 37,943 in 1950 to 49,732 in 1980, a growth of 31 percent—individual tracts within the study area experienced varied changes, as shown in both the absolute counts and percentage changes (See Tables 2-1 and 2-2) (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)).

In the Center tract, which includes the interchange and was heavily affected by freeway development (See Figure 2-2), the number of housing units declined drastically over the decades. From 1,470 units in 1950, the count dropped to only 433 units by 1980. This represents a cumulative decrease of 71 percent, with the most significant drop of 59 percent occurring between 1960 and 1970, coinciding with the construction of the interchange (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census 0 500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
3,000
3,500
4,000
4,500
1950 1960 1970 1980
Residents
Year
Non-Hispanic white
Residents of color

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
27 Table 2-1. Housing Units in Pasadena and Los Angeles County, 1950-1980 Geography 1950 1960 1970 1980
Study area
census tracts
North 1,841 2,001 1,828 1,913
North Center 1,703 1,826 1,329 1,566
Center 1,470 1,482 603 433
South Center 1,153 1,173 935 865
South 947 1,356 1,582 1,737
Pasadena 37,943 46,687 47,093 49,732
Los Angeles County 1,442,691 2,142,139 2,538,910 2,855,578

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)
Table 2-2. Changes in Housing Units in Pasadena and Los Angeles County, 1950-1980 Geography Change, 1950-1960 Change, 1960-1970 Change, 1970-1980 Study area census
tracts
North +9% -9% +5%
North Center +7% -27% +18%
Center +1% -59% -28%
South Center +2% -20% -7%
South +43% +17% +10%
Pasadena +23% +1% +6%
Los Angeles County +48% +19% +12%

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)
Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980) and Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023). This substantial reduction highlights the displacement of residential structures due to infrastructure expansion.

The South Center tract, containing the SR-710 stub (See Figure 2-2), also saw a steady decline in housing units, although less extreme than in the Center tract. Housing units in this area decreased from 1,153 in 1950 to 865 by 1980, an overall reduction of 25 percent. Units fell 20 percent between 1960 and 1970 and a further seven percent from 1970 to 1980, indicating the continued influence of the freeway on residential availability (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)).

The South tract, which was not impacted by freeway construction (See Figure 2-2), experienced steady growth over the decades. Starting with 947 units in 1950, this tract grew to 1,737 units by 1980, reflecting a total increase

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
28 of 83 percent. Each decade showed positive growth, with the most significant increase of 43 percent occurring between 1950 and 1960, followed by smaller but steady increases in subsequent decades (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)). The consistent rise in housing units suggests that the South tract remained a stable and desirable residential area, likely benefiting from the absence of disruptive infrastructure projects.

In the North and North Center tracts (See Figure 2-2), the trends were more mixed. The North tract saw an overall slight increase, from 1,841 units in 1950 to 1,913 in 1980, marking a four percent increase across the period. However, this tract experienced fluctuations, with a notable nine percent decrease between 1960 and 1970, followed by a recovery in the next decade. In the North Center tract, housing units grew by seven percent from 1950 to 1960 but then dropped by 27 percent between 1960 and 1970, before rebounding with an 18 percent increase from 1970 to 1980 (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)). These changes may reflect shifting demand and the impact of nearby developments on housing stability.

Compared to Los Angeles County as a whole, which experienced a near-doubling of housing units between 1950 and 1980, the study area shows a mix of growth and decline, heavily influenced by proximity to freeway development. Los Angeles County saw substantial growth, with the most significant jump of 48 percent occurring from 1950 to 1960, followed by slower growth in subsequent decades (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)).

Economic Polarization in the Study Area
Along with increased racial segregation, the study area experienced economic polarization, as reflected in housing-market characteristics and dynamics and ultimately in income levels. Observations from home prices, rent levels, and income data from the 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses reveal distinct economic and housing patterns across the study area. These patterns vary between neighborhoods along the I-210 corridor (the North and North Center tracts), the central interchange (Center tract), and the SR-710 stub and unbuilt segment (South Center and South tracts) (See Figure 2-2) (calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S.

Census Bureau, 1950, 1952a, 1980)).

In the North, North Center, and Center areas, home values remained consistently below the citywide average across the decades. As shown in Figure 2-11, these values generally hovered around 50 to 60 percent of Pasadena’s average, indicating lower relative property values in these neighborhoods. Rent trends followed a similar pattern, with contract rents in these areas staying between 50 and 75 percent of the city average (See Figure 2-12) (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952a, 1960, 1961b, 1970, 1980 and U.S. Census Bureau et al., 1972)). This consistent undervaluation suggests that these neighborhoods experienced lower demand and economic growth compared to other parts of Pasadena, along with other factors such as housing and mortgage discrimination as discussed later in this report.

Additionally, median income in the North area declined relative to the city average from 1950 to 1980, as shown in Figure 2-13, while income levels in the North Center and Center areas consistently remained below the city average through this period (calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980)). Together, these trends indicate that the North, North Center, and Center areas did not experience the same level of economic uplift that occurred in other sections of the study area.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
29 Figure 2-11. Average Home Value Relative to the City of Pasadena

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952a, 1960, 1961b, 1970, 1980 and U.S. Census Bureau et al., 1972) In contrast, the South Center and South areas saw substantial increases in home values, rent, and income levels over the same period (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952a, 1952b, 1960, 1961b, 1970, 1980 and U.S. Census Bureau et al., 1972)). In 1950 and 1980, the South area had the highest relative home values in the study area, surpassing 1.5 times the city average by 1980. The South Center area also exhibited a significant rise, with home values peaking almost as far above the city average by 1980 (See Figure 2-11). Rent trends aligned with these increases, particularly in the South area, where rents spiked to over double the city average in 1960 before moderating somewhat in subsequent decades, as highlighted in Figure 2-12 (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S.

Census Bureau, 1950, 1952a, 1960, 1961b, 1970, 1980 and U.S. Census Bureau et al., 1972)). This high relative rent indicates increased demand for housing in these areas, likely driven by shifts in neighborhood desirability. -60%
-30%
0%
+30%
+60%
+90%
+120%
North North Center Center South Center South
Home Value Relative to City Mean
Study Area Census Tract
1950
1960
1970
1980

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
30 Figure 2-12. Average Rent Relative to the City of Pasadena

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952a, 1960, 1961b, 1970, 1980 and U.S. Census Bureau et al., 1972) Median household income data further underscores the economic transformation in the South Center and South areas. As illustrated in Figure 2-13, these areas saw substantial income growth, with the South Center tract reaching nearly double the city’s median income by 1980. The South area also experienced a significant rise in relative income (calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980)), reflecting a demographic shift toward more affluent residents. These increases in home values, rent, and income suggest that the South Center and South areas became increasingly desirable, contributing to a demographic change marked by higher-income residents and reduced presence of lower-income populations and populations of color over time.
-60%
-30%
0%
+30%
+60%
+90%
+120%
North North Center Center South Center South
Contract Rent Relative to City Mean
Study Area Census Tract
1950
1960
1970
1980

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
31 Figure 2-13. Median Income Relative to the City of Pasadena

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980)
Together, these findings paint a picture of economic stratification within Pasadena’s western neighborhoods.

While the North, North Center, and Center areas maintained relatively lower property values, rents, and incomes, the South Center and South areas experienced considerable appreciation, indicative of rising demand and affluence. This dynamic underscores the broader socioeconomic changes that took place as freeway development and selective urban projects reshaped the area. -60%
-30%
0%
+30%
+60%
+90%
+120%
North North Center Center South Center South
Household Income Relative to City Median
Study Area Census Tract
1950
1980

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
32 Part 3. Institutional Discriminatory
Practices in Housing
Freeway development was not the only factor influencing segregation in Pasadena. To better interpret the quantitative analyses of residential patterns, it is essential to consider the broader institutional forces and dynamics of the early to mid-20th century that contributed to housing segregation. Our analysis examines several factors before, during, and after freeway construction that collectively fostered racial inequality. These include preexisting racialized policies and practices, such as redlining, biased zoning, and restrictive covenants (each defined and described further below), as well as resistance to these practices, exemplified by cases like Fairchild v. Raines (1944) that challenged restrictive racial covenants. The qualitative analysis for this section, as well as the next part of the report, draws heavily on a review and synthesis of existing literature and historical documents on these societal forces and dynamics, both nationally and in other contexts. Where relevant, we also conduct quantitative assessments to support our findings.

Housing Discrimination, National Context, and Pasadena
The nation, including Pasadena, has a long history of racial housing discrimination, enforced by both private and public actors. For instance, a city councilmember and later Pasadena mayor and state senator argued that the “only sensible solution” to “the Negro problem” was strictly enforced residential segregation (quoted in Cole, 2021). Challenging this form of racism was a primary focus of the civil rights movement, fought in courts, legislative bodies, and at the ballot box. While some progress was made in dismantling housing discrimination during the first three quarters of the 20th century, these efforts remained slow and incomplete (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023).

One significant agent in producing racial housing segregation was the government, particularly through land-use control and zoning. While local regulations like these can serve legitimate purposes, such as separating hazardous industrial activities from residential areas, the use of spatial control by public authorities has historically been rooted in racism. Some of the earliest examples include efforts across California in the latter half of the nineteenth century to restrict where Chinese residents could live, purchase property, and work (Ong, 1981; Chou, 2013–2014; and Ong, Ong, and Pech, 2024). Later, racial zoning became a common practice in cities nationwide, especially in the South (Rice, 1968 and Silver, 1991, 1997).

The courts initially permitted racial zoning practices in the early 20th century. For example, in 1915, the Virginia Supreme Court ruled in Hopkins et al. v. City of Richmond (1915) that it was legal under the state’s constitution for the city to restrict Black residents from occupying homes in white-majority neighborhoods. However, just two years later, in 1917, the U.S. Supreme Court reached a different conclusion in Buchanan v. Warley (1917), ruling that it was unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment to prevent property owners—whether white or “colored”— from selling to “constitutionally qualified” buyers. This landmark decision effectively voided explicitly racial zoning practices (Buchanan v. Warley, 1917 and Ely, 1998, 2018).

However, this ruling did not prevent private parties from using restrictive covenants—clauses in property deeds that prohibited sales based on race/ethnicity—which became a primary mechanism for perpetuating housing

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
33 segregation.5 Around 60 percent of Pasadena properties had such a restriction in their deeds in 1942 (See Figure 3-1), and salespeople knocked doors to get white homeowners to add these clauses (Cole, 2021). This form of discrimination was eventually outlawed. In 1948, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Shelley v. Kraemer (1948) that racially restrictive covenants were unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment and that the government could not enforce such restrictions. While the overt practice of restricting sales based on race could no longer be enforced (Tushnet, 1988, 1994), more subtle forms of discrimination persisted in the housing market. Addressing this required laws that specifically prohibited and penalized such actions (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023).

Figure 3-1. Restrictive Clause in a Pasadena Deed

Source: Agreement on Race Restriction [(1612 Glen Avenue, Pasadena, California)], 1947 The fight against private housing discrimination culminated in the passage of the federal Fair Housing Act of 1968, part of the Civil Rights Act (1968). The law declared, “it shall be unlawful...to refuse to sell or rent after the making of a bona fide offer, or to refuse to negotiate for the sale or rental of, or otherwise make unavailable or deny, a dwelling to any person because of race, color, religion, sex, familial status, or national origin” (Civil Rights Act of 1968, 1968, p. 21). The Act also led to the establishment of federal agencies to enforce these protections (Civil Rights Act of 1968, 1968 and Pollak, 2000), which appears to have had some positive impact (Massey, 2015 and Squires, 2017). Nonetheless, housing discrimination—such as steering—continued to persist for decades after the law’s enactment (Galster, 1990 and Turner and Mikelsons, 1992).

Pasadena was very much a part of the contentious history around housing discrimination. While there is no evidence that the city engaged in explicit racial zoning, it appears Pasadena implemented land-use regulations that, while not overtly racist, had a disproportionate impact on people of color and reinforced segregation (Shook, 2020). These zoning ordinances were designed to limit and prevent certain groups—typically low-income residents and people of color—from residing in particular areas (Whittemore, 2021 and Goetz, 2021). For example, high minimum lot size requirements for single-family housing and the prohibition of multifamily housing

5. Some cities found ways to circumvent the 1917 ruling by enacting zoning that reinforced existing land-use patterns with disparate impacts on people of color and that reinforced racial segregation (Silver, 1997 and Shertzer, Twinam, and Walsh, 2016).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
34 limited the supply of affordable housing, making it difficult for lower-income families and/or families of color to find housing (Marcus, 1970).

Housing discrimination had negative impacts on housing costs for people of color. Artificially limiting the supply of available housing units by excluding people of color from predominantly non-Hispanic white neighborhoods tends to push up market prices; consequently, segregation imposed a cost on people of color in terms of higher prices for a given quantity and quality (Kain and Quigley, 1970, 1972 and King and Mieszkowski, 1973). Combined with practices like redlining and racial covenants, these regulations created substantial barriers that hindered people of color from improving their living conditions and socioeconomic outcomes.

Discriminatory practices by non-governmental actors were also readily evident in Pasadena. A 1927 article in the local realtors’ magazine reveals the prevailing prejudicial attitudes: “Pasadena has a large number of [N]egroes who are recently trying to move into desirable sections of the city. Through subdivision restrictions and owners agreements[,] it [(the realtors association)] is attempting to hold them in check” (quoted in Cole, 2021). In 1939, the Pasadena Improvement Association, supported by other organizations, pushed for “race restrictions on all of the Pasadena residential districts now occupied by Caucasians” (quoted in Cole, 2021). Additional examples of such private-sector racism, particularly the use of racial restrictive covenants, are discussed later.

Pasadena was also a site of resistance against housing discrimination. Notably, in 1944, a Black family attempting to move into a neighborhood bordering Arroyo Seco launched a court case, represented by journalist and civil rights lawyer Loren Miller (Fairchild v. Raines, 1944 and Cole, 2021). The area had restrictive covenants stating that “each and every parcel of land within said area shall be limited and restricted to occupancy by, and that the same shall be occupied exclusively by persons of the [w]hite or Caucasian race” (Fairchild v. Raines, 1944). The California Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Black family (Fairchild v. Raines, 1944), marking an important victory that predated the U.S. Supreme Court’s Shelley v. Kraemer (1948) decision to outlaw racially restrictive covenants nationwide (Cole, 2021).

Redlining
Redlining was a form of racial discrimination present in housing that involved banks and insurance companies limiting or denying individual access to credit and other services—such as mortgages and insurance—based solely on where they lived or sought to live, even if they were otherwise qualified. Nationally, the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) each assessed neighborhoods in major American cities in terms of mortgage risk. HOLC color-coded areas in the 1930s into four hierarchical categories from least to most risky: green, blue, yellow, and red. One of the products of this system was a series of maps used by loan officers, appraisers, and real estate professionals in their lending practices. Neighborhoods deemed high risk or “hazardous” were typically “redlined” by lending institutions, denying residents access to capital investment. Recent scholarship has complicated the history of redlining, as FHA’s maps, which they destroyed, likely contributed more to discrimination in lending than HOLC’s. Regardless, federal entities established criteria for racially coding neighborhoods, lowering homeownership rates and hindering wealth accumulation in these communities (Aaronson, Hartley, and Mazumder, 2020; Fishback et al., 2021, 2024; Hernandez, 2009; An, Orlando, and Rodnyansky, 2019; Park and Quercia, 2020; and Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023).

Figure 3-2 shows how HOLC graded Pasadena. This practice of rating risk was inherently racist, as areas labeled “risky” and “undesirable” were predominantly those where communities of color lived. Race was explicitly tied to these classifications, as seen in descriptions assigned to different neighborhoods (Nelson et al., 2023).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
35 Areas safeguarded against residents of color were often graded more favorably. For example, the blue-colored area just east of the Rose Bowl was described as “protected from the subversive elements by deed restrictions,” which, according to HOLC, made the neighborhood safer for mortgage lending (quoted in Nelson et al., 2023).

Figure 3-2. 1939 HOLC Redlining Map of Pasadena and Surrounding Areas

Source: Nelson et al., 2023
In contrast, the red-colored area north of downtown, about half people of color—primarily Black, Mexican and Japanese residents (Nelson et al., 2023)—was labeled as being affected by “infiltration” of a “...Mexican and Negro population” (quoted in Nelson et al., 2023). HOLC described this as a “real menace” that alarmed property owners, particularly as deed restrictions expired (quoted in Nelson et al., 2023). The importance of these racially restrictive deeds is further highlighted in HOLC’s description of an area north of this redlined neighborhood: “Deed restrictions have expired on approximately 50% of [the] area[,] but active efforts are being made to re-restrict owing to threat of subversive racial infiltration” (quoted in Nelson et al., 2023).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
36 Figure 3-3. Current Home Values and Historic Redlining, Pasadena

Data sources: calculated by authors from 2018-2022 American Community Survey five-year average (U.S.

Census Bureau, 2022a); Nelson et al., 2023; U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a The enforcement of residential segregation in Pasadena led to both limited economic opportunities and subjection to poorer living conditions for communities of color, restricting upward mobility and significantly impacting their quality of life and standard of living (Swope, Hernández, and Cushing, 2022 and Nardone et al., 2020). Although the Fair Housing Act (1968) outlawed redlining, its lasting effects are still evident today. The redlined section of northwestern Pasadena, for example, continues to have higher concentrations of people of color and lower home

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
37 values (See Figure 3-3) (calculated by authors from 2018-2022 American Community Survey five-year average (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022a); Nelson et al., 2023; and Joshi, Horn, and Berrens, 2024).

Intersection of Housing and School Segregation
As discussed above, racial segregation, discrimination, and redlining have shaped the social fabric of Pasadena, and their effects continue to impact residents’ lives today (Blumberg, 1964). De facto segregation occurred not only in housing but also in schools, part of a project of maintaining “racially pure” neighborhoods (Nicolaides, 2024, p. 144) through exclusionary practices (Cohen, 1967 and Nicolaides, 2024). Pasadena’s history of school desegregation is complex, with some residents actively advocating for integration and others pushing back against it. The intensification of civil rights activism, coupled with the enforcement of Brown v. Board of Education (1954) through the Civil Rights Act (1968), led to widespread white flight. This included “internal white flight,” in which remaining affluent white residents distanced themselves from public institutions and segregated themselves within their own neighborhoods (Nicolaides, 2024; Wicker, 1973; and Berg, 1974). Internal white flight manifested as enrollment in private schools, while contemporaneous external white flight involved moving out of the district or transferring enrollment to another district (Li, 2009).

As more people of color, particularly Black and Latino/a residents, began moving into Pasadena, especially in the northwestern areas, certain neighborhoods appeared to “tip” (See below for a discussion of “neighborhood tipping”). However, many of these communities were later displaced to make way for highways, industrial areas, commercial zones, and public housing (also discussed further below) (Nicolaides, 2024). This was often justified as removing perceived “blight” and by the argued benefits of “urban renewal,” facilitated through practices like blockbusting and other predatory real estate tactics (Hartley and Rose, 2023).

As mentioned earlier, Pasadena witnessed a fervent fight for fair housing, with activists and community leaders organizing against discriminatory practices like redlining and restrictive covenants that upheld racial segregation in the city’s neighborhoods (Cole, 2021). These efforts coincided with the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, and with the development of the I-210 and SR-710 freeways, which further shaped the city’s racial landscape (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023).

The struggle for school desegregation also escalated following the landmark Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, as efforts to implement integration in schools faced significant opposition from both educational lawsuits and resistance when people of color attempted to move into white neighborhoods or enroll in white-majority schools (Lozano, 2007). This tension is best exemplified by the complexities surrounding the Pepper Project, Pasadena’s first major urban renewal project (See Part 4 for additional details on this project) (B. Ramirez, 2021; Mann, 1971; C. Wilson, 1966; Turpin, 1970; Nicolaides, 2024; and Blumberg, 1964).

Despite the City’s self-claimed efforts to promote residential desegregation by encouraging white residents to move into neighborhoods of color and fostering integrated housing developments, these attempts largely proved unsuccessful (Blumberg, 1964 and Marugg, 1968). Along with residential desegregation, another equally contentious challenge arose: the proposition of busing Black children from the Pepper Project area to predominantly white schools, due to overcrowding in schools nearby the project. This initiative met strong resistance from Parent Teacher Association leaders in these whiter schools, opposed to integration efforts (Lee, 1970). Although the project aimed to foster integrated housing, no enforcement mechanisms were put in place to ensure this outcome.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
38 Opposition to Fair Housing
The existence and enforcement of racial covenants perpetuated residential segregation and limited economic mobility for communities of color in Pasadena. Prior to Shelley v. Kraemer (1948), these legally binding agreements were explicitly embedded into property deeds, prohibiting the sale, lease, or transfer of property to individuals based on race, ethnicity, or religion (Gotham, 2000 and Rose and Brooks, 2015). Preserving and increasing property value took precedence over integration, making these covenants a tool—used alongside redlining—to prevent people of color from owning property and to maintain predominantly white neighborhoods.

This is evident in Pasadena’s past and present landscape, where people of color were historically confined to the northwestern part of the city due to redlining and racial covenants (Pincetl, 1992), leaving a lasting impact on residential patterns and racial dynamics.

To better understand the stance of Pasadena residents on housing discrimination during the 1960s—particularly among the majority population of non-Hispanic white residents—it is useful to examine the politics surrounding anti-discrimination laws. California elected officials pioneered state-level anti-discrimination laws. Initially, the state’s civil-rights legislation focused on the labor market and public spaces (Gelb and Frankfurt, 1983 and Noel and Cheng, 2009). In 1959, the California Fair Employment Practices Act (1959) safeguarded “the right...of all persons to seek, obtain and hold employment without discrimination.” That same year, the Unruh Civil Rights Act restricted discrimination in public spaces (specifically in business establishments), and the Hawkins Act aimed at prohibiting discrimination in publicly subsidized housing (Noel and Cheng, 2009 and Oppenheimer, 2010).

Four years later, in 1963, Assemblyman William Rumford introduced a statewide housing bill to address widespread discrimination in California’s private housing market (Oppenheimer, 2010 and TIME, 1964).6 Despite opposition from the real estate industry (Rumford, 1970–1973), the Rumford Fair Housing Act (1963, p. 2) was enacted, banning “the practice of discrimination because of race, color, religion, national origin, or ancestry in housing accommodations” with at least four rental units.

The Rumford Act continued to face strong opposition, particularly from the housing and real estate industries, which saw the law as a threat to their right to operate as they chose (Rumford, 1970–1973 and Historical Research Center, CSU Bakersfield, 2024). A builders’ association attacked the law as an “extremely dangerous to the freedom of all people” and “a move toward a police state” (quoted in Radkowski, 2006, p. 56). The California Real Estate Association echoed this rhetoric, accusing the state of infringing on individual rights (W. Brown, 1972). These groups played a major role in opposing the law, with an implicit assertion of their desire to continue discriminatory practices against people of color.

Evidence from Wolfinger and Greenstein (1968) showed that white voters’ support for the Rumford Act varied based on attitudes towards interracial contact. White voters who were opposed to interracial interaction strongly opposed the Rumford Act, while those who claimed they “would not move if many” Black residents “moved into their neighborhood,” were “split” in their support for the legislation (Wolfinger and Greenstein, 1968, p. 766).

Opponents of the Rumford Act sought to overturn the law by placing Proposition 14 on the 1964 ballot. They helped to reframe the political debate around individual property rights and limiting state power, rather than

6. The Rumford Fair Housing Act was a part of a package of civil rights legislation that addressed fair practices in the labor and housing market in California (Oppenheimer, 2010). Originally, the 1959 Hawkins Act prohibited discrimination in “publicly assisted housing” (quoted in Oppenheimer, 2010, p. 120). It was not until 1963 that Rumford proposed extending it into the private real estate industry (Oppenheimer, 2010).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
39 directly challenging the state’s anti-discrimination intent. Supporters of Proposition 14 argued that it would “prevent such tyranny” (L. Wilson, Schrade, and Snell, 1964, p. 19) from “State-appointed bureaucrats” (L.

Wilson, Schrade, and Snell, 1964, p. 18), “restore...freedom to sell or rent,” and “abolish the Rumford Forced Housing Act that deprives you of the right to choose” (Committee for Yes on Proposition #14 to Abolish Rumford Forced Housing Act, 1964). The ballot initiative was labeled as “Sales and Rentals of Residential Real Property” (1964, p. 18), with wording that focused only on individual property rights:
“Prohibits State, subdivision, or agency thereof from denying, limiting, or abridging the right of any person to decline to sell, lease, or rent residential real property to any person as he chooses. Prohibition not applicable to property owned by State or its subdivisions; property acquired by eminent domain; or transient lodging accommodations by hotels, motels, and similar public places” (Sales and Rentals of Residential Real Property, 1964, p. 18)
Proponents of Proposition 14 sought to nullify the Rumford Act, which they argued was equivalent to government tyranny and the “seizure of private property” (L. Wilson, Schrade, and Snell, 1964, p. 18). On the other hand, opponents of the initiative, primarily civil rights organizations and organizations of people of color, emphasized Proposition 14’s devastating racial implications, warning that it would effectively “write hate and bigotry into the [California] Constitution” (Californians against Proposition 14, 1963).

Opinions on Proposition 14 were starkly divided along racial lines, with pre-election polls showing that a large majority of white voters supported the referendum, while an even greater majority of Black voters opposed it (Wolfinger and Greenstein, 1968; Hahn, 1968; and Chen, Mickey, and Van Houweling, 2008).7 However, not all people of color were opposed to the proposition’s passage (Felker-Kantor, 2013 and Brilliant, 2010), as many were likely influenced by the political narrative surrounding individual property rights. This narrative also resonated across party lines, with about half of Democrats supporting the proposition (Historical Research Center, CSU Bakersfield, 2024 and Anderson and Lee, 1965).

Despite the majority opposition from voters of color, the initiative passed by a significant margin—65 percent of voters cast their ballots in favor. The disorganized campaign strategies of liberal oppositionist groups contributed to Proposition 14’s success. Additionally, the outcome can largely be attributed to the fact that non-Hispanic white Californians comprised a supermajority of the voting population (Ballotpedia, n.d.-b; Vyas, 2014; and Anderson and Lee, 1965). While the referendum was an exercise in direct democracy, it also represented a tyranny of the majority effectively enshrining the right to discriminate in the housing market.

Pasadena’s voting patterns closely mirrored those of the state and county, with nearly two thirds of voters supporting the passage of Proposition 14 (See Table 3-1). Many surrounding cities showed even higher levels of support. Two of these cities, South Pasadena and Glendale, were “sundown towns”, where people of color other than servants were banned from not just living but visiting at night (History and Social Justice, n.d.; Loewen, 2005; Vargas, 2020; Colorado Boulevard, 2022; and South Pasadena City Council, 2022). Additionally, these three nearby cities were overwhelmingly white, with white residents making up over 99 percent of the population in 1960 (calculated by authors from 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1963)). In Pasadena, opposition primarily came from voters of color, especially those residing along what would later become the I-210 corridor.

Figure 3-4 shows an island of votes against the proposition in northwest Pasadena, amidst a sea of suburban

7. Besides race, there were other divisions: less-educated voters, Republicans, and Southern Californians were more likely to vote in support of Proposition 14 (Wolfinger and Greenstein, 1968; Hahn, 1968; and Chen, Mickey, and Van Houweling, 2008).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
40 Table 3-1. Proposition 14 (1964) Results
Geography
In Favor Opposed
Votes Share Votes Share
California 4,526,460 65.4% 2,395,747 34.6%
Los Angeles County 1,802,620 67.4% 870,342 32.6%
Pasadena 35,444 65.9% 18,374 34.1%
South Pasadena 8,405 78.7% 2,278 21.3%
Glendale 50,598 83.5% 10,018 16.5%
San Marino 6,715 86.5% 1,051 13.5%

Data source: Jordan, 1964
Figure 3-4. Map of Voting Patterns on Proposition 14, 1964

Note: Red areas had more votes for the proposition; blue areas had more votes against the proposition; Pasadena circled in yellow.

Source: Ethington, 2000, with annotation by authors
votes for it.8 In contrast, the rest of Pasadena, including the area south of the eventual I-210 and SR-710, voted overwhelmingly in favor of the proposition (Ethington, 2000).

8. The other pocket of opposition in the suburbs, shown in Figure 3-4 (Ethington, 2000), was Pacoima, the region’s other suburban exclave of color, which we studied in a prior report (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
41 The passage of Proposition 14 in November 1964 stalled progress on desegregation efforts in Pasadena and halted the development of the Pepper Project (discussed further below), as it amended the state constitution to overturn the Rumford Act (Tucker, 1966 and Independent Star-News, 1965). Though these efforts were ultimately short-lived, Proposition 14 allowed property sellers and landlords to openly discriminate based on ethnicity for the two years it remained in effect.

While voters supported Proposition 14, the courts eventually overturned the results (Oppenheimer, 2010 and Maryland Law Review, 1967). In 1966, the California Supreme Court declared the initiative unconstitutional (Mulkey v. Reitman, 1966), and a year later, the U.S. Supreme Court reached the same conclusion in Reitman v.

Mulkey (1967).9 Thurgood Marshall, then U.S. Solicitor General, argued that the proposition was “an exercise of state power in support of discrimination” (quoted in TIME, 1967). Despite these rulings, racial discrimination in the housing market persisted in more covert forms as noted earlier in this section (Black, 1967).

Neighborhood Tipping and White Flight
Despite persistent housing discrimination and racial segregation, neighborhoods in Pasadena did transform to accommodate the growing population of color—but in ways that often perpetuated their isolation. This shift often followed a process in which predominantly non-Hispanic white neighborhoods rapidly transitioned to areas of color, as seen in the North tract of the I-210/SR-710 study area (quantified in Part 2) (See Figures 2-2 and 2-6) (calculated by authors from 1950 and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1980)). Under the “tipping-point” model of neighborhood change, Schelling (1971) argues that once a predominantly white area surpasses a certain percentage of a particular non-white racial/ethnic group (often Black), white residents leave in large numbers, resulting in a relatively racially homogeneous community of color (Grodzins, 1958; Cohen, 1967; and Wolf, 1963).

This dynamic is driven by both social and economic factors: some prejudicial white residents may refuse to live near neighbors of color, while others may fear declining property values when people of color move into the area.

Both groups relocate, often to predominantly white neighborhoods, perpetuating racial segregation despite broader demographic changes at the city or regional level.

There is no precise, consistent tipping point, but studies indicate that white residents become unlikely to recommend the neighborhood to a white friend when the population of color reaches around 20 percent, with white flight becoming apparent at around 30 percent (Wolf, 1963; Spiegel, 1960; and Meyerson and Banfield, 1955) The lack of a consistent tipping threshold is due to various factors, such as local amenities, proximity to existing neighborhoods of color, and the composition of the particular population of color (Easterly, 2009; Durlauf, 2011; and Schelling, 1971). While 30 percent serves as an average, the tipping point for each neighborhood varies; generally, it must exceed the mean of the normal distribution of white preferences for an area’s racial composition (Easterly, 2003). This sensitivity highlights how residential patterns are shaped by shifting social dynamics.

A number of different factors play an important role in understanding how neighborhood tipping works and why it occurs. Schelling’s (1971) work utilizes both the spatial proximity model and the bounded-neighborhood Model to explore why a neighborhood might “tip.” Key contributing factors include speculation, tolerance dynamics,

9. Proposition 7 in 1974 ultimately removed Proposition 14’s language from the state constitution (Post, 1974 and Ballotpedia, n.d.-a).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
42 capacity limitations, concerted action, and empirical evidence. People’s preferences for integration, along with patterns of movement, also help explain why this might occur. Each of these factors is elaborated upon below, to provide a clearer understanding on the concept of neighborhood tipping.

Speculation occurs when white residents expect an increase in the population of color in a given area, which often prompts many to move out—a process known as “out-tipping.” Tolerance dynamics, on the other hand, examines the satisfaction and tolerance levels among white residents and Black residents/residents of color. Those who are most dissatisfied or less tolerant of living in a mixed community tend to leave first. Within this dynamic, understanding integrationist preferences—the desire for either integration and separation—helps to establish the limits on the majority’s tolerance toward minority populations (Schelling, 1971).

Capacity limitations also play a role, as “tipping-in” might occur when there is excess housing or high population growth, influenced by the dynamics observed between white populations and Black populations/populations of color. However, this can also be limited by natural turnover and evacuation rates. Finally, concerted action among residents—whether intentional or reactive—can influence the establishment of a tipping point. This collective behavior can significantly affect the stability of a mixed community, depending on initial conditions or the rate at which residents move (Schelling, 1971).

All of the factors described above serve as forms of empirical evidence, as illustrated through Schelling’s (1971) two models. He also drew upon previous studies by researchers such as Grodzins (1958), Duncan and Duncan (1957), and Mayer (1960) to reinforce these empirical generalizations. Findings from these studies suggest that once neighborhoods tip, the changes tend to be irreversible. Moreover, these tipping scenarios appear more commonly—or are readily observed—in well-defined neighborhoods.

The dramatic changes during and after the construction of the North section of I-210 in the study area (See Figure 2-2) illustrate the tipping phenomenon in Pasadena. This area, which was predominantly white in 1950, became predominantly home to people of color by the 1970s (See Figure 2-6). The most significant shift occurred around the time the freeway path was selected (calculated by authors from 1950 and 1970 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970)). The planning and construction of the freeway likely started the exodus, which then sped up through tipping. This same process occurred in other neighborhoods in California, such as City Heights in San Diego (Ong et al., 2025).

However, this was not the only neighborhood to undergo such a transformation. As documented earlier, populations of color also moved into adjacent areas east of their historical concentration in northwest Pasadena (See Figures 3-5 and 3-6) (calculated by authors from 1950 and 1970 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970)).

Unlike the neighborhoods immediately along the freeway, these adjacent areas were not directly affected by freeway construction, making it difficult to conclude definitively that freeway development caused the demographic change. Nonetheless, the (prospective and actual) demographic shift made the area more vulnerable to placing the freeway through it during the planning stage, and the prospect of having a freeway made

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
43 Figure 3-5. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1950

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1950 U.S. Census (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a the surrounding area less desirable, cyclically contributing to the departure of white residents. By the time construction started, the neighborhood had tipped.

Another interesting change occurred in the South Center tract south of the eventual I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange (See Figure 2-2), which went from majority people of color to majority non-Hispanic white (See

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
44 Figure 3-6. Race/Ethnicity in Pasadena by Census Tract, 1970

Data sources: calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970); U.S. Census Bureau, 2018; Caltrans, 2023; and Esri, 2024a
Figure 2-6) (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (Manson et al., 2024 and U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b, 1970, 1980)), a process associated with gentrification. Some of the causes for this are discussed in Part 4.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
45 Part 4. Urban Renewal and Restructuring
Projects
Freeway Construction and Urban Restructuring
The second part of the qualitative analysis of societal factors contributing to racial segregation focuses on redevelopment efforts in parts of the study area. There are four sites of interest in the area south of the I-210/SR- 710/SR-134 interchange, which involved both public and private actions. These developments displaced a large number of households, particularly households of color, and consequently directly contributed to the increased racial segregation of the study area, as quantified earlier. The analysis also examines a major project north of the interchange, one that contributed to a continued concentration of people of color in that part of Pasadena. These cases provide concrete examples of how public and private development efforts reshaped Pasadena’s demographic geography.

The development of the modern-day freeway system began in the mid-20th century, following a popular desire for more efficient transportation systems, the post-Second-World-War economic boom, and the establishment of the Federal-aid Highway Act of 1956 (Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023). Not only did the creation and development of the SR-710 and I-210 freeways in particular facilitate suburban white flight thereafter but also led to the disproportionate displacement and continued segregation of the racial/ethnic groups that originally resided there.

As documented in this report, residential and school segregation catalyzed a wide range of racial disparities in Pasadena, which then exacerbated the preexisting factors behind segregation. In turn, freeways disproportionately impacted the city’s marginalized communities, as suburban migration that followed highway expansion heavily contributed to the ongoing economic decline of central business districts. Although urban renewal efforts were intended to combat the “urban decay” that followed both freeway construction and white flight to the suburbs, they often inequitably targeted and displaced communities of color originally residing near these core business districts, only to replace them with commercial developments or freeways. This “war against blight” that aimed to clear “slums” only ended up reinforcing segregation (Baum-Snow, 2007; Mieszkowski and Mills, 1993; von Hoffman, 2008; Collins and Shester, 2013; Manvel, 1968; Carriere, 2011; Hanlon, 2011; and J.

Brown, Morris, and Taylor, 2009).

The City of Pasadena saw the overlap between race and freeway construction, as the freeway timeline aligns closely with events such as racial tipping, white flight, and the passage of Proposition 14, as discussed earlier.

Urban renewal efforts reinforced this process. The perceived need to revitalize and promote growth in allegedly “dilapidated” commercial areas often came at the cost of demolishing neighborhoods of color. Specious justifications for excluding certain racial groups or social classes were—and often still are—hidden behind the pretense of community improvement.

The City’s 1962 General Plan mapped areas deemed “blighted” for redevelopment. Figure 4-1 maps the distribution of residents of color in 1935 and its overlap with redlined areas and freeway routes, and Figure 4-2 depicts how all of those overlap with the General Plan’s “blighted” areas (Pasadena Planning Commission, 1962;

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
46 Figure 4-1. Population Distribution of Pasadena Residents of Color, 1935, and Future Freeway Routes

Note: 1939 redlined areas demarcated by white lines; built freeways marked with solid black lines; unbuilt freeways marked with dotted black lines Source: Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023, p. 101; data sources: Ethnic History Research Project, 1995 and Nelson et al., 2023; base imagery: Google, 2024

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
47 Figure 4-2. Pasadena Redlined Areas, Redevelopment Areas, and Freeway Routes

Note: 1939 redlined areas demarcated by white lines; redevelopment areas shaded; built freeways marked with solid black lines; unbuilt freeways marked with dotted black lines
Source: Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023, p. 103; data sources: Pasadena Planning Commission, 1962 and Nelson et al., 2023; base imagery: Google, 2024

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
48 Ethnic History Research Project, 1995; Nelson et al., 2023; Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023; and A. Ramirez et al., 2025).

The construction of the SR-710 stub had a profound impact on Pasadena, displacing over a hundred households (See Figure 4-3).10 Additional large-scale developments along this corridor further shaped the area’s housing landscape and racial demographics. Four major sites—the Norton Simon Museum, Parsons headquarters, Ambassador College, and Old Pasadena—significantly influenced neighborhood demographics and urban dynamics beyond the freeway’s immediate impact. These redevelopments, driven by both public and private investments, reinforced patterns of racial segregation and contributed to broader urban restructuring.

Figure 4-3. Aerial Photographs of Changes in Land-use Patterns at the Central Pasadena Interchange

Source: Pasadena Office of the City Manager, 2024

10. This rough estimate is calculated from U.S. Census block-level data (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b), excluding the southern tip of the SR-710 stub, as the census blocks there did not align with the stub’s footprint. This estimate is considerably lower than the number reported by the City of Pasadena (2023).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
49 Figures 4-4 and 4-5 approximate the locations of these four sites based on 1960 census blocks (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961a). Positioned along the eastern and western edges of the freeway corridor, these sites offer a lens into how specific developments affected housing trends and racial composition, reflecting broader shifts in the community.

Figure 4-4. Major Development Sites near SR-710 Stub

Data source: 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1960, 1961a); base map: Esri, 2024b

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
50 Figure 4-5. Major Development Sites near SR-710 Stub, 1967 and 1989

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
51 We can get a sense of the impacts by estimating demographic and housing changes based on census-block data.11 The four sites reveal a consistent pattern of housing displacement and demographic shifts, with communities of color particularly affected. While each site experienced a unique trajectory of change, the combined data underscores a broader trend: from 1960 to 1980, housing units across these areas declined sharply, largely due to freeway development and urban renewal initiatives. In 1960, non-white residents occupied over half of the housing units across the sites; by 1980, this figure had fallen to just 17 percent,12 highlighting the profound displacement of people of color as a result of these projects. The residents in the Pepper Project to the north, on the other hand, were predominantly people of color. Each site is discussed in detail below.

Norton Simon Museum
The Norton Simon Museum is located in the southwestern corner of the Center tract, near I-210/SR-134/SR-710 freeway interchange (See Figure 4-4). The museum’s site is situated just north of the Ambassador College area and is bounded by SR-134 to the north, Orange Grove Boulevard to the west, Colorado Boulevard to the south, and Saint John Avenue/SR-710 to the east.

Originally established as a private art collection, the museum grew to house an extensive selection of European and Asian works of art after industrialist Norton Simon stepped in to rescue the former Pasadena Art Museum (previously Pasadena Art Institute) from financial collapse in the late 1960s. At that time, the museum was facing substantial debts due to ambitious remodeling efforts. In redesigning the museum, architects leveled Carmelita Park—a historic site that was once inhabited by the Pasadena Indians—to make way for the new facility (Norton Simon Museum, 2024a, 2024b and Coplans, 1975).

From 1950 to 1980, the census block containing the museum had no housing units or population (calculated by authors from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1952a, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)), meaning the development had no impact on housing availability or population displacement in Pasadena.

While the museum did not affect the city’s residential landscape, it contributed significantly to the neighborhood’s redevelopment and cultural revitalization, transforming a historic site into a prominent artistic and cultural landmark.

Parsons Headquarters
The site containing Parsons headquarters is located in the southeastern part of the Center tract, positioned in the southeast corner of the I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange (See Figure 4-4). It is in an area bounded by Walnut Street to the north, Fair Oaks Avenue to the east, Union Street to the South, and Pasadena Avenue and SR-710 to the west. Parsons (known as Ralph M. Parsons prior to the mid-1970s) is a major global engineering and construction company, and its relocation from Los Angeles to Pasadena was considered a significant achievement for the city’s urban renewal efforts. Developed in the early 1970s, the project occupied approximately a four-block area, with the company headquarters situated on the eastern half and other uses on

11. Census blocks are not always the same as physical city blocks (See Appendix for details) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022b).

12. The 1960 figure represents “non-white households” and excludes Hispanics, while the 1980 figure reflects people of color in the population, not households. This discrepancy makes a direct comparison challenging.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
52 the western half. Additional development extended to the north, with multi-story parking structures to the south (Los Angeles Times, 1975 and Vincent, 2011).

In 1960, the area affected by the development (approximated by census blocks) had 147 occupied housing units, nearly a quarter occupied by non-white residents (including Black and other non-white groups, though Hispanic residents were not captured in this data). A decade later, only 37 occupied housing units remained, likely due to spillover impacts from the construction of the interchange and the City’s desire to promote economic development near the central business district. Of these remaining units, over half (51%) were occupied by non-white residents.

While the share of people of color increased, their absolute numbers decreased. By 1980, the U.S. Census reported no housing units in the area (See Table 4-1) (calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S.

Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)). These statistics are consistent with the interpretation that the removal of housing due to freeway externalities and the development of the Parsons project contributed to demographic shifts in the Center tract. Unfortunately, we lack data on the occupants of newly constructed housing units, though it is evident that new construction did not sufficiently offset the overall housing decline.

Table 4-1. Housing and Demographic Changes in the Parsons Headquarters Area, 1960-1980 Statistic 1960 1970 1980
Housing units 166 43 0

Occupied housing units 147 37 0

Owner households 22 5 0
Renter households 125 32 0
Non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 36 19 no data Share, non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 24% 51% no data Share, households of color no data no data N/A

Data source: calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)
Ambassador College/Worldwide Church of God
The site of the former Ambassador College, which operated from 1947 to 1990, is located in the South Center tract, situated just west of the SR-710 stub (See Figure 4-4). The site is bounded by Green Street to the north, Saint John Avenue to the east, Del Mar Boulevard to the south, and Orange Grove Boulevard to the west.

Established by Herbert W. Armstrong and the Worldwide Church of God, the college aimed to prepare youth for service in the church by offering a more formal education in religious studies. Over the years, the college expanded its campus by acquiring several mansions along South Orange Grove Boulevard (part of Pasadena’s historic “Millionaires’ Row”). These estates, including the Fowler, Sprague/Mayfair, Hulett Merritt, Lewis Meritt, and Jamieson/Terrace Villa properties, were converted into college facilities in the late 1940s and 1950s (Los Angeles Conservancy, 2024; Erdman, 2013; and Baker, 2023).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
53 In the 1960s and 1970s, Caltrans purchased a number of parcels from Ambassador College to accommodate freeway construction, prompting the institution to expand in other directions within Pasadena (California Division of Highways, 1965–1969; U.S. Census Bureau, n.d., 1961c; and U.S. Census Bureau et al., 1972). As a result, the presently defined campus does not does not fully encompass the property once owned by the college and the Worldwide Church of God.

In 1960, the six census blocks encompassing the Ambassador College site contained 126 occupied housing units, with 25 percent occupied by non-white residents (again, including Black and other non-white groups, but not Hispanic residents). A decade later, in 1970, only 18 occupied housing units remained, likely due to the expansion of Ambassador College and property acquisitions by the state. By this time, non-white residents no longer occupied any of the remaining units. By 1980, the U.S. Census recorded just 16 occupied housing units in the area, almost all of which were rentals (See Table 4-2) (calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S.

Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)). This shift reflects a significant demographic change and a transition from a once-residential neighborhood to primarily institutional land use due to the college’s expansion.

Table 4-2. Housing and Demographic Changes in the Ambassador College Area, 1960-1980 Statistic 1960 1970 1980
Housing units 137 18 24

Occupied housing units 126 18 16

Owner households 39 3 3
Renter households 87 15 13
Non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 32 0 no data
Share, non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 25% 0% no data Share, households of color no data no data 5%

Data source: calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)
Ambassador College closed its Pasadena campus in 1997, leaving some buildings abandoned, others demolished, others sold to churches and schools, and others redeveloped into housing and commercial space (Los Angeles Conservancy, 2024; Erdman, 2013; Blankstein and Pierson, 2006; Sandez, 2016; and Ayala, 2013).

Old Pasadena
This study examines the portion of Old Pasadena adjacent to the SR-710 stub. This area has been an integral part of the central business district and original commercial center since Pasadena’s establishment in 1874.

Located mostly in the northeastern part of the South Center tract, the area is generally bounded by Union Street to the north, Fair Oaks Avenue to the east, Del Mar Boulevard to the south, and Pasadena Avenue to the South (See Figure 4-4) (Old Pasadena Management District, 2024).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
54 By the late 1940s, downtown Pasadena began showing signs of commercial decline, and by the 1970s, it had further fallen into a state of neglect (Marshall, 2013), prompting the City in 1971 to create and adopt a Central District Improvement Plan (Shigley, 2005). This plan is aimed to revitalize the area through redevelopment and eminent domain, assembling small lots for large corporate office buildings, such as the Parsons building. Over $400 million in public and private funds were invested in redeveloping and revitalizing Old Pasadena (Mann, 1978).

Urban renewal efforts in the late 1970s led to significant demographic shifts and housing challenges in Old Pasadena. Prior to the enforcement of eminent domain in the 1970s, the area included residential sections (City of Pasadena, 1975; Loukaitou-Sideris et al., 2023; and A. Ramirez et al., 2025). However, the Central District Improvement Plan and related construction, including the nearby freeways, resulted in the relocation of many downtown residents and transformed the area. Despite efforts to preserve historic buildings and revitalize the district, these redevelopment projects displaced residents and contributed to demographic changes and housing instability in the area (Pincetl, 1992).

In 1960, the 13 census blocks in Old Pasadena positioned along the eastern edges of the SR-710 freeway corridor (as distinct from the entirety of Old Pasadena) contained 223 occupied housing units, with 59 percent occupied by non-white residents (again, including Black and other non-white groups, but not Hispanic residents).

By 1970, the number of occupied housing units had decreased to 161, accompanied by a notable demographic shift: only 29 percent of these units were occupied by non-white residents. By 1980, the census recorded just 54 occupied housing units in this area, almost all rentals (See Table 4-3) (calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)). This transformation reflects the significant impact of redevelopment initiatives and the shift from a once-diverse residential neighborhood to a primarily commercial and institutional area.

Table 4-3. Housing and Demographic Changes in the Part of Old Pasadena to the East of the SR-710 Corridor, 1960-1980
Statistic 1960 1970 1980
Housing units 250 187 63

Occupied housing units 223 161 54

Owner households 48 15 5
Renter households 175 146 49
Non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 131 46 no data Share, non-white (excluding Latino/a) households 59% 29% no data Share, households of color no data no data 39%

Data source: calculated by authors from 1960, 1970, and 1980 U.S. Censuses (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b and Manson et al., 2024)
Ordinarily, state law required cities to dedicate a fifth of the tax increment generated from public redevelopment projects to subsidized low-income housing. However, a 1987 bill exempted downtown Pasadena, near our Old Pasadena study area, from this requirement, allowing the City to instead use the funds for police and fire

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
55 retirement funds (though the City promised at the time to backfill the affordable housing funds with other sources) (City of Pasadena, 2022; Shook, 2020; Mermell and Hawkesworth, 2017; Dunn, 1987; and Weiss, 1987).

Pepper Project
The Pepper Street Redevelopment Project, located north of the I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange, stands in contrast to the four developments along the SR-710 stub. Spanning 17 city blocks, the project was generally bordered by Washington Boulevard to the north, an eastern boundary composed of roughly Raymond Avenue and Wheeler Lane, Mountain Street to the south, and Sunset Avenue to the west (See Figure 4-6). This 102-acre site, situated about a mile north of the interchange and east of I-210, was Pasadena’s first urban renewal project and first rent-supplemented housing project in Los Angeles County. Included in the area was the street on which Jackie Robinson, the first modern Black professional baseball player, grew up (B. Ramirez, 2021; Mann, 1971; C.

Wilson, 1966; Turpin, 1970; and Nicolaides, 2024).

Figure 4-6. Pepper Project Urban Renewal Area Plans

Sources: Birkinshaw, 1960, p. G1 and Kreidt, 1962, p. 3 The original plans for the Pepper Project included a five-acre, cooperatively-owned commercial complex on the east side of Fair Oaks Avenue, north of Roberts Street, along a 15-acre industrial site adjacent to the residential developments. However, the project faced significant opposition due to the displacement of lower-income people of color and their businesses in Pasadena’s predominantly black northwest area and shoddy construction of the

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
56 units themselves. The city classified this area, as well as other communities of color, as “blighted” and in need of redevelopment. As discussed in Part 3, the Pepper Project, located in the tract containing the I-210, offers insight into the challenges around housing and school integration/segregation (Kreidt, 1961; Los Angeles Times, 1964; Mann, 1969, 1972; Lee, 1970; Frieden and Sagalyn, 1991; B. Ramirez, 2021; and Blumberg, 1964).

Despite revitalization efforts, white Pasadena residents were uncomfortable moving into an area with a historically Black population, and thus, integration efforts for the housing project ultimately failed (B. Ramirez, 2021; Blumberg, 1964; and Pincetl, 1992). Additionally, white residents protested against the potential integration of Black Pepper Project schoolchildren into nearby predominantly white schools (Don Benito, San Rafael, and Sierra Mesa Elementary Schools), preferring to reserve vacant spaces in the school buildings for activities like audiovisual studies rather than accommodating Pepper Project area students. This exposed deep-seated resistance to integration efforts within the city’s educational system (Lee, 1970 and Blumberg, 1964).

The Pepper Project area included an estimated 524 families and individual households—94% of whom were non- white—when redevelopment plans were being formalized. By the time construction began in 1968, 299 of these families had been displaced, with the vast majority (91%) of those displaced being families of color and/or low- income families (Blumberg, 1964). Prior to redevelopment, the area was predominantly low-density residential (zoned as R2) and included many Black-owned homes. However, the redevelopment project led to the removal of residents and a decrease Black homeownership, as single-family homes were demolished to make way for multifamily, apartment-style complexes.

Due to funding limitations, the project ultimately produced only residential developments, through two separately sponsored projects: Washington West, with 163 housing units, and King’s Manor, with 255 housing units. By 1975, these developments were reported to be poorly constructed, under-occupied, and plagued by burglaries and vandalism. The project was never fully completed, as the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development foreclosed on both developments due insufficient bids. The land now contains four parcels from the 1960s and 135 parcels from the 1970s (Mann, 1975).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
57 Conclusion
The developments of I-210 and SR-710, along with several city improvement projects in Pasadena during this time period, were marked by controversial and discriminatory practices that exacerbated racial segregation. The construction of the I-210 and the I-210/SR-710/SR-134 interchange resulted in the displacement of numerous households and contributed to a demographic shift marked by white flight, which increased the relative proportion of residents of color. Similarly, the development of the 710 stub to the south disproportionately displaced households of color. Under the policy of addressing urban blight—particularly in the downtown areas—the city and private developers, whether intentionally or unintentionally, engaged in practices that perpetuated racial erasure in and around renewal areas. The displacement of communities of color became an inherent consequence of these urban improvement initiatives. Of course, there were larger societal dynamics and institutional practices perpetuating racial segregation; nonetheless the evidence in this report reveals that freeway construction and related urban restructuring exacerbated racial segregation, deepening demographic and economic polarization in neighborhoods along I-210 and SR-710.

The impacts are not just historical. Mid-20th century freeway development in Pasadena left a lasting legacy of environmental and social inequality, particularly when comparing neighborhoods along different freeway segments. Data on air pollution and traffic density reveal stark disparities across the study area (See Table A-1 in the Appendix for further details). Neighborhoods of color in the North and North Center tracts—through which the I-210 cuts (See Figure 2-2)—bear a significant higher environmental burden. These areas experience elevated levels of diesel particulate matter, traffic density, and pollution burden, according to CalEnviroScreen 4.0 (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023) (described in the Appendix), leading to ongoing exposure to transportation-related air pollution.

In contrast, the South Center tract, which includes the SR-710 stub, and the South tract, where the unbuilt segment of the 710 was planned (See Figure 2-2), show somewhat lower pollution levels overall, though they still exceed city averages in some categories (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023).

These southern tracts, with a higher proportion of white residents, face less environmental stress compared to the northern tracts.13
This disparity highlights the uneven impact of freeway infrastructure: while neighborhoods directly bisected by I- 210 in the northern part of the study area continue to bear the brunt of pollution and environmental hazards, southern areas near the unbuilt 710 segment have been spared some of these negative externalities. While both sets of areas lie near freeways and suffer from consequences such as pollution and traffic, this ongoing imbalance reflects the enduring effects of past infrastructure decisions on neighborhood health, quality of life, and environmental justice across Pasadena.

In addition to environmental disparities, there are also clear differences in access to opportunities across these tracts. Maps from the California Tax Credit Allocation Committee (CTCAC) and the California Department of Housing and Community Development (HCD) categorize the North and North Center tracts as “Moderate Resource” areas, indicating limited access to resources and opportunities. Meanwhile, the South Center and South tracts are designated as High Resource and Highest Resource areas, respectively (See Appendix for

13. We do not report data here for the Center tract at the interchange because of significant boundary changes since 1960.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
58 further details). This contrast further underscores the legacy of unequal development, with southern tracts benefiting from better access to resources compared to the resource-limited northern tracts.

In deciding the future of the SR-710 stub after Caltrans relinquished the route to the City (Pasadena Department of Transportation, 2024), one major challenge facing the city’s 710 Revisioning Project is how to address and redress the past and legacy harms caused by freeway development. The report’s analyses broadly identify the nature, magnitude, and causes of the impacts, providing critical information that could inform discussions on potential remedies. Any proposed actions should be directly linked to specific damages and should reflect the values and priorities of stakeholders, especially those from communities that have been disproportionately harmed.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
59 Appendix: Data and Methods
We used multiple quantitative and spatial data sources to study the geographic and temporal patterns of residential segregation. Some of the data are available in digitized form, while others require digitizing. Because definitions and boundaries for the information change over time, we reconcile and harmonize the data when feasible and necessary. Because of the enormous amount of time and resources required, we prioritized adjusting data for Pasadena and developing estimates of Hispanics, which are not available for early decades. We utilize several measures of residential patterns to examine segregation and diversity: the dissimilarity index, entropy score, and entropy index. Each of these metrics have advantages and disadvantages. Finally, we consulted metrics from two sources to assess the legacy of the freeways.

Census Data
The main source of population data is the decennial enumeration conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau and its predecessors. The once-every-ten-year count, conducted since 1790, is a constitutional requirement (U.S.

Census Bureau, 2021c, 2023 and National Archives, 2015), as stated in Article I, Section 2: “The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct” (National Archives, 2015). The counts are used to assign seats for the House of Representatives to account for population changes— i.e. to reapportion congressional seats among the states and to allow for redrawing of congressional boundaries (redistricting). Along with collecting basic demographic information (the data required for reapportionment and redistricting), the decennial census also collects information on housing and economic characteristics. The amount of non-basic information and method of collecting that information varied from decade to decade. Over time, definitions for key characteristics changed to reflect the evolving social and economic context of the times.

This is particularly true in the categories of racial and ethnic groups. The U.S. Census Bureau stopped collecting non-basic information in 2010, replacing it with the American Community Survey (a continuous sampling and collection effort that produces annual demographic, housing, and economic data). One problem with the U.S.

Census is differential undercount—that is, the enumeration and survey tends to disproportionately miss disadvantaged groups (U.S. Census Bureau, 2021c, 2021d, 2024b; Pratt, Hixson, and Jones, 2015; and Kennel, 2021). Unfortunately, it is impossible to make adjustments for this within the project’s scope and resources. One of the consequences is the potential of underestimating the number of people of color impacted by the freeway and related developments.

Census Geographies
The primary geographic units used in our analysis are census tracts and census blocks. These small-area geographies, designed and maintained by the U.S. Census Bureau (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022b), provide critical demographic and spatial data that can reveal neighborhood-level impacts.

Census tracts are the most widely used small-area geography used by the U.S. Census Bureau, average about 4,000 residents. Their boundaries are typically defined by prominent physical features, such as major streets, waterways, and legal borders. Developed initially for major cities in the 1940 Census, coverage expanded in subsequent decades, with tracts covering the entire nation by 1990. Boundaries are adjusted each decade to

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
60 account for population changes. Census tracts generally have relatively homogeneous populations and are often used as proxies for neighborhoods by researchers (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022b, 2024a; National Archives, 2021; and Snow, 2011). Consequently, tract data is useful in examining how the freeway and urban renewal impacted within and near the developments.

Census blocks are the smallest geographic area used by the U.S. Census Bureau and exist as subdivisions within tracts. Defined by features such as streets, railways, and natural boundaries, blocks allow for detailed analysis and are particularly useful in studying population displacement resulting from infrastructure projects. Block data also facilitates tracking changes in tract boundaries (and the road network) over time, providing further precision in neighborhood-level analysis. However, due to privacy concerns, fewer variables are available at the block level in published census data than at the tract level (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022b, 2024a and Snow, 2011).

Digitizing Data
While historical census-tract data are available in electronic format from the U.S. Census Bureau or data redistributor (e.g., the National Historical Geographic Information System (Manson et al., 2024), Social Explorer (2024)), block data are not readily available. To conduct analyses, it is necessary to transcribe printed reports into digital files. Figure A-1 provides an example of a page from a 1960 census publication for Pasadena (U.S.

Census Bureau, 1961b). We verify the entries by comparing the totals of the blocks in a tract against the numbers reported for the tract.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
61 Figure A-1. Page of 1960 U.S. Census Data from Pasadena

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 1961b, p. 1
Digitizing Maps
While there are shapefiles for historical tracts, no shapefiles for historical blocks (before 1990) are readily available. To conduct spatial analyses, it is necessary to digitize and georeference map files. Figure A-2 provides an example of the map containing the blocks in the project’s study area in the 1960 U.S. Census. We verify the boundaries by comparing tract boundaries against the block boundaries that should coincide (that is, the relevant segments of the blocks along the edge of the tracts).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
62 Figure A-2. 1960 Census Blocks for Pasadena Study Area

Data source: 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1960, 1961c); base map: Esri, 2024b Spatial Assignment and Allocation
Spatial allocation is the assignment of data from one geographic area to another, such as assigning demographic information from the census to a project area, such as the footprint of a freeway or a redevelopment area. For example, we can examine the population and its characteristics for the 710 stub by first identifying the relevant

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
63 blocks and then aggregating. This is not a problem if the source geographies data are entirely within the target geography; however, this is often not the case, because source geographies can be only partially in the target geography. There are several ways to address these cross-boundary inputs, depending on the geographic scale and the desired degree of precision. When the number of inputs is very large, the simplest approach is to determine if a block is included based on whether its centroid is within the larger geography. While this is not highly precise, it is reasonable and takes advantage of the law of large numbers. A second alternative is to allocate the input by the proportion that is in the target. For example, if a third of a block is in the final geography, then a third of the population is assigned. This assumes that the population is randomly distributed in the block, but this is often not true. A third method is assigning based on population weights observed from information available below the input geographies. For a block, this can be based on parcel data. Unfortunately, this is difficult or impossible because of the lack of historical data for such micro-level geographies.

Figure A-3 shows the block assignments to major areas of interest. The map is from our initial manual step in assigning blocks, using a combination of information from multiple sources. When we developed reasonable Figure A-3. 1960 Census Block Map, with Four Development Sites Highlighted

Sources: 1960 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1961c) and authors

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
64 assignments, we then digitized and georeferenced the map. We do not spatially divide up blocks but instead assign whole blocks that best approximate the major features. The yellow are the blocks along the stub based on examining georeferenced images. We do not highlight further down the stub because the blocks south of Del Mar Boulevard were not well-aligned. The four major developments of interest—the Norton Simon Museum, Parsons headquarters, Ambassador College, and Old Pasadena—are clustered along the eastern and western edges of the stub. We have selected census blocks that most closely align with these development sites based on aerial images, historical maps, and historical documents. For our analysis, Old Pasadena is the section that is adjacent to the stub, although there are additional blocks beyond that were included in the redevelopment of the central business district. The central question is how these developments impacted housing and the racial composition of residents between 1960 and 1980. The accompanying map illustrates the initial effort to define development sites with 1960 census blocks.

Data Estimates of Hispanic and Non-Hispanic White Residents The classification of Hispanics in U.S. Census data has varied across decades, as outlined below.14 For this project, we defined Hispanics based on the available U.S. Census classifications, adjusting methods as needed to maintain consistency as best we could across time periods (Pratt, Hixson, and Jones, 2015):
● 1940: Defined by IPUMS
● 1950: White, Spanish surname (estimated for some tracts using foreign-born population from Mexico or other Latin American countries)
● 1960: White, Spanish surname
● 1970: White: count of persons: number of persons classified in any of the five Spanish categories of the question on “origin or descent”
○ Project-specific approach: For 1970, we first used the count of persons classified in any of the five Spanish categories from the “origin or descent” question if the resulting non-Hispanic white count, described below, was greater than or equal to zero. If non-Hispanic white count was negative, we used “Spanish origin or descent” data to ensure a non-negative non-Hispanic white count. In cases where both calculations yielded a negative non-Hispanic white count, we set the non-Hispanic white population to zero. This approach was only applied at the tract level, not for larger geographies like city or county. ● 1980-1990: Persons of Spanish origin
● 2000-2010: Hispanic or Latino (of any race)
Beginning in 1980, the U.S. Census reported the non-Hispanic white population directly (Pratt, Hixson, and Jones, 2015). For the earlier decades, we estimated non-Hispanic white populations by subtracting those classified as white Hispanic (or white Spanish) from total white counts. In some tracts, however, the U.S. Census did not report Hispanic (or Spanish surname/origin) populations directly, necessitating estimates using place-of-birth

14. For details, see Pratt, Hixson, and Jones (2015). There are also other ways the U.S. Census Bureau defined Hispanic in earlier decades, including mother tongue.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
65 information. To improve accuracy, we matched the sum of Hispanic populations (both reported and estimated) at the tract level to county totals reported by the U.S. Census.

Dissimilarity Index
The dissimilarity index is a widely used measure of residential segregation. It compares the percentage of one group’s regional (or city’s) population residing in each neighborhood (e.g., census tract) with the percentage of another group’s regional (city’s) population residing in the same neighborhood (Massey and Denton, 1988 and U.S. Census Bureau, 2021b). If both groups are present in each neighborhood in equal proportions (e.g., 10% of each group resides in a tract), that neighborhood is considered fully integrated. If this balance holds all neighborhoods in a region, then the entire region is deemed fully integrated.

At the other extreme, if each neighborhood is exclusively occupied by one group—such that half the neighborhoods house only members of one group and the other half only members of the other group—the region is fully segregated. The following is the formula used to calculate the dissimilarity index value, quantifying the degree of residential segregation across the region:

𝐃𝐈 = 0.5 (∑ |p1,j − p2,j|
n
j=1
)
Where:
● p1,j is the proportion of the first group residing in tract “j” divided by the group’s total regional population ● p2,j is the proportion of the second group residing in tract “j” divided by the group’s total regional population The formula takes the absolute difference between p1,j and p2,j for each tract to ensure positive values. These absolute differences are summed across all tracts in the region, from j = 1 to j = n. The sum is multiplied by 0.5 (or divided by 2) to normalize the index, yielding values between 0 and 1:
● A value of 0 indicates complete integration, with both groups proportionally represented across neighborhoods.
● A value of 1 indicates full segregation, where each neighborhood is exclusively occupied by one group.

The value is often scaled from 0 to 100, which represents the percentage of one group (usually the smaller group) that would need to move from areas where they are overrepresented to areas where they are underrepresented to achieve full integration.

The dissimilarity index has two limitations. First, it only compares two groups at a time. This is adequate for regions with only two racial groups, but it does not capture the complexity when there are three or more groups. In such cases, the analysis can be simplified by combining minority groups into a single category, allowing a comparison between the majority group with all minority groups collectively. However, this approach may mask differences in segregation levels among minority groups. For example, as shown in Figure A-4, Black residents are generally more segregated from non-Hispanic white residents than Hispanic residents or other groups (predominantly Asians) (calculated by authors from 1950 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b and Manson et al., 2024)).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
66 Figure A-4. Dissimilarity Indices, Los Angeles County, 1950

Data source: calculated by authors from 1950 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1950, 1952b and Manson et al., 2024)
The second limitation of the dissimilarity index is that it does not account for differences in the relative sizes of the groups within a region. Two regions can have the same dissimilarity index value, even if one has relatively few minorities and the other has a much larger minority population. However, the challenges of integration are different in each case. Similarly, this issue can arise when comparing the dissimilarity index for the same region over different years, especially when the racial composition has shifted significantly.

Entropy Score
The entropy score is commonly used to measure the diversity of a place. Based on information theory, it calculates the degree of randomness (entropy) within a population. This metric is especially useful in multiracial regions, as it captures the level of diversity in each place (e.g., in a tract) (Massey and Denton, 1988 and U.S.

Census Bureau, 2021b). A low entropy score indicates a lack of diversity, as seen when one group is highly concentrated in a neighborhood. For example, in a region with four population groups, a neighborhood housing only one group would have low diversity and a high concentration of that group. In contrast, a neighborhood with a more equal distribution across all groups would have a higher entropy score, reflecting greater diversity.

0.0 0.1

0.2 0.3

0.4 0.5

0.6 0.7

0.8 0.9
Non-Hispanic white
residents/
residents of color
Non-Hispanic white
residents/
Black residents
Non-Hispanic white
residents/
Hispanic residents
Non-Hispanic white
residents/
“other” residents
Dissimilarity Index
Comparison Groups

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
67 The following formula is used to calculate an entropy score for a neighborhood (or tract):

𝐄 = ∑ pk (ln ( 1
pk
))
m
k=1

Where:
● pk represents the proportion of group k’s population relative to the total population in the tract ● ln is the natural log function. For any group with zero population, its value is set to zero to avoid the issue of an undefined 1 pk⁄ value.

The entropy score is calculated by summing for all groups in the tract, from k = 1 to k = m. A score of zero indicates a perfectly homogenous area, with residents from only one group. As the score increases, so does the level of diversity or heterogeneity. The maximum possible score depends on the number of groups present; for example, in a neighborhood with four groups, the upper bound is 1.38, achieved when each group is equally represented.

Figure A-5. Entropy Score and Percent Non-Hispanic White, Los Angeles County Census Tracts, 1970

Data source: calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970) 0 0.2

0.4 0.6

0.8 1

1.2 1.4
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Entropy Score
Share, Non-Hispanic White

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
68 Figure A-5 illustrates the relationship between the tract-level entropy scores and the percentage of the non- Hispanic white population, using 1970 data for Los Angeles County. When a tract is predominantly non-Hispanic white, the entropy score is very low, indicating low diversity. As the non-Hispanic white percent decreases and shares of populations of color increase, entropy rises, reflecting greater diversity. However, as the non-Hispanic white percentage approaches zero, the relative absence of this group lowers the entropy score again. A similar pattern emerges when comparing the entropy score to the percentage of the Black population (See Figure A-6), although many tracts show a substantial clustering with very few Black residents (calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970)).

Figure A-6. Entropy Score and Percent Black, Los Angeles County Census Tracts, 1970

Data source: calculated by authors from 1970 U.S. Census (U.S. Census Bureau, 1970) There are two limitations of the entropy score worth noting. First, it does not reveal the specific composition of a population within a place. This means that two neighborhoods with identical entropy scores can have very different population makeup. For example, a tract that is half Black and half Hispanic would yield the same score as a tract that is half non-Hispanic White and half Asian.

The second limitation is that the entropy score does not indicate how integrated a neighborhood is relative to the broader population distribution in a region. While a score of 0 clearly indicates a segregated neighborhood, a high entropy score might still signify segregation if people of color are a small minority in the overall population. In such 0 0.2

0.4 0.6

0.8 1

1.2 1.4
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Entropy Score
Share, Black

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
69 cases, a high score could indicate an overconcentration of people of color relative to their relative presence, suggesting that the neighborhood, while diverse, is still segregated relative to the region’s demographic composition.

Entropy Index
The entropy index, also known as Theil’s H, measures the degree of segregation in a region with three or more groups. This metric is based on the information theory index, which evaluates “evenness” across tracts. The entropy index calculates the weighted average deviation of each tract’s entropy score from the overall regional entropy score (Massey and Denton, 1988 and U.S. Census Bureau, 2021b). If every tract has the same group composition as the region, their scores will match the region’s score, indicating no deviation. This scenario reflects a fully integrated region. However, when a tract’s score differs from the regional score, the deviation signifies a degree of segregation, indicating that the region is not fully integrated.

The following formula is used to calculate the entropy index:

𝐇 = ∑ tj(E − Ej)
E(T)
n
j=1

Where:
● E is the entropy score for the whole region
● Ej is the entropy score for tract j
● tj is the population in that tract
● T is the total population of the region
The entropy index is calculated by summing the values for each tract (from j = 1 to j = n). An index value of zero indicates maximum integration, while a high value of one represents maximum segregation, where all tracts contain only one group (i.e., all Ej = 0).

A key feature of the entropy index is that it is unaffected by the relative size of each group, as it measures the evenness of group distribution across tracts. However, similar index values can arise even when tracts differ in their specific compositions. Additionally, the entropy index values tend to be lower than those of the dissimilarity index, as shown in Figure A-7, which compares the 1980 entropy index with the non-Hispanic white/Black and non-Hispanic white/Hispanic dissimilarity indices for California’s metropolitan areas. All dissimilarity index values exceed the corresponding entropy scores, with observed values above the gray line, which represents hypothetical equal values (calculated by authors from 1980 U.S. Census (Brown University Spatial Structures in the Social Sciences, n.d. and U.S. Census Bureau, 2021a)). Although the two indices are not directly comparable, their trends can indicate whether segregation has increased or decreased over time.

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70 Figure A-7. Comparison of Dissimilarity and Entropy Indices California’s Metropolitan Areas

Data source: calculated by authors from 1980 U.S. Census (Brown University Spatial Structures in the Social Sciences, n.d.)
Legacy Assessment
In the conclusion section of this report, we assess the current environmental status and access to opportunities within the study area using two key datasets.

The first is CalEnviroScreen 4.0, developed by the California Environmental Protection Agency Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment (2023). This tool identifies and ranks census tracts across California based on pollution burden and population vulnerability and is widely adopted in state legislation, policies, and programs. CalEnviroScreen provides a composite metric that measures the relative environmental, health, and socioeconomic disadvantages of neighborhoods (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023 and August et al., 2021). Among the indicators we analyze from CalEnviroScreen 4.0 (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023) are:
● Particulate matter (PM2.5): PM2.5 refers to tiny airborne particles with a diameter of 2.5 micrometers or smaller, about one-thirtieth the width of a human hair. These particles are a blend of organic compounds, dust, soot, and metals and originate from sources like vehicles, industrial activity, and wood burning. Due to their small

0.0 0.1

0.2 0.3

0.4 0.5

0.6 0.7

0.8 0.9

0.0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4
Dissimilarity Index
Entropy Index
Non-Hispanic white/
Black dissimilarity index
Non-Hispanic white/
Hispanic dissimilarity index
Hypothetical equal value

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
71 size, PM2.5 particles can penetrate deep into the lungs, posing significant health risks (California Air Resources Board, 2024; U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 2024; and August et al., 2021). ● Diesel particulate matter: Diesel particulate matter consists of solid particles released from diesel engines, such as those in trucks, buses, ships, and trains. This exhaust contains a complex mix of harmful chemicals.

Areas close to ports, rail yards, and highways typically have the highest concentrations of diesel particulate matter, which can have serious health impacts on nearby communities (August et al., 2021). ● Traffic density: Traffic density measures the concentration of vehicles on roads within an area. California’s extensive freeway network and high urban traffic levels often mean higher vehicle emissions, particularly in areas where communities of color, low-income residents, and non-English-speaking populations frequently live (Wasserman et al., 2022).
● Pollution burden score: This score reflects the cumulative impact of multiple pollution sources in an area, summarizing exposure to pollutants such as particulate matter, ozone, and toxic chemicals (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023 and August et al., 2021). It helps identify areas facing high environmental challenges.
● CalEnviroScreen 4.0 composite score: This overall score combines the pollution burden score with population vulnerability metrics (such as socioeconomic factors and health risks) to assess the relative disadvantage of each neighborhood (California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023 and August et al., 2021). A higher CalEnviroScreen composite score indicates greater environmental and health-related challenges for residents.

Table A-1 documents these values for the study area tracts and the City of Pasadena.

Table A-1. CalEnviroScreen 4.0 Pollution Burden Indicators by Study Area Tracts in Pasadena Geography
PM2.5
Emissions
(µg/m3)
Diesel
Particulate
Matter
(Tons per
year)
Traffic
Volume per
Road
Kilometer
Pollution
Burden
Score
CalEnviroScreen
Composite Score
Study area
census
tracts15
North 11.44 0.38 1,099.47 5.89 34.16
North Center 11.45 0.50 1,460.27 6.33 39.13
South Center 11.30 0.43 1,413.08 6.59 20.85
South 11.22 0.32 1,029.79 6.66 21.30
Pasadena 11.25 0.30 1,155.32 5.86 23.57

Data source: California Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment, 2023 The second data source is the opportunity area maps from the California Tax Credit Allocation Committee and the California Department of Housing and Community Development (CTCAC, 2024a). These maps identify areas in

15. We do not report data here for the Center tract at the interchange because of significant boundary changes since 1960.

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
72 California with characteristics linked to positive outcomes for low-income families, including access to economic opportunities, educational resources, and health benefits. Neighborhoods are categorized into five primary resource levels:
● Highest-resource: Areas with the strongest indicators of economic stability, quality education, and health resources, offering the greatest opportunities for positive outcomes. ● High-resource: Areas that provide good access to resources and opportunities but may have slightly lower indicators than highest-resource neighborhoods.
● Moderate-resource: Areas with a moderate level of resources, offering some support but not as many benefits as high-resource areas.
● Low-resource: Areas with fewer economic, educational, and health opportunities for residents. ● High segregation and poverty: Areas characterized by high levels of racial segregation and concentrated poverty, indicating significant social and economic challenges.

These classifications are based on various indicators, including economic, educational, and environmental factors, to assess the level of opportunity available in each area. The methodology and criteria for these classifications are detailed in CTCAC and HCD’s methodology document (CTCAC, 2024b).

RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PASADENA
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Pasadena City CouncilApril 13, 2026

Pasadena City Council
April 13, 2026