Santa Monica City Council
December 16, 2025

Key Facts:
 There are 59 million Latinos in the United States, 18 percent of the U.S. population.  By 2060, more than one in four people living in the United States will be Latino.  Eleven states currently have more than a million Latino residents.  Rural areas experienced the fastest Latino population growth over the last decade.  Two-thirds of Latinos in the United States are native-born.  Hispanic workers earn 74 percent of what the typical white worker earns.  Hispanic women experience a much larger pay gap than white women, earning just 54 cents for every dollar earned by white men.
 The median income of Hispanic households is $51,450—nearly $20,000 less than the median income of white households.
 Hispanic households are 1.7 times as likely to live in poverty as white households.  The median net worth of Hispanic households is one-eighth that of white households.  Latino college attainment rates nearly doubled in last two decades.  Latino families with a college-educated head of household earn more than twice the income and more than four times the net worth of those without a college education.  A 2019 report finds that if the U.S. Latino gross domestic product (GDP) were its own country, it would rank as the eighth largest GDP in the world.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

TABLE OF CONTENTS
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DEMOGRAPHICS 5
Hispanics are the second largest ethno-racial group in the United States Latinos make up the largest share of immigrants in the United States Hispanic population growth is slowing due to declining immigration and fertility Latinos on average are younger than other Americans
MARRIAGE AND MIGRATION 7
Latino migrants are less likely to be married
The Latino population is clustered in certain states and metro areas The largest Latino population growth is in the South while fastest growth is in rural areas EDUCATION 9
Latino young adults are half as likely as whites to graduate from college More than one-quarter lack a high school degree
Education rates have accelerated
EMPLOYMENT 11
Latinos are more likely to be in the labor force
The unemployment rate for Hispanics is higher than for the overall population Latinos make up higher shares of employment in low-paying INCOME AND EARNINGS 13
Latino workers earn less
Hispanic women suffer a large gender pay gap
Even Hispanic women in professional occupations face a steep gender pay gap ENTREPRENEURSHIP 15
Latinos are significantly more likely to be entrepreneurs Entrepreneurship is an important path to upward mobility Latino entrepreneurs have less access to financial capital WEALTH, POVERTY AND ECONOMIC MOBILITY 16
Latino households have only one-eighth the wealth of non-Hispanic white households Hispanic households are 1.7 times as likely to live in poverty as white households Hispanic children overall experience less economic mobility than white children but similar mobility at the extremes of the income distribution
The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

HOMEOWNERSHIP AND CONSUMER FINANCE 18
Latinos drive rise in homeownership
Latinos pay more for home financing costs
Many Latinos lack access to banking services and credit ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL POWER 20
Hispanics account for $2.3 trillion in economic activity Hispanics drive billions in consumer spending and demand for new technologies Hispanics contribute to the nation’s safety net
Hispanic voters more than doubled in last two decades
CONCLUSION 21
APPENDIX 23
Terms and other notes
The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

DEMOGRAPHICS
Hispanics are the second largest ethno-racial group in the United States There are 59 million Hispanics living in the United States. Considering race and ethnicity, Latinos constitute the second largest ethnoracial group in the country. Of the nation’s 323 million residents, 18 percent are Hispanic (of
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any race) and 61 percent are non-Hispanic
white, 13 percent are non-Hispanic black and 6
percent are non-Hispanic Asian. Other race
categories make up two percent of the U.S.
population.
2 The majority of American Hispanics are of
Mexican origin (62 percent), followed by Puerto
Rican (9 percent), Cuban (4 percent),
Dominican (4 percent) and Salvadoran (4
percent). Ten million Latinos are from other
countries in Central America, South America
and Spain.

Latinos make up the largest share of
immigrants in the United States
There are 45 million foreign-born residents of the United States. Nearly half of them (45 percent) are Latino.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Over one-third of Hispanics in the United States are foreign-born. However, the share varies widely by country of origin. Nearly seven in 10 Latinos of Mexican descent are native-born.

Less than half of the next three largest origin types—Cuban, Dominican and Salvadoran—are native-born (42 percent of each group). However, there has been a recent decline in the foreign-born share across the largest Hispanic origin groups.3 Young Hispanics are more likely to have been born in the United States than older individuals. The share of Latino youth (under age 18) that are native-born is nearly the same as the share of the overall white population that is native-born. Ninety-five percent of young Latinos (less than 18 years old) are native-born, while 99 percent of the young white population is native-born. In contrast, among Latino adults (age 18 and over), just over half are native-born (52 percent). Nearly one in three (30 percent) are non-citizens and nearly one in five (18 percent) are foreign-born citizens.

Hispanic population growth is slowing due to declining immigration and fertility From a peak in the mid-1990s, population growth among Latinos has slowed in recent decades.
4 The decrease is partly due to declining
immigration.
5 After the Great Recession,
immigration from Mexico—which historically
was the origin of most immigration from Latin
America—reached net-zero, with as many
Mexican immigrants leaving as entering the
United States.6 Since 2000, the birth rate to
foreign-born—and native-born—Hispanic
women has declined.

Most of the adult Hispanic population used to be
immigrants. At the peak, in 2007, more than half
of all Hispanic adults were foreign-born (55
percent), but today only forty-eight percent of
Latino adults are foreign-born.
7 Almost two-thirds (66 percent) of all Latinos
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were born in the United States. Their children
will add to the increasing Latino share of the U.S.
population.8
In 2000, 10 percent of babies born in
the United States were born to Hispanic mothers; by 2017, 17 percent of babies were born to Hispanic mothers.9 The Latino share of babies born in the United States is expected to increase, raising the percentage of Latinos as a total share of the U.S. population.

Latinos on average are younger than other Americans
The Latino population is younger than the overall U.S. population. The median age of Hispanics is 29 years old—almost 10 years younger than that of the overall population (38 The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

years) and nearly 15 years younger than the white population (43 years). However, the median age of foreign-born Latinos is 43, while the median age of those born in the United States is only 20.

Nearly one-third (32 percent) of Latinos are younger than 18, compared to less than onequarter (23 percent) of the overall population, and less than one-fifth (19 percent) of whites.

One out of every four children living in the United States is Hispanic.

Latinos are under-represented in older age groups and over-represented in younger ones.

Among those over age 64, less than one in 10 is
Hispanic, while nearly four in five are white.

There is a declining share of whites and an
increasing share of Latinos across the age groups
of those aged 65 years or older to young adults.

Young adults (ages 25 to 34) are more diverse
than older age cohorts. Just over half (56 percent)
is white and about one in five is Latino.

MARRIAGE AND MIGRATION
Latino migrants are less likely to be married
Among those ages 15 and older, fewer than half
(45 percent) of Latinos are married. In contrast,
more than half of whites are married (55
percent). Further, compared to whites, more
Latino adults have never been married (41
percent compared to 26 percent, respectively).

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

The percent married differs by country of origin. Forty-six percent of Hispanics of Mexican and Cuban descent are married. A smaller share of Latinos of Puerto Rican, Dominican and Salvadoran descent are married (36, 42 and 44 percent, respectively).

The rate of marriage may have long-term economic and social consequences. Married-couple families have legal rights and financial benefits, such as being able to file joint federal tax returns. They also have higher income levels than single households. 10 Marriage and marital
happiness are related to better health and longevity.
11 Latinos may delay marriage due to migration patterns. Among those 25 years old and over, most Latinos have married (56 percent). Yet less than half (49 percent) of those who have recently immigrated to the United States or migrated within the United States (“movers”) are married.

However, movers are about just as likely as those who have not recently moved to be parents.

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Among those ages 25 and over, over half (55 percent) of Latinos are parenting at least one child in their household, while less than half of whites and blacks live with at least one child (36 percent and 40 percent, respectively).

The Latino population is clustered in certain states and metro areas More than half of all Latinos live in just five states: California (26 percent), Texas (19 percent), Florida (9 percent), New York (6 percent) and Arizona (4 percent). These states also have a high share of Latinos based on the state population. In New Mexico, Texas, California, Arizona and Nevada, more than 30 percent of the population is Latino (45, 39, 39, 35 and 30 percent, respectively). In New York and Florida, Latinos comprise 17 and 26 percent of the population in each state.

Other states with a high share of Latinos include Rhode Island and Connecticut (18 and 16 percent, respectively). These states, in addition to Pennsylvania and Georgia, all have more than a million Latino residents.

Most Latinos live in urban areas (94 percent) and nearly half live in just 10 metropolitan areas. The Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim metro area has more than 6 million Latino residents. One in 10 Latinos live in this metro area. Over a million Latino residents live in each of the top 10 metro areas.

The New York-Northern New Jersey-Long Island MSA has 4.5 million Latino residents.

There are three million Latinos living in the Miami-Fort Lauderdale-Miami Beach metro area.

Four other MSAs have more than 2 million Latino residents: Houston-Baytown-Sugar Land; Riverside-San Bernardino; Dallas-Fort Worth-Arlington; and Chicago-Naperville-Joliet.

The largest Latino population growth is in the South while fastest growth is in rural areas Patterns of migration are changing and currently about as many Latinos now live in the South (38 percent) as do live in the West (39 percent). Less than 10 percent of Latinos live in the Midwest. From 2008 to 2018, according to the Pew Research Center, the South saw the The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

largest Latino population growth of any U.S. region, where the Latino population grew by over 30 percent.12
Over the same period, the states with the fastest growth include states with relatively low Hispanic populations outside the South, including North Dakota (135 percent), South Dakota (75 percent), the District of Columbia (57 percent), Montana (55 percent) and New Hampshire (50 percent).13 Higher immigration levels and
state-to-state migration of Latino workers is
critical to the economy as a way to increase labor
force participation rates, especially in newly
developing rural areas.

EDUCATION
As with other ethno-racial groups, completing
formal education is an important milestone to
prepare young adults for the labor force. Though
there have been notable recent gains in
educational attainment, the college gap for
Latinos persists across gender and age groups.

Thirty-five percent of American adults have a
bachelor’s degree or higher level of education.

Yet fewer than one in five Latino adults (18
percent) have a college degree.

Latino young adults are half as likely as whites to graduate from college Young Latinos have higher levels of college attainment than older Latinos. However, Latino young adults (ages 25 to 34) entering the labor market are less than half as likely as white Item 1
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Millennials of the same ages to graduate from college. They are also less likely to have a college degree than black young adults. Among Latinos as well as blacks, women have a higher rate of college attainment than men.

More than one-quarter lack a high school degree
About three in four Hispanics (59 percent) over the age of 25 have only a high school degree (31 percent) or less than a high school degree (28 percent). Among whites, only about one in three have a high school degree or less. Latinos are nearly five times as likely as whites to have not completed high school (28 percent and 6 percent, respectively).

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Education rates have accelerated
Over the past several decades, more Latinos have pursued higher education. The percent with a bachelor’s degree nearly doubled from nine percent in 1990 to 17 percent in 2017.14 Among adults ages 18 to 24, about one in four Latinos are enrolled full-time in college compared to about one in four blacks, one in three whites and over half of Asians.

Hispanics born in the United States are much more likely to graduate high school and college than first generation Hispanics (born outside the United States). Less than 15 percent of native-born Hispanics have less than a high school degree compared to about 40 percent of Latinos who are foreign-born. Almost one in four (23 percent) native-born Hispanics hold a bachelor’s degree or higher, while 15 percent of foreign-born Hispanics hold a bachelor’s degree.

The increasing rates of educational attainment have paid off for Latino families in terms of higher incomes and wealth. Latino families with a college-educated head of household earn more than twice the income and have net worth more than four times greater than those without a college education.15
The relationship between education and economic well-being is complex. Over the long-run, the benefits of a college degree are smaller for Latinos and African Americans than for whites and Asians.16 Even for Latinos with a college degree, the unemployment rate is higher than the unemployment rate for whites.17
The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

EMPLOYMENT
Latinos are more likely to be in the labor force
There are currently about 29 million Hispanic workers in the civilian labor force, accounting for nearly 18 percent of all workers. In 2018, they made up over 17 percent (about 27 million) of all employed persons 16 years old and over, which reflects the growing Hispanic population. In fact, Latinos are somewhat more likely to participate in the labor force than workers in other groups. In 2018, 67 percent of Hispanics were in the labor force, compared to 63 percent of whites and over 63 percent of blacks. The higher labor force participation rate in the Hispanic population, combined with the relative youth and expected increases in the population, suggest that the importance of the Hispanic workforce will continue to grow.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

The unemployment rate for Hispanics is higher than for the overall population While the Hispanic unemployment rate has consistently been higher than both the overall and white unemployment rates, the employment situation for Latinos has improved in recent years. In 2018, over 22,000 out of about 27,000 employed Hispanics (83 percent) worked full time.

The unemployment rate for Hispanics has fallen from its Great Recession-era peak in 2009 of

13.0 percent to 4.2 percent in August 2019, outpacing the drop in the national unemployment rate. As of August 2019, 1.2 million Hispanic workers were unemployed. The number of Item 1
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unemployed Hispanic workers declined by 7.7 percent (101,000 workers) over the last year.

Despite this improvement, the Hispanic unemployment rate remains above the national rate.

Latinos make up higher shares of employment in low-paying sectors Latinos play an important role in many industries and collectively hold 17 percent of privatesector jobs.

They are over-represented in several industries, including construction (31 percent), agriculture (26 percent), leisure and hospitality (23 percent), mining (21 percent), wholesale trade (19 percent) and transportation and utilities (18 percent).

However, Latinos make up disproportionately higher shares of employment in low-paying sectors, while continuing to be under-represented in one of the fastest-growing sectors of the economy—education and health services—and in higher paying sectors like financial activities and information. According to a study by the Center for Economic and Policy The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Research, the most common industry for Hispanic women is restaurants and other food services, followed by elementary and secondary schools, while the most common for Hispanic men is construction, followed by restaurants and other food services.18

INCOME AND EARNINGS
Latino workers earn less
The fact that many Hispanics work in lower-paying occupations means that they generally earn less than non-Hispanics. Full-time Hispanic workers earn lower median salaries compared to those of white and black workers and the overall workforce. In 2018, median weekly earnings of Hispanic workers employed full-time were 26 percent less than the median weekly earnings of white workers—$680 per week compared to $916 per week.19 Median weekly earnings of full-time Hispanic workers were $206 less than the median earnings of full-time workers in the labor force overall.20 Over a 12-month period, that would amount to about $10,700 less in earnings for a full-time Hispanic worker.

The earnings disparity faced by Hispanic workers translates into lower income for Hispanic households. In 2018, median income of all Hispanic households ($51,450) was nearly $20,000 less than the median income of non-Hispanic white households ($70,642).

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Hispanic women suffer a large gender pay gap
Latinas play an important role in the economic security of their families, and they make significant contributions to the economy. In 2018, 57 percent of Hispanic women were in the labor force, and 41 percent of Hispanic mothers were their family’s breadwinner in 2017, the majority of whom are single mothers.21
But Hispanic women suffer vast disparities in the workplace. Latinas would have to work all of 2018 and until November 20, 2019 (Latina Equal Pay Day) to make what a white man earned in 2018 alone—a pay gap of 53 cents on every dollar a white man earns.

Even Hispanic women in professional occupations face a steep gender pay gap Even accounting for factors like occupation, education, experience and geographical location, Latinas experience a pay gap. For instance, a Latina in the legal field earns 36 percent of what a white man in the legal field makes, and a Latina in a management position makes 58 percent of what a white man makes in a management position.22 Even in fields with higher concentrations of women, the gap persists—Latinas make 87 percent and 77 percent of what white men make for administrative assistants and elementary and middle school teachers, respectively.
23 The pay gap for Latinas widens with higher levels of education and is largest for Latinas with a bachelor’s degree.24
The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

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Typical explanations for
Hispanic women’s wage gap
include: Latinas are more
likely to work in low-paying
jobs in service and sales and
office occupations, and are less
likely to work in higher-paying
jobs including management
and professional occupations;
Latinas generally have lower
levels of education; Latinas are
more likely to work in jobs
with reduced hours and to
work part-time involuntarily;
and Latinas are more likely to
earn the minimum wage.

However, a substantial and
growing body of research suggests that the gender wage gap for minority women is more than just the sum of its parts. In other words, the wage gap faced by Latinas is intersectional—the product of discrimination and inequalities that affect women as a whole and Hispanics as a whole, as well as those that affect Hispanic women specifically. In fact, a study by the Washington Center for Equitable Growth found that most of Hispanic women’s wage gap is unexplained by human capital variables, and furthermore that workplace segregation and discrimination cause most of the wage gap.25

ENTREPRENEURSHIP
Latinos are significantly more likely to be entrepreneurs Based on the Census Bureau Survey of Business Owners, there were 3.3 million Hispanicowned businesses in 2012.26 However, according to a 2017 report, the number of Hispanicowned businesses in 2017 is projected to be over four million.27 These Hispanic-owned businesses combined contribute over $700 billion to the American economy annually.28 Nearly one in four new businesses, which provide key sources of new jobs, are Latinoowned.29 The rate of new entrepreneurs in 2017 was also much higher for Latinos than for any other racial group—Latinos are 1.7 times more likely to start businesses. 30 This trend is only
expected to continue, as Latinos have experienced faster increases in the share of new entrepreneurs in recent years.31
One quarter of Latino-owned businesses are owned by women. These businesses have a higher yearly growth rate (10 percent) than male-owned Latino businesses (6 percent).

However, women are nearly twice as likely to have microbusinesses (businesses generating less than $100,000 in annual revenue) as men, and so Hispanic men generate more business revenue, profit and personal income.32
The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Entrepreneurship is an important path to upward mobility Most Latino entrepreneurs with scaled businesses (those that have grown to $1 million or more in annual gross revenue) were raised in lower and lower-middle income households, suggesting that childhood background may be overcome to build a successful business.33 This is also in line with increasing trends in economic mobility for Latinos. Scaled companies are more likely to be owned by men and immigrants, and immigrant-owned Latino businesses are more likely to be scaled in the tech industry.

Latino entrepreneurs have less access to financial capital Item 1
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However, the robust entrepreneurship in the Latino community also comes with challenges.

Latino business owners tend to rely on informal financing (personal savings and seed funding from friends and family) to start their businesses and consequently bear greater personal financial risk related to lower credit scores and limited credit histories.34 Compared to white business owners, Latino business owners report more difficulties paying operating expenses and having credit availability issues, despite reporting comparable patterns of revenue growth, employment growth and profitability.35

WEALTH, POVERTY AND ECONOMIC MOBILITY
Latino households have only one-eighth the wealth of non-Hispanic white households Latino households typically have one-eighth of the wealth of non-Hispanic white households.

In 2016, the median net worth of Hispanic households was only $20,600, compared to $171,000 for non-Hispanic white households—a difference of over $150,000.

The composition of wealth is also different for Latino households. Home equity makes up a higher proportion of overall wealth for Hispanic households, despite the fact that they are much less likely to own their own homes.36 Less than half of Hispanic families own their own homes (47 percent), compared to almost three quarters of white families.37 According to the Pew Research Center, from before the Great Recession (2005) to the recovery (2009), average housing prices collapsed by nearly a third, while median home equity fell by half among Latino households.38 The fact that many Hispanic households are concentrated in states that were the hardest hit by the housing crisis may help account for this.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Disparities in employment, earnings and wealth all contribute to the fact that Latinos are generally less financially prepared for retirement than other groups. Less than one-third of Latinos have retirement accounts, compared to 60 percent of white families.39 Those with savings hold a median value of $22,600, less than a third of that for white families.40 Preretirement black and Hispanic households held just 12 percent and 21 percent, respectively, of the total assets that white households held in 2016.41
However, the median wealth of Hispanic households is steadily declining, suggesting that median wealth could reach zero for Hispanic households by 2073, at which point it is estimated that median white household wealth may reach $147,000.42 Hispanic women face a particularly daunting retirement crisis, given a lifetime of lower pay, time spend in unpaid care work and more severe income shocks that leave them ill-prepared for retirement.43 Hispanic households are 1.7 times as likely to live in poverty as white households Given higher rates of unemployment and lower earnings, Latino families are among the most likely to be in poverty. In 2018, 10.5 million Hispanics, including 4.4 million children, lived below the poverty line. 44
The poverty rate for Hispanics (18 percent) is six percentage points higher than the rate for the overall population (12 percent), and eight percentage points higher than the rate for whites (10 percent).45
Growing up in poverty has serious consequences for children’s economic well-being and future outcomes. Almost 17 percent of Latino children live in a food-insecure household, and over 8 percent of Hispanic households have food-insecure children.46 Hispanic children are more than twice as likely as white children to be raised in a low-income household (below 200 percent of the poverty threshold).47 Three in five (59 percent) Hispanic children live in low-income families.48
The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Hispanic children overall experience less economic mobility than white children but similar mobility at the extremes of the income distribution
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Latino children experience less upward mobility than white children and are more downwardly mobile than white children. For every one hundred Hispanic children who grow up in the bottom fifth of the income distribution, seven will make it to the top fifth as adults, compared to more than 10 white children.

However, according to a recent study, Hispanics are moving up significantly in the income distribution across generations.49 Hispanic children with parents at the 25th and 75th percentiles reach the 43rd and 54th percentiles, respectively, compared to white children who reach the 45th and 60th percentiles, respectively. Similar research suggests that the gap between white and Latino mobility will shrink.

HOMEOWNERSHIP AND CONSUMER FINANCE
Latinos drive rise in homeownership
According to the 2018 State of Hispanic Homeownership Report from the National Association of Hispanic Real Estate Professionals, Hispanics accounted for 485,000 new households in 2018. They contributed to more than 60 percent of the increase in U.S. net homeownership.50 The Urban Institute projects that Latinos will soon comprise more than half of all new homeowners by 2030.51 However, homeownership among Latinos still lags the homeownership rate of whites. About half of Latinos are homeowners compared to about three in four whites.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

Latinos pay more for home financing costs
Hispanics are more likely to pay steeper housing financing costs. About four in five nonHispanic homebuyers have conventional financing, compared to less than three in five Hispanics. In 2017, both debt-to-income (DTI) ratio and credit history accounted for 40 percent of mortgage loan denials for Hispanics.52 Compared to non-Hispanics, Hispanic homebuyers are more than twice as likely to have a Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loan and to pay mortgage insurance premiums (MIP) for the life of their FHA mortgage.53 Research finds that in the period leading up to the financial crisis, Latino borrowers were more likely to hold subprime mortgages, even after accounting for differences in income and credit scores.54 While the reasons for this remain unclear, studies have suggested that the history of racial discrimination in lending coupled with this finding may underlie the higher rates of subprime loans among Latinos as well as African Americans. The consequences have been severe for the Latino community.

Many Latinos lack access to banking services and credit Latino households have lower credit use rates than white households, irrespective of income level. Latino households (14 percent) are much more likely to lack a checking or saving account than white households (three percent).55 According to a study by the Pew Charitable Trusts, Latinos are 1.5 times as likely as whites to use payday loans.56 Interest on payday loans often has an effective annual percentage rate well above industry standards for credit cards or other consumer loans. Lacking access to mainstream banking and credit often means paying higher costs for financing. This further lowers the income available to Latino households already facing lower levels of personal earnings and higher rates of poverty.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL POWER
Hispanics account for $2.3 trillion in economic activity The nearly 60 million Latinos living in the United States account for $2.3 trillion in economic activity.57 A 2019 report found that if the U.S. Latino gross domestic product (GDP) were its own country, it would rank as the eighth largest GDP in the world.58 Latinos own more than 4 million businesses in the United States.59 In five states, including Florida and Texas, Latinos own more than 100,000 business (per state).60 Nationwide, businesses with majority Hispanic Item 1
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ownership provide almost 2.7 million jobs to workers in the U.S.61 Hispanics drive billions in consumer spending and demand for new technologies According to a 2017 report by the New American Economy, “Power of the Purse: How Hispanics Contribute to the U.S. Economy,” Hispanics have an estimated after-tax income of nearly $690 billion.
62 In states with large Latino populations, such as Texas and California, more than one of every five consumer dollars available is due to the spending power of Hispanic households.63
Hispanics are an especially important share of consumers because they are more likely to use newer technologies, such as wireless devices and streaming services, compared to the overall population.64 Among Latinos, first generation and millennial Latinos are most likely to use mobile video streaming. The second generation, born in the United States with at least one parent born outside the United States, uses mobile and streaming devices at higher rates than the overall population, while the third generation, with both parents born in the United States, have usage rates similar to the national average.

Hispanics contribute to the nation’s safety net
In 2015, Hispanic contributed over $215 billion in U.S. tax revenues, including about $76 billion in state and local taxes.65 With almost $36 billion in state and local taxes and more than $61 billion in taxes to the federal government that includes nearly $97 billion in tax revenues contributed by foreign-born Latinos.

Studies show that foreign-born Hispanics draw down less than they put into social insurance programs. Due to their young age distribution, Hispanics help sustain the nation’s Medicare and Social Security programs. Hispanic households contributed more than $100 billion to Social Security and more than $25 billion to Medicare in 2015. In 2015, immigrants paid more than $400 billion in taxes and hold over a trillion dollars in spending power.66 Hispanic voters more than doubled in last two decades
According to the Pew Research Center, the number of Hispanic voters and the number of Hispanics who are eligible to vote has doubled in the last two decades.67 Nearly 30 million Latinos are eligible to vote and nearly 12 million reported they voted in 2018.68 The growth in Latino eligible voters comes both from a large share of Latino Millennials becoming eligible to vote as well as from naturalization of Latino adult immigrants.69 The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

In some election years, foreign-born Latinos who have become American citizens have higher voter turnout rates than native-born Latinos.70 While Latinos have historically had lower voter turnout rates compared to other racial groups, the increase in the voter turnout from 2014 to 2018 from 6.8 million to 11.7 million suggests the political power of Latinos is emerging and will become increasingly evident, especially as Latino Millennials become more engaged in the political process.
71 CONCLUSION
Latinos constitute a large and growing portion of the U.S. population. Almost two-thirds were born in the United States and almost 80 percent are citizens. It is estimated that by 2060 Latinos or those of Hispanic heritage could make up one-quarter of all residents.

Hispanics are more likely than non-Hispanics to be working or seeking work. They are also significantly more likely to be entrepreneurs. An increasing number of them are collegeeducated, earning professional degrees and assuming leadership roles in various fields.

Businesses with majority Hispanic ownership provide almost 2.7 million jobs to American workers. Because of their increasing numbers, high employment levels, entrepreneurship and increasing levels of education, Latinos will continue to play an important role in the economy.

However, Latinos as a whole still fare worse economically than the population as a whole. On Item 1
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average, they face higher unemployment, lower wages, lower household wealth and higher The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

poverty rates. Foreign-born Latinos are more likely than the native-born to face economic challenges, but their children—like the children of generations of past immigrants—often achieve more economic success. The future of the U.S. economy will depend in part on the ability of all Latinos to realize their full economic potential.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

APPENDIX
Terms and other notes
 Terms for “Latino” and “Hispanic” are used interchangeably. Hispanic refers to people whose origin is Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Spanish-speaking Central or South American countries or another Hispanic/Latino origin, regardless of race.  Terms for “white,” black,” “Asian” and “other” races refer to non-Hispanic persons only, unless otherwise noted.
 Terms for “black” and “African American” are used interchangeably and refer to all persons that report race as black, African or African American (where data available, “black” includes black alone and/or in combination).
 The terms for “white” and “Asian” is for white alone and Asian alone, unless otherwise noted.
 “Foreign-born” refers to persons born outside of the United States, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories without a parent who was a U.S. citizen.  “Native-born” refers to persons who are U.S. citizens at birth, including those born in the United States, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories and those born abroad with at least one parent who was a U.S. citizen.
 Terms for “foreign-born” and “immigrant” are used interchangeably.  Terms for “first generation,” “second generation” and “third generation” refers to persons born outside the U.S., born in the U.S. with at least one parent born outside the U.S., or born in the U.S. with both parents born in the U.S., respectively.  Universe for the CPS data are the civilian noninstitutionalized population, including those in the armed forces living in housing units off post or with at least one other civilian adult, unless otherwise noted.
 The term “young adults” is used to refer to adults ages 25 to 34, unless otherwise noted.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

1 Reeves, Richard and Camille Busette. 2018. “The Middle Class is Becoming Race-Plural, Just Like the Rest of America.” Brookings,
February 27, 2018. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/social-mobility-memos/2018/02/27/the-middleclass-is-becoming-race-plural-just-likethe-rest-of-america/. 2 JEC Democratic staff calculations based on IPUMS data from the 2018 Current Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic
Supplement. The terms “Latino” and “Hispanic” are used interchangeably. For this report, we analyze the intersection of race and ethnicity.
“Hispanic” or “Latino” refer to persons of any race, while “white,” “black” and “Asian” refer to non-Hispanics only. Hispanic refers to
people whose origin is Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Spanish-speaking Central or South American countries or another Hispanic/Latino
origin, regardless of race.

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3 Flores, Antonio. 2017. “How the U.S. Hispanic Population Is Changing.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved September 10, 2019.
https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/09/18/how-the-u-s-hispanic-population-is-changing/. 4 Manueal Krogstad, Jens and Mark Hugo Lopez. 2015. “Hispanic Population Reaches Record 55 Million, but Growth Has Cooled.” Pew
Research Center. Retrieved September 13, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/06/25/us-hispanic-population-growth-surgecools/. 5 Ibid.
6 Smith, Noah. 2018. “What Immigration Crisis? The U.S. Isn’t Being Swamped.” Bloomberg.Com, June 26. https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2018-06-26/what-immigration-crisis-the-u-s-isn-t-beingswamped. 7 Flores, Antonio. 2017. “Facts on U.S. Latinos, 2015.” Pew Research Center, September 18. https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2017/09/18/facts-on-u-s-latinos/#hispanic-pop. 8 Livingston, Gretchen. 2019. “Hispanic Women No Longer Account for the Majority of Immigrant Births in the U.S.” Pew Research Center.

Retrieved September 10, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/08/08/hispanic-womenno-longer-account-for-the-majority-ofimmigrant-births-in-the-u-s/; Brown, Anna. 2014. “U.S. Hispanic and Asian Populations Growing, but for Different Reasons.” Pew Research Center, June 26. Retrieved September 10, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/06/26/us-hispanic-and-asian-populationsgrowing-but-for-different-reasons/. 9 Ibid.
10 Stimpson, Jim P., Fernando A. Wilson and Kristen M. Peek. 2012. “Marital Status, the Economic Benefits of Marriage, and Days of
Inactivity due to Poor Health,” International Journal of Population Research. https://doi.org/10.1155/2012/568785.
11 Lawrence, Elizabeth M., Richard G. Rogers, Anna Zajacova, and Tim Wadsworth. 2019. “Marital Happiness, Marital Status, Health, and
Longevity.” Journal of Happiness Studies 20(5):1539–61. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10902-018-0009-9. 12 Flores, Antonio, Mark Hugo Lopez, and Jens Manueal Krogstad. n.d. “U.S. Hispanic Population Reached New High in 2018, but Growth
Has Slowed.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved September 13, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2019/07/08/u-s-hispanicpopulation-reached-new-high-in-2018-but-growth-has-slowed/. 13 Ibid.
14 National Center for Education Statistics. 2018. Table 104.10. Rates of high school completion and bachelor's degree attainment among
persons age 25 and over, by race/ethnicity and sex: Selected years, 1910 through 2017. Fast Facts, January.
https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d17/tables/dt17_104.10.asp. 15 As determined by the education level of the family head; William R. Emmons and Bryan J. Noeth. 2015. “Why Didn’t Higher Education
Protect Hispanic and Black Wealth?” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, August. 16 Carnevale, Anthony P. and Megan L. Fasules. 2017. “Latino Education and Economic Progress: Running Faster but Still Behind”
Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy. https://cew.georgetown.edu/wpcontent/uploads/Latino-ES.pdf. 17 Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Population Survey. 2014. Table 7: Employment status of the civilian noninstitutional population 25 years and over by education attainment, race, and Hispanic or Latino identity.
18 Bucknor, Cherrie. 2016. Table 1-5. “Hispanic Workers in the United States.” Center for Economic and Item 1
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Policy Research.
http://cepr.net/images/stories/reports/hispanic-workers-2016-11.pdf. 19 Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor. n.d. Table 37: Median Weekly Earnings of FullTime Wage and Salary Workers by Selected Characteristics. https://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat37.pdf . 20 Ibid.
21 Glynn, Sarah Jane. 2019. “Breadwinning Mothers Continue to be the US Norm.” Center for American Progress.
https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/women/reports/2019/05/10/469739/breadwinning-motherscontinue-u-s-norm/. 22 Lean In. 2019. “The Latina Pay Gap by the Numbers.” https://leanin.org/data-about-the-gender-paygap-for-latinas. 23 Ibid.
24 Ibid.
25 Bahn, Kate and Will McGrew. 2018. “The Intersectional Wage Gaps Faced by Latina Women in the United States.” Washington Center
for Equitable Growth. https://equitablegrowth.org/the-intersectional-wage-gaps-faced-by-latina-womenin-the-united-states/. 26 U.S. Bureau of the Census 2012. Survey of Business
Owners. https://www.census.gov/library/visualizations/2016/comm/hispanicbusinesses.html. 27 Geospace and the United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce (USHCC). 2017. “Hispanic Business & Entrepreneurs Drive Growth in
the New Economy.” http://geoscape.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/HBR-Final-Report_2017.pdf.

The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

28 United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce (USHCC). 2019. “USHCC:

About.” https://ushcc.com/about/.
29 Fairlie, Robert et al. 2019. “2017 National Report on Early-Stage Entrepreneurship.” Kaufman Indicators of Entrepreneurship.
https://indicators.kauffman.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2019/02/2017-National-Report-on-EarlyStage-Entrepreneurship-February20191.pdf; Mills, Claire Kramer et al. 2017. “Latino-Owned Businesses:

Shining a Light on National Trends.” Stanford Graduate School of Business. https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/media/smallbusiness/2017/Report-on-LatinoOwned-Small-Businesses.pdf. 30 Ibid.
31 Ibid.
32 Orozco, Marlene and Iliana Perez. 2018. “2018 Research Report: State of Latino Entrepreneurship.” Stanford University Graduate School
of Business. https://www.gsb.stanford.edu/sites/gsb/files/publication-pdf/report-slei-state-latinoentrepreneurship-2018.pdf. 33 Ibid.
34 Mills, Claire Kramer et al. 2017. “Latino-Owned Businesses: Shining a Light on National Trends.” Stanford Graduate School of Business.
https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/media/smallbusiness/2017/Report-on-Latino-Owned-SmallBusinesses.pdf. 35 Ibid.
36 Dettling, Lisa J. et al. 2017. “Recent Trends in Wealth-Holding by Race and Ethnicity: Evidence from the Survey of Consumer Finances.”
U.S Federal Reserve. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/recent-trends-in-wealthItem 1 December 16, 2025
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holding-by-race-and-ethnicityevidence-from-the-survey-of-consumer-finances-20170927.htm. 37 U.S. Federal Reserve. 2016. 2016 SCF
Chartbook. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/files/BulletinCharts.pdf; US Department of Commerce. 2019. “Quarterly Residential Vacancies and Homeownership, Second Quarter 2019.” https://www.census.gov/housing/hvs/files/currenthvspress.pdf. 38 Kochhar, Rakesh, Ricahrd Fry and Paul Taylor. 2011. Hispanic Household Wealth Fell by 66% from 2005 to 2009.
https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2011/07/26/wealth-gaps-rise-to-record-highs-between-whites-blackshispanics/. 39 U.S. Federal Reserve. 2016. “Percent of Families with Retirement Accounts.” 2016 SCF Chartbook. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/files/BulletinCharts.pdf. 40 Ibid. Median value of retirement accounts for families with holdings by race or ethnicity of respondent. 41 U.S. Congress Joint Economic Committee. 2019. “Retirement Insecurity.” https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/_cache/files/bafb9923-7f9a40ad-b287- 4722b8b979cd/retirement-insecurity-jec.pdf.
42 Ibid.
43 Ibid.
44 JEC Democratic staff calculations based on data from Census Bureau/Haver Analytics. 45 Ibid.
46 Coleman-Jensen, Alisha et al. 2019. “Household Food Security in the United States in 2018.” United States Department of Agriculture.
https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/publications/94849/err-270.pdf?v=963.1. 47 National Center for Children in Poverty. 2018. “United States: Demographics of Low Income Children.” http://www.nccp.org/profiles/US_profile_6.html.
48 Ibid.
49 Chetty, Raj et al. 2018. “Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An International Perspective.” National Bureau of
Economic Research. http://www.equality-of-opportunity.org/assets/documents/race_paper.pdf. 50 Calderon, Marisa. “2018 State of Hispanic Homeownership Report.” National Association of Hispanic real Estate Professionals. 2018.
https://nahrep.org/downloads/2018-state-of-hispanic-homeownership-report.pdf. 51 Goodman, Laurie, Rolf Pendall and Jun Zhu. 2015. “Headship and Homeownership: What does the Future Hold?” Urban Institute, June,
2015. https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/2000257-headshipand-homeownership-what-does-thefuture-hold.pdf. 52 Calderon, Marisa. “2018 State of Hispanic Homeownership Report.” National Association of Hispanic real Estate Professionals. 2018.
https://nahrep.org/downloads/2018-state-of-hispanic-homeownership-report.pdf. 53 Ibid.
54 Mayer, Chris and Pence, Karen. 2007. “Subprime Mortgages: What, Where, and to Whom?” Federal Reserve.
https://www.federalreserve.gov/pubs/feds/2008/200829/200829pap.pdf. 55 Apaam, Gerald et al. 2018. “2017 FDIC National Survey of Unbanked and Underbanked Households.” Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation. https://www.fdic.gov/householdsurvey/2017/2017report.pdf. 56 The Pew Charitable Trusts. 2012. “Payday Lending in America: Who Borrows, Where They Borrow, and Why.”
https://www.pewtrusts.org/~/media/legacy/uploadedfiles/pcs_assets/2012/pewpaydaylendingreportpdf. pdf.
57 Weeks, Matt. 2015. “Asians, Hispanics Driving U.S. Economy Forward, According to UGA Study.” UGA Item 1
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Today. Retrieved September 10,
2019. https://news.uga.edu/2015-multicultural-economy-report/. 58 Hamilton, Dan, Matthew Fienup, David Hayes-Bautista and Paul Hsu. 2019. “LDC U.S. Latino GDP Report: Quantifying the New
American Economy.” Latino Donor Collaborative, September. http://latinodonorcollaborative.org/wpcontent/uploads/2019/09/LDC_USLatino-GDP-Report_2019.pdf. 59 Geospace and the United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce (USHCC). 2017. “Hispanic Business & Entrepreneurs Drive Growth in
the New Economy.” http://geoscape.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/HBR-Final-Report_2017.pdf. 60 New American Economy. 2017. “Power of the Purse: How Hispanics Contribute to the U.S. Economy.” The Economic State of the Latino Community in America

https://research.newamericaneconomy.org/report/power-of-the-purse-how-hispanics-contribute-to-theu-s-economy/. 61 Ibid.
62 Ibid.
63 Mahonery, Sarah. 2019. “Hispanics’ Lifetime Spending to Top Others’ By $500K.” MarketingDaily.

Retrieved September 12, 2019.
https://www.mediapost.com/publications/article/335416/hispanics-lifetime-spending-to-top-others-by50.html. 64 Pwc. n.d. “Always Connected: US-Based Hispanic Consumers Dominate Mobile, Entertainment, and Beyond.” Consumer Intelligence
Series. https://www.pwc.se/sv/pdf-reports/pwc-emc-hispanics-report.pdf#page=11. 65 New American Economy. 2017. “Power of the Purse: How Hispanics Contribute to the U.S. Economy.” https://research.newamericaneconomy.org/report/power-of-the-purse-how-hispanics-contribute-to-theu-s-economy/. 66 Ibid.
67 Manuel Krogstad, Jens, Luis Noe-Bustamante and Antonio Flores. 2019. “Historic highs in 2018 voter turnout extended across racial and
ethnic groups.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved September 17, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2019/05/01/historic-highs-in2018-voter-turnout-extended-across-racial-and-ethnic-groups/. 68 Gonzalez-Barrera, Ana and Jens Manuel Krogstad. 2018. “Hispanic Voters More Engaged in 2018 than in Previous Midterms.” Pew
Research Center. Retrieved September 17, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2018/11/02/hispanic-voters-more-engaged-in-2018- than-in-previous-midterms/.
69 Manueal Krogstad, Jens et al. 2016. “Millennials Make Up Almost Half of Latino Eligible Voters in 2016.” Pew Research Center’s
Hispanic Trends Project. Retrieved September 12,
2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2016/01/19/millennials-make-up-almosthalf-of-latinoeligible-voters-in-2016/. 70 Ibid.
71 Manuel Krogstad, Jens, Luis Noe-Bustamante and Antonio Flores. 2019. “Historic Highs in 2018 Voter Turnout Extended Across Racial
and Ethnic Groups.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved September 17, 2019. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/01/historic-highsin-2018-voter-turnoutextended-across-racial-and-ethnic-groups/

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state-of-the-latino-community-in-america-final-errata-10-15-2019.pdf

Introduction
This fact sheet is designed to assist congressional offices with work related to National Hispanic Heritage Month, which is observed from September 15 to October 15. It contains links to census and demographic information, a CRS report, sample speeches and remarks from the Congressional Record, and presidential proclamations. It also contains links to additional cultural and historical resources and selected educational, cultural, and advocacy organizations.

History
National Hispanic Heritage Month started in 1968 as Hispanic Heritage Week under President Lyndon Johnson, and it was expanded by President Ronald Reagan in 1988 to cover a 30-day annual period starting on September 15 and ending on October 15. It was enacted into law on August 17, 1988.

Legislation
P.L. 90-498. Authorized and requested the President to proclaim annually the week including September 15 and 16 as National Hispanic Heritage Week (82 Stat. 848; September 17, 1968).

P.L. 100-402. Amended P.L. 90-498 to provide for the designation of National Hispanic Heritage Month (102 Stat. 1012; August 17, 1988).

P.L. 105-225, §126. Requested that the President issue a yearly proclamation designating September 15 through October 15 as National Hispanic Heritage Month (112 Stat. 1259; August 12, 1998). The commemorative observance is codified in 36 U.S.C. 126.

In recent years, the Senate has passed resolutions recognizing National Hispanic Heritage Month:

S.Res. 782, September 20, 2022;
S.Res. 417, October 18, 2021;
S.Res. 352, September 26, 2019;
S.Res. 655, September 26, 2018;
S.Res. 256, September 14, 2017; and
S.Res. 574, September 26, 2016.

Hispanic Members of Congress
CRS Report R47470, Membership of the 118th Congress: A Profile, by Jennifer E. Manning. The report provides a demographic profile of current Members of Congress, including the number of Hispanic and Latino Members, by gender and party.

U.S. House of Representatives, Hispanic Americans in Congress. From the Office of the Historian and the Clerk of the House's Office of Art and Archives, this website, based on the book Hispanic Americans in Congress, 1822–2012, contains profiles of former and current Hispanic Members of Congress, essays, images, and photos.

Two congressional caucus groups seek to advance and protect the interests of Hispanic Members of Congress. The Congressional Hispanic Caucus was founded in 1976, and the Congressional Hispanic Conference was formed in 2003. Historically, caucus participation was unified by cultural priorities and Item 1
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was mostly nonpartisan; in more recent years there may be some more correlation with political affiliation.

Selected Speeches and Recognitions
Members of Congress often make floor statements, issue press releases, or enter Extensions of Remarks into the Congressional Record to recognize federal holidays and observances. The following are some recent examples of such statements.

Representative Jason Crow, "Celebrating Hispanic Heritage Month," Extensions of Remarks, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 168, no. 163 (October 14, 2022), pp. E1045-E1046 Representative Dan Newhouse, "National Hispanic Heritage Month," Extensions of Remarks, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 168, no. 159 (September 30, 2022), p. E1005 Senator Richard Durbin, "Hispanic Heritage Month," remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 168, no. 157 (September 28, 2022), pp. S5170-S5171 Representative Tony Cardenas, "Hispanic Heritage Month," remarks in the House, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 168, no. 151 (September 20, 2022), p. H7975 Representative Don Bacon, "National Hispanic Heritage Month," remarks in the House, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 168, no. 148 (September 14, 2022), p. H7792 Senator Benjamin L. Cardin, "Hispanic Heritage Month," remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 167, no. 177 (October 7, 2021), pp. S6995-S6996 Senator John Cornyn, "Hispanic Heritage Month," remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily edition, vol. 166, no. 166 (September 24, 2020), pp. S5848-S5849 Presidential Proclamations
One of the many uses of a presidential proclamation is to ceremoniously honor a group or call attention to certain issues or events. Some recent proclamations commemorating Hispanic Heritage Month from the Compilation of Presidential Documents include the following:

Presidential Proclamations—Joseph R. Biden, Jr. (2021-) Presidential Proclamations—Donald J. Trump (2017-2021)
Presidential Proclamations—Barack H. Obama (2009-2017)
Presidential Proclamations—George W. Bush (2001-2009)
Presidential proclamations and remarks from 1993 to the present are available through the govinfo service on the Government Publishing Office website. Earlier remarks are available through The American Presidency Project, established by the University of California, Santa Barbara.

Statistics
Many federal agencies and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) maintain statistics on Hispanics, including the following:

U.S. Census Bureau, Facts for Features, Hispanic Heritage Month 2023. Quick statistics on population, states and counties, businesses, families and children, language, income, poverty, health insurance, education, jobs, voting, and national service.

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U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Minority Health, Profile: Hispanic/Latino Americans. Broad profiles on language, education, income and employment, insurance coverage, and health.

Pew Research Center, Key Facts About U.S. Latinos for National Hispanic Heritage Month. Interactive statistical profiles of the Latino population in the 50 states and the District of Columbia based on Pew Research Center tabulations of the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS), the Current Population Survey, and the U.S. Decennial Census.

U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Health of Hispanic or Latino Population. Information and statistics on health issues from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National Center for Health Statistics.

Cultural and Advocacy Organizations
Many other resources provide information on the history and culture of Hispanic Heritage Month.

Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute (CHCI). Internships, fellowships, scholarships, and educational publications and resources.

Smithsonian National Museum of the American Latino. Exhibitions, research, collections, and educational programs promoting Latino heritage and culture in the United States.

League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). An advocacy group that "advances the economic condition, educational attainment, political influence, health and civil rights of Hispanic Americans through community-based programs."
UNIDOS US. A national Hispanic civil rights and advocacy group (formerly NCLR) that provides a Latino perspective in seven key areas: assets and investments, civil rights and criminal justice, education, employment and economic status, health, immigration, voting, and youth.

Educational, Historical and Cultural Resources
Numerous government and other organization resources provide information on the history and culture of Hispanic Heritage Month. Some of these include the following:

National Hispanic Heritage Month. Provides images, collections, and audio and video on topics such as Spanish missions, Hispanic veterans, history, and art. This is a collaborative project of the Library of Congress, National Archives and Records Administration, National Endowment for the Humanities, National Gallery of Art, National Park Service, Smithsonian Institution, and U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum.

National Geographic, "National Hispanic and Latin American Heritage Month." Celebrates the history, contributions, influence, and accomplishments of Hispanic, Latino, Latina, and Latinx people in the United States through educational resources.

Smithsonian National Museum of the American Latino, "Hispanic Heritage Month Resources." Exhibitions, research, collections, and educational programs promoting Latino heritage and culture in the United States.

Library of Congress, Hispanic Reading Room. Serves as the primary access point for research relating to Item 1
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parts of the world encompassing the geographical areas of the Caribbean, Latin America, and Iberia; the indigenous cultures of those areas; and peoples throughout the world historically influenced by LusoHispanic heritage, including Latinos in the United States and people of Portuguese or Spanish heritage in Africa, Asia, and Oceania.

National Park Service, "National Register of Historic Places Program: National Hispanic Heritage Month." Highlights several locations that exemplify Hispanic culture and achievement, including the Lamesa Farm Workers Community Historic District in western Texas.

U.S. Department of Education, "National Hispanic Heritage Month." Provides links to a range of federal agencies observing National Hispanic Heritage Month.

Smithsonian Insider, "Latino Experience is in Focus at African American History and Culture Museum." An interview with Ariana Curtis, the curator of Latino studies at the Smithsonian African American History and Culture Museum. It includes an introduction to the term Afro-Latino.

This fact sheet was originally authored by Molly Higgins, a former Reference and Data Services Librarian. https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/R/HTML/R44191.web.html

Rodriguez: The Indigenous and Black Roots of Mexico, by Roberto Rodriguez, cmaadmin (EDU), Feb 13, 2017

A generation ago, while living in Mexico, I came upon the works of Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran regarding the African presence in Mexico, managing to interview him, shortly before he passed away. While Mexico is a nation with deep Indigenous roots, his work from the 1940s revealed a part of Mexico that had been previously unfamiliar to its school children and to the national narrative; its rich multi-racial history.

This is especially true when we examine the relationship in this country between Black and Brown peoples, who are often, not taught their shared histories, or even their own histories. One part of that history also includes Mexico, which had abolished slavery in 1829, providing refuge to Blacks during the time of U.S. slavery. It also includes the history of palenques or maroons — free territories of runaway slaves, such as the one established by Gaspar Yanga in 1529, in the mountains of Veracruz, considered Mexico’s first free (Black) city. In the United States, it also includes both peoples fighting against lynchings during the 19th and 20th centuries and Blacks being at the forefront of the desegregation and anti-discrimination struggles, with all people of color benefiting, including Mexicans, who waged their own struggles.

Through his census research, he revealed that there were more Blacks in Mexico than Europeans during the 300-year colonial era (1519-1821). And while Mexico’s African presence is not very visible in Mexico today, especially in the media and in its national narratives, it is a great likelihood that a great many Mexicans have some Black admixture within them. The reason for this is that many Africans mixed with native peoples and were also dispersed throughout what came to be known as New Spain, a vast expanse of land from Canada to Central America. And truthfully, these dispersals occurred into the Caribbean and South America; wherever Spain colonized and traded (trafficked, actually).

For example, Los Angeles, while led by Spanish soldiers, was founded in 1781 by a majority of people of color… that is, native peoples, mestizos and Blacks or mulattos. In fact, the largest group of the founders was mulattos.

Aguirre Beltran’s pioneering findings were suppressed during that era by a nationalistic nation steeped in the ideology of mestizaje and La Raza Cosmica. The first ideology was contrived, yet served a purpose for a Item 1
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nation struggling to forge a unified identify, this in the aftermath of 300 years of oppressive colonialism and several violent and cataclysmic wars of independence (two of its primary leaders were of AfroIndigenous descent, Jose Maria Morelos and Vicente Guerrero) and revolutions. But mestizaje was but a narrative and an ideology.

Mestizaje has generally been taught and understood in Mexico as the co-equal and consensual mixture between the Indian and the Spanish… a virtual impossibility as very few Spaniards came to Mexico during the colonial era and of those that came, very few were women. While the concept of mestizaje is complex, what we do know is that the way it is generally perceived, especially in Mexico, is wrong. If anything, the African, “the Third Root,” which was larger than the Spanish population, would have to be added into the mix, for it to at least make better sense. But even that would lead us to a wrong conclusion. During the colonial era, by law or practice, it was generally illegal for Indian and African men to marry Spanish or European women also.

Akin to “La Raza Cosmica” or the theory of the “Cosmic Race,” mestizaje in part is based on the idea of “deIndigenization” or “leaving the Indian behind.” While it is much more palatable than ideas of racial purity, it nonetheless still is an ideology that displaces the historical, cultural and intellectual Indigenous root of the country and continent. Also, despite its ideal of Mexicans being a mixture of the four races of the world, and thus creating a fifth race, the reality is that both ideologies generally disappear the African presence in Mexico.

While Mexico proclaimed pluricultural roots in 1992, only until 2015 did the nation officially recognize the African presence on the Census. That year, Mexicans were given the option of affirming their heritage, which for the first time included African heritage. That year, some 1.4 million Mexicans or 1.2% of the population affirmed that option. In terms of counting Indigenous peoples, the Mexican nation, notoriously and historically through the process of de-Indigenization, has undercounted them. Currently, the Census counts some 13 million native peoples in Mexico, while most of the rest of the population is Indigenousbased mestizo.

In this country, especially today in the field of education, we still have sky-high dropout-pushout rates and a school to prison pipeline for students of color. In the realm of human rights, the nation’s prisons resemble warehouses for people of color, and the streets, continue to be killing fields for people of color. As the new president continues to demonstrate on a daily basis, the realities of Black and Brown/Indigenous peoples will continue to be intertwined as they continue to be treated as unwanted and peoples less than human.

By knowing their intertwined histories, perhaps both peoples will come to struggle together, which in fact they are increasingly doing so already. Perhaps people can thank the current president for that.

Dr. Roberto Rodriguez is an associate professor in Mexican American Studies at the University of Arizona. https://www.diverseeducation.com/demographics/african-american/article/15099964/rodriguez-theindigenous-and-black-roots-of-mexico

Genetically, There's No Such Thing as a Mexican, June 12, 2014, 12:03 PM PDT / Updated June 12, 2014, 12:19 PM PDT

Medical researchers and census-takers may lump Latinos or Hispanics into one group, but a giant study of Mexican genetics shows there’s no such thing.

Medical researchers, doctors and census-takers may lump Latinos or Hispanics into one group, but a giant study of Mexican genetics shows there’s really no such thing.

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Mexicans themselves show such extreme diversity that someone from the dry north is genetically as different from someone from the Yucatan as a European is from an East Asian.

The findings, published in the journal Science, are important for medical research and healthcare, the researchers said.
"In this study, we realized that for disease classification it also matters what type of Native American ancestry you have,” said Carlos Bustamante, a professor of genetics at Stanford University.

Sign up for top Health news delivered direct to your inbox. “In terms of genetics, it's the difference between a neighborhood and a precise street address." Before the Spanish conquerers arrived in the 16th century, Mexico was inhabited by Native Americans who had carved out their own, often isolated, kingdoms. These genetic differences show up even today, the team at Stanford, the University of California, San Francisco and the Mexican National Institute of Genomic Medicine found.
"Mexico harbors one of the largest amounts of pre-Columbian genetic diversity in the Americas," said Stanford’s Dr. Andres Moreno-Estrada. "For the first time, we've mapped this diversity to a very fine geographic scale, and shown that it has a notable physiological impact on an important clinical trait: lung function."
They compared their genetic map to tests of lung function as measured by the volume of air a person can expel in one second or FEV1. They found a 7 percent difference in baseline FEV1 as they moved from populations in the western state of Sonora to Yucatan in the east. "We were really fascinated by these results because we had expected that 500 years of population movements, immigration and mixing would have swamped the signal of pre-Columbian population structure," said Bustamante.

The differences hold even though most Mexicans are mestizos. “Today, the majority of Mexicans are admixed and can trace their ancestry back not only to indigenous groups but also to Europe and Africa,” the researchers wrote.

It will be important as medicine becomes increasingly tailored based on an individual’s genes. Their specific origin — not just a broad racial group — may provide crucial pointers. "We can't just clump everyone together and call them European Americans or Mexican Americans,” added Dr. Esteban Burchard of UCSF.
https://www.nbcnews.com/health/health-news/genetically-theres-no-such-thing-mexican-n129866

Mexicans have an important African heritage. Between 100,000 to 200,000 African slaves were brought into Mexico during the 16th through 18th centuries, nearly a quarter the number brought to the USA. In 1646 there were 35,000 African slaves in Mexico, more than 2.5 times the white (Spaniard) population These slaves represented about 12% of the total population, roughly equal to the percentage of slaves in the USA before 1860.

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Mexico’s second president, Vicente Guerrero, whose mother was partially Black, abolished slavery in 1829.

Thousands of Blacks escaped into Mexico from the US before the Emancipation Proclamation in the US...However, today there are very few black faces in Mexico. If one pays close attention, they can identify people of African heritage in a few selected communities in Veracruz and along the Costa Chica in Guerrero and Oaxaca.

What happened to all the Blacks in Mexico? They assimilated by having offspring with other racial groups.

In colonial times, the Catholic Church went to great lengths to categorize intermixed races for marital and baptism purposes. Before too long, nobody could keep all the combinations straight! Eventually, everyone of mixed race was considered a mestizo. The African portion was purposely or accidentally dropped.

Mexico began to gradually abolish slavery soon after it declared independence from Spain in 1821. The Mexican Congress fully outlawed slavery in 1837, well before the United States did so with the 13th Amendment in 1865. Texas won its independence from Mexico in 1836 and eventually joined the U.S. as a slave state.

Excerpt Source:

Source:https://geo-mexico.com/?tag=ethnicity

N A T I O N A L I M M I G R A T I O N L A W C E N T E R | W W W . N I L C . O R G LOS ANGELES (Headquarters) 3435 Wilshire Blvd., Suite 2850 Los Angeles, CA 90010 213 639-3900 213 639-3911 fax WASHINGTON, DC 1121 14th Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20005 202 216-0261 202 216- 0266 fax A “Marked” License Is Not Proof of Immigration Status Revised JULY 13, 2015 any states recognize that expanding immigrants’ access to driver’s licenses is a matter of public safety, since it is in the public interest for drivers to be trained, tested, licensed, and insured. As a result, eight states, plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, passed laws in 2013 authorizing issuance of licenses that do not require proof of lawful immigration status.1 The licenses available under the new laws, passed to comply with the federal REAL ID Act of 2005, are marked as not valid for federal official purposes or are otherwise distinguishable from regular licenses. These laws provide an avenue for eligible undocumented drivers to obtain a license,2 but the marked licenses are not proof that a driver is undocumented. Here’s why:

Citizens or lawfully present immigrants may be eligible for the marked licenses. States have chosen a variety of approaches in deciding who is eligible for a marked license. Some states (e.g., Vermont) explicitly allow U.S. citizens to obtain such licenses, and some (e.g., Colorado) require many lawfully present immigrants—such as people who are in the U.S. on business or professional visas, or who have been granted withholding of removal, or who were paroled into the U.S. for humanitarian reasons—to obtain them. Some people who were issued a marked license when they were ineligible for a regular license might have since acquired an eligible immigration status or proof of U.S. citizenship. The immigration status process is fluid. A person may have been issued a marked license when she was undocumented, or when her immigration status entitled her only to a marked license, or when she could not yet prove that, though born abroad, she had derived U.S. citizenship from, for example, being the child of a U.S. citizen. But when her immigration status changes and she is able to prove that she is eligible for a regular license, or she obtains proof of U.S. citizenship, she may still have a marked license. The U.S. Dept. of Homeland Security (DHS) has made clear that no conclusions about a person’s citizenship or immigration status can be drawn based on the type of license the person has. Having a non–REAL ID-compliant or a marked license does not indicate that the license-holder is not lawfully present. As DHS explains, there are a variety of reasons why a person may not have or obtain a REAL ID-compliant license: A “Not for Federal Identification” or a similar mark means that the issuing state offers its residents the option to obtain a driver’s license or identity card which is not compliant with 1 New Mexico, Utah, and Washington were already issuing Item 1
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driver’s licenses or driving privilege cards to immigrants regardless of their immigration status. Oregon’s law, enacted in 2013, was repealed by referendum in 2014. 2 The laws are permissible under the REAL ID Act, which sets standards, including proof of lawful presence, for driver’s licenses to be accepted for official federal purposes. For more information about REAL ID, see www.nilc.org/document.html?id=1040.

M N A T I O N A L I M M I G R A T I O N L A W C E N T E R | W W W . N I L C . O R G A “Marked” License Is Not Proof of Immigration Status PAGE 2 of 2 REAL ID and that the license holder has chosen to exercise that option. A variety of reasons may underlie that choice, including personal preference, religious conviction, or the inability or decision not to provide original documents needed to verify identity, citizenship, or lawful status in the United States. No inferences or assumptions should be drawn about the particular reason an individual possesses a card with this mark, including inferences or assumptions about the person’s citizenship or immigration status.3 Presentation of a “marked” license is acceptable as an identification document for employment purposes, as long as it is accompanied by current proof that the person is work-authorized. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) recognizes that a marked license is acceptable to prove a new hire’s identity when completing the I-9 employment eligibility verification process (the process for verifying whether a newly hired employee is authorized to work in the U.S.). . . . The notation "FEDERAL LIMITS APPLY," “NOT ACCEPTABLE FOR OFFICIAL FEDERAL PURPOSES” or a similar notation on the front or back of a state-issued driver’s license indicates it does not meet the standards for the issuance and production of a compliant card under the REAL ID Act . . . . A driver’s license with this type of notation is, however, an acceptable List B document if it contains a photograph or identifying information such as name, date of birth, sex, height, color of eyes, and address.

An employer must examine the document presented by its employee and determine whether it meets Form I-9 requirements. . . . 4 Of course, the employer must also require that the new employee present proof that he or she is work-authorized, but the employer may not assume that the worker is undocumented simply because he or she has a marked license, and may not refuse to accept a marked license as proof of identity. 5 The Office of Special Counsel for Immigration-Related Unfair Employment Practices (OSC) has warned employers that concluding that a person with a marked license is undocumented may constitute discrimination: To the extent a driver’s license or state identification card presented for 1-9 purposes satisfies the criteria to be considered a List B document, and is paired with an unexpired List C document, an employer is cautioned against concluding that an individual is not legally authorized to work in the United States based on a perception that a List B document is “statistically issued to predominantly undocumented individuals.” An employment-authorized individual whose List B document was rejected because an employer made this assumption may allege discrimination on the basis of national origin or citizenship status in violation of the antidiscrimination provision by filing a discrimination charge with OSC.6 THEREFORE, GOVERNMENT AND PRIVATE AGENCIES, entities, or individuals should not make any assumptions about the citizenship or immigration status of people whose driver’s licenses are “marked,” and should not discriminate against them on that basis. 3 REAL ID Frequently Asked Questions for the Public (DHS, Jan. 11, 2015), www.dhs.gov/real-id-public-faqs, emphasis added. 4 Frequently Asked Questions: I-9 Central: List B Documents – Identity (USCIS, Nov. 6, 2014), www.uscis.gov/faq-page/i9-central-list-b-documents-identity#t17079n48243. 5 Id. 6 Letter to Nataliya Binshteyn, Esq., from Office of Special Counsel for Immigration-Related Unfair Employment Practices, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Feb. 7,
2014, www.justice.gov/crt/about/osc/pdf/publications/TAletters/FY2014/179.pdf. https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/marked-license-immigration-status-2015-07-13.pdf

ILLEGAL ALIEN FOREIGN IMMIGRANTS AND REFUGEES:

Posted on May 12, 2019, Immigration and Affirmative Action, Thomas Jackson, American Renaissance, January 1996
The Immigration Invasion, by Wayne Lutton & John Tanton, Social Contract Press, 1994, 190 pp.

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Affirmative Action for Immigrants, by James Robb, Social Contract Press, 1995, 120 pp.

Of all the threats to our national stability, immigration is in many respects the most obvious and ominous.

Anyone with the slightest understanding of history and human nature knows that the arrival of large numbers of aliens can dramatically change any society. When those aliens are culturally and racially different from a society’s original majority, change will be profound and probably irreversible. Non-white immigrants are transforming America. This is obvious in Texas, Florida, New York, and California, which receive the most immigrants, but newcomers are pushing their way steadily into every part of the country.

No healthy society permits this kind of transformation if it can help it. Every non-white nation, including ones like Mexico and China that send huge numbers of their own people to the United States, controls its border with a firm view to keeping aliens out. The urge to protect one’s tribal, racial, or national boundaries is almost as old and almost as strong as the urge to protect one’s family. Every non-white group does this instinctively, without reflection or apology.

White nations appear to have lost this primeval urge. All have officially rejected race as a necessary element of nationhood and some, like Canada and the United States, have even rejected language and culture. Any group, we are told, in virtually any number, can become American or Canadian. The United States, in particular, is said to be an “idea” in which Kurds and Xhosas can participate just as authentically as descendants of the Pilgrims.

This is perhaps the first time since the beginning of history that human groups have taken this view of their own identities. Tribes and nations have always understood instinctively that cohesion requires bloodkinship and shared history, and that membership is not open to all comers. No nation in which this instinct has died can survive against the depredations of nations in which it is still vigorous.

And yet instinct, almost by definition, is not supposed to die. People do not usually have to be persuaded to care for their children or to act in their own interests or to eat. People who do not do these things are so incomprehensible we hardly know how to help them.

Like people, nations or races rarely fail to act in their own interests. When they fail consistently, they are just as incomprehensible as a human being that has lost ordinary urges. This is the tragedy facing Americans who are trying to call attention to the growing demographic crisis. In this country, it does little good to appeal to instincts of national and racial survival because if those instincts were still operating normally, there would be no immigration problem in the first place. White Americans who do not want their children to live in what Peter Brimelow calls an alien nation therefore have the unnatural task of supplying rational justifications for behavior that should be instinctual. No American, certainly no white American, should have to explain why it is wrong for one sixth of the population of Haiti to be living in the United States. No one should have to point out why it is suicidal to grant American citizenship to the children of indigent Mexicans who cross the border to have babies. And yet, just as we must explain to a man who has lost his appetite that if he does not eat he will die, we must explain to whites who have lost their instincts for racial survival that if immigration is not stopped their nation will die.

The Social Contract Press
Every quarter since 1990, The Social Contract has been building the factual case against immigration. It describes the effects of immigration on schools, the environment, our culture, our language, and our prospects as a nation. It is not usually explicit about race, but it makes every other possible argument against current policies.

The Social Contract has spawned a small publishing company of the same name. It has reprinted the classic (and explicitly racial) anti-immigration novel, The Camp of the Saints, and has published several original titles. Of these, the most significant is The Immigration Invasion, by Wayne Lutton and John Tanton.

This handy, pocket-sized volume is really an anti-immigration handbook, packed with up-to-date information. Part One, called “The Problem,” has chapters on such things as immigrant crime, welfare costs of immigrants, and the impact of immigrants on labor markets and the environment. A chapter on race and culture describes the divisive effect of aliens.

Part Two offers a historical perspective, which starts with a history of immigration law and explains who has been supporting current policies. The book concludes with a firm statement about the moral basis for Item 1
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immigration reform, and includes a reading list and a directory of activist organizations.

Every chapter is both a good introduction for people who are not aware of the immigration problem and an up-to-date reminder for people who are. Each page seems to offer its bit of intellectual ammunition.

Almost a random selection turns up such nuggets as this:

Twenty-nine percent of immigrants from Vietnam are on welfare while 3.9 percent of those from Switzerland are.

The average cost of an uncompensated admission of an illegal alien to a publicly-supported hospital is $4,700.

Fifty-five percent of the Chinese over age 65 who have come to the United States since 1980 are on welfare (as opposed to nine percent of native-born Americans). Many are well off but give their assets to their children so as to qualify for handouts.

After the 1994 California earthquake, the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s no-questions-asked compensation policies were so generous that there was a surge of illegal immigration just to take advantage of it.

It costs the state of California $2 billion a year to educate illegal alien school children, who are seven percent of the school population.

Fifty-three percent of all the refugees who have settled in California since 1973 are on public support of some kind.

In New York City, entire professions have been colonized by aliens and are essentially closed to Americans.

Over three million illegals have taken advantage of the 1986 amnesty.

Welfare agencies welcome immigrants because they increase the need for welfare.

More than half of all faculty in American universities under the age of 36 are foreign-born.

In Denver, although whites are 80 percent of the population, 57 percent of criminal gang members are Hispanic and 36 percent are black.

Illegal immigrants, who cannot (yet) vote, are counted for Congressional and other districting purposes, so non-whites can often be elected to office with a much smaller number of votes than whites need.

The mafia has been pushed out of the heroin trade by Chinese, Israeli, Nigerian, and Mexican gangs.

Foreign gangs are virtually impossible to infiltrate because of language and cultural barriers.

Nearly one million Arabs now live in America, and are lobbying for racial preferences. Almost all arrived since 1965.

More than one quarter of the inmates of federal prisons are aliens.

The Immigration Invasion shapes a mountain of facts into a well-organized argument for strict limits on immigration. It is written in careful, non-provocative language, and is an excellent book with which to waken slumbering instincts. It is priced low enough to be bought in bulk, and deserves wide circulation.

The Cruelest Blow
Of more specialized interest is James Robb’s monograph, Affirmative Action for Immigrants, which is not an ordinary, type-set book but a bound, double-spaced research paper. Few of today’s racial lunacies are as infuriating as racial preferences for non-white immigrants. A weak, but not completely preposterous case can be made for compensating the descendants of former slaves, but there is no possible justification for discrimination in favor of immigrants. Affirmative action has expanded so smoothly from its original clientele to include virtually all non-whites, only because racial preferences are part of a larger view of American society that is increasingly anti-white.

Mr. Robb is surprised to discover that no one in government seems to know whether there is a legal basis either for including non-white immigrants in affirmative action programs or excluding them. Apparently the issue has never been litigated, most probably because no employer who operates preference programs has ever turned away a Nigerian or a Mexican simply because he was not a U.S. citizen. Many companies care more about filling government-mandated racial quotas than about hiring Americans.

In an investigation of the extent to which affirmative action accounts for the large number of foreign students and teachers at American universities, Mr. Robb has come across what is perhaps the one occasion on which a major institution actually gave the matter any thought. Stanford University had long had strong financial incentives to persuade academic departments to hire non-whites, but discovered in Item 1
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1993 that more than half of its non-white faculty were foreign-born. It finally occurred to someone that a native of Senegal might not be the most effective “role model” for a black from Chicago. Stanford therefore decided to restrict its racial preferences to American citizens. The new policy was greeted with derision and talk of lawsuits. Stanford promptly backed down and, according to a spokesman, “tried to avoid resolving these questions.” It is surprising that American-born non-whites have not made more trouble over policies that work to their disadvantage by widening the field of available quota-fillers. The Stanford fracas is only one of the absurdities that Mr. Robb chronicles. Unfortunately, he takes the saccharin position that racial preferences for aliens are wrong because they take jobs from deserving American nonwhites; he doesn’t seem to mind anti-white discrimination. Nevertheless, this is probably the only serious treatment available of what is nothing less than a national outrage. https://www.amren.com/news/2019/05/immigration-affirmative-action-john-tanton/ Select Diaspora Populations in the United States, July 2014 https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-FullSet.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Bangladesh.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-ColombiaII.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-EgyptII.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-ElSalvador.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Ethiopia.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Ghana.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Haiti.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-IndiaII-FINAL.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-KenyaII.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Mexico.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Morocco.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Nigeria.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Pakistan.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-PhilippinesII.pdf https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Vietnam.pdf Mulatto Preservation Politics 10/8/2022
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0nM49TMhywM
The Issue
There's been a Covert Effort from very Evil People, who are trying to Erase Mulattoes from the American History.

STOP MULATTO ERASURE. We Mulatto Americans, have a Vibrant Demographic Population. Reinstate "Mulatto Identity" to the United States CENSUS.
*The UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION "ARTICLE 1, SECTION 2 " specifies that Americans are to be Counted in the CENSUS (to be Properly Represented).. its the CONSTITUTION. *AN ACT DECLARING WHAT PERSONS SHALL BE DEEMED MULATTOES 1779 CHAP. LXXVII. (Protected the Mulatto Identity).
*The 1924 RACIAL INTEGRITY ACT SEGREGATED The Mulatto Identity. *The 1930 US CENSUS OMITTED the Mulatto Identity.

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*The 1964 CIVIL RIGHTS ACT applies to Mulatto People too.

Mulatto Americans Haven't been Counted since 1930, therefore the Mulatto Demographic has Zero Representation. That's a Violation of Our Constitutional Rights. *MULATTO MOUNTAIN NC has been Renamed
*MULATTO RUN is Being Renamed.
*STOP THE SEGREGATION AND ERASURE OF MULATTO PEOPLE.

FLOWERS
OCTOBER 5, 2022
https://www.change.org/p/mulatto-preservation
White Racial Identity, Racial Mixture, and the “One Drop Rule” Leave a reply
White Racial Identity, Racial Mixture, and the “One Drop Rule” by A. D. Powell
Presented at Fifth Union, Kingsport, Tennessee
Friday, 18 June 2004
In the days of the Third Reich, the Nazis imposed the “Nuremberg Laws” on German citizens. Assimilated German Jews were told that they were not German. It didn’t matter that their language, culture and selfimage were all proudly German. They now belonged to a separate and “inferior race.” Nazi propaganda pictured all Jews as racially distinct from Germans, but the reality was that Jews were forced to wear symbols of identification – yellow Stars of David – so they would not be able to “pass” as German or “Aryan.” People with either one Jewish parent or grandparent found themselves reclassified as mischlings or “mixed race.” The biographies of German Jews and part-Jews frequently speak of “passing for Aryan” and the desirability of having Nordic as opposed to darker or more Semitic looks because the former facilitated the ability to “pass.” Are we having a feeling of deja vu yet?

A. D. Powell
While most Americans have been carefully taught that the Nazis were crazy, evil, racist, etc., for “seeing” separate “races” in Europe when they didn’t exist, we are never asked to see the similarity between the Nuremberg Laws that defined Jews and mischlings and our own legal and social traditions of racial classification – especially the myth that white people with a “taint” of Jewish – excuse me – Negro blood are not truly white but secret, “light-skinned” members of the “black race” who are only “passing for white.” Just as German Jews were declared unworthy of the honor of being German, American laws, films, novels, television programs, etc., encourage Americans to accept the idea that even small amounts of “black blood” destroy all right to a European-American heritage and identity. The great difference is that, while the Nazis were avowed racists, today’s American society is based on laws that enforce legal and social equality between the so-called “races.” Indeed, the idea that otherwise white persons can be secret, hidden members of the black race, is promoted by many of the very people who pride themselves on fighting racism in others.

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Documentary Genocide and “Lynching” Reputations
In its June 16, 1996 issue, the very liberal and prestigious The New Yorker magazine published an article by Harvard University Afro-American Studies professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr., in which he denounced the late, highly respected New York Timesbook critic and author, Anatole Broyard, as a “light-skinned black man” who had “passed for white.” Entitled, “White Like Me: The True Lies of Anatole Broyard,” Gates’ article charged Broyard, who was of Louisiana Creole parentage, with “lying” about his “race” because he did not identify with blacks. The attack by Gates and The New Yorker was aimed not just at one man but at all Americans in a similar situation. It was an attack that Adolf Hitler and Walter Plecker would have enthusiastically supported.

Broyard had brought the blood of the “inferior” Negro race into the “superior” white race and “polluted” the latter. But wait! Our mainstream American media don’t believe in superior and inferior races. In our society, the ideals of racial equality and opposition to racism are trumpeted from the rooftops. What’s going on here?

A recent major motion picture, The Human Stain (and the novel that preceded it), also solemnly warned the nation that strange, inferior creatures it called “light-skinned blacks” had implanted themselves into the white race. Like the German Jews who looked German, acted German, etc., but were NOT truly German, these strange creatures looked and acted white but were most unworthy of that honor. It sounds almost like one of those horror movies in which aliens take over human bodies in an attempt to walk among us do us harm. Miramax, the company that produced the film, sent special instructions to movie critics to make sure that all of them knew about so-called “passing for white” and would describe the otherwise white protagonist, called “Coleman Silk,” as a “light-skinned black man” who was guilty of the heinous crime of claiming the “honor” of being white when he was tainted by the blood of the inferior black race – excuse me, we don’t believe in that anymore. He tainted the white race with the blood of the blacks in whose equality Miramax and all the other mainstream movie critics claim to believe. Does this make sense? If a man tells you he’s Irish and you later find out that he’s also part-German, do you denounce him as a lying German who only “passed” for Irish? No, because Irish and Germans are considered biological and social equals. If our Irishman is part-German, you are not getting an inferior product. If our Irishman is partNegro, he is no longer Irish because the Negro blood means you are getting an “inferior” person and not the “superior” person you thought he was. This makes sense if you’re a racist who believes in white racial purity, but all these anti-passing accusations are made by people who claim to be against racism. Why is that?
The Human Stain was only the latest in a string of warnings about the white race being infiltrated by these alien, genetic freaks called “light-skinned blacks.” While those Americans who lived through the pre-Civil Rights era when racism (not anti-racism) was politically correct are aware of the so-called “antimiscegenation” laws that supposedly prevented Negro blood from entering the white race, most Americans probably learn this lesson from Hollywood. Constant television reruns of films such as the two versions of Imitation of Life, Pinky and various television programs present the horror movie scenario- the inferior, genetic freaks look like us but are not us.

American journalists who write about so-called “passing for white” solemnly inform the public that “one drop” of “black blood” makes you “black” in the United States of America. They admit that this idea is rooted in the presumed inferiority of the race in whose equality they claim to believe. However, unlike other racist practices from the pre-Civil Rights era, we are told that the “one drop rule” is something we should embrace rather than scorn. We are told that those who reject the racism of the “one drop rule” are worthy of our contempt. Why the contradiction? Why is the “one drop” myth the only racist rule that selfItem 1 December 16, 2025
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described anti-racists in the media and academia are fighting to preserve? Why did the only credible and powerful opposition to the proposed “multiracial option” for the U.S. Census, for example, come from NAACP, the National Council of La Raza and other so-called civil rights organizations? Why are certain questions and matter of fact never presented to the public when the topic of so-called “passing for white” comes up? Consider the following:
* Hispanics and Arabs within the U.S. population show obvious signs of the supposedly dreaded “black blood.” Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Dominican Republic are essentially mulatto nations. Nearly all Mexicans have some black ancestry from the African slaves who were brought to colonial Mexico and then assimilated into the Indian and mestizo populations. Why is there an “escape hatch” for Hispanics and Arabs when their Anglo and Creole counterparts are condemned as “light-skinned blacks”? Whites who are told by family members to consider themselves “black” are told that “society” or “whites” in general hate and despise the dreaded “black blood.” But what racist worth his salt says that the “inferior” Negro blood is more than welcome into the white race as long as it comes speaking Spanish or Arabic? * Since it is acknowledged that the “one drop rule” is racist, why are we told to preserve it instead of eliminating it? Why aren’t the people accused of “passing for white” hailed as heroes who defied racism instead of being subjected to character assassination and the kind of condemnation usually reserved for child molesters and serial killers?
* Why are black American elites and black-identified mulattoes usually the most fanatical and enthusiastic supporters of the “one drop rule”? Indeed, could this racist myth even continue to exist in polite society if blacks turned against it?
* Why is evidence against the “one drop rule” ignored? Why is the public never told that the antebellum Southern states legally permitted persons with one-fourth to one-eighth “Negro blood” into the white race, and could be even more lenient when the person or family was accepted by the local white community? Why are we not told that the “one drop rule” is not related to slavery but accompanied the rise of Jim Crow segregation and the eugenics movement? Why is the audience not told that no American is legally obligated to call himself “black” and the “one drop rule” depends almost totally on self-policing? Why are they lying to us?
While the Jews of Europe were punished with physical genocide for supposedly “polluting the “pure blood” of the “Aryan race,” Anglo and Creole Americans of partial black ancestry are subjected to documentary genocide and the lynching of reputations. People are declared “black” because some paper or ancestral document has the telltale words “black,” “Negro,” “Colored,” or “mulatto.” Or, like Anatole Broyard, their reputations are blackened after they are dead and can’t defend themselves.

The web sites Interracial Voice and The Multiracial Activist have spent several years challenging the idea of hypodescent. This is the doctrine that the offspring of mixed race unions should always identify with the ancestral group with the lowest social status and never with the higher status ancestry. In those years we have learned many things about “race” in the United States.

American Indian Ancestry and White Racial Identity
All white supremacists hold that white racial purity is essential for the survival of the white race. The support of so-called anti-racists for the “one drop rule” complements this idea perfectly. If a drop of black blood can truly make a white person black, who can blame whites who are opposed to interracial marriage? Bigotry becomes self-defense. Yet, even here there are contradictions. American Indian blood is considered harmless and compatible with white ancestry in a way that black blood is not. We started to ask why an American can say, “My grandmother is an Indian but I am white,” when he cannot say “My Item 1
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grandmother is black but I am white” without his right to a white identity being challenged.

All our lives we have seen people such as the late Johnny Cash, Burt Reynolds, Loretta Lynn, Cher, etc., proudly proclaim their American Indian ancestry without this acknowledgment being taken as a repudiation of their white ancestry or right to a white identity. One of Johnny Cash’s records, called Bitter Tears, is devoted to denouncing the wrongs done to American Indians by that favorite villain of politically correct American history, “The White Man.” But somehow Johnny’s whiteness was not compromised by this.

According to the letter of Virginia’s Racial Integrity Act of 1924, most part-Indian whites would not be white, yet few Americans realize this. Why can’t “black blood” be treated like American Indian blood? Why are Interracial Voiceand The Multiracial Activist the only ones asking that question? Have you noticed that, while Bell Curve-type studies purporting to show the genetic inferiority of blacks appear with some regularity, no one produces studies purporting to show that American Indians are racially inferior to whites? Could this be because the wide acknowledgment of American Indian ancestry in whites protects American Indians from this kind of racial attack? There is no political profit in it. In the two version of the American movie, The Squawman, the American Indian wife of a British aristocrat is clearly presented as racially inferior, but their son is not. The son is even considered a worthy heir to his father’s title and estates in England. Change the wife’s race to “black” and try to imagine that ending.

White Honor, Dishonor, and the Severing of Interracial Family Ties Sociologist Orlando Patterson, in his cross-cultural study of slavery, Slavery and Social Death, describes a slave as a person with no ancestors. Biologically, of course, everyone has ancestors. But the slave has no official family and no family rights and obligations within society. He is socially dead. In American history, describing a physically white person as nonwhite, especially Negro or black, was a perfect way for white elites to send a message to the white masses: Don’t get too close to or friendly with blacks or mulattoes.

Otherwise, you will lose your race, your honor, your whiteness, your very ancestry. You will become socially dead to other whites.

The producers of the 1934 version of Imitation of Life worried about how they were going to present the “passing for white” girl without evoking the specter of miscegenation. Clearly, some “pure white” had to mate with a Negro for the girl to exist. How could they avoid reminding the audience of that? It is no accident that, in Pinky, Imitation of Life, The Human Stain and other anti-passing melodramas, you almost never see any parents or ancestors who look like the accused passer. We are told that the absent father of the “passing” girl of Imitation of Life fame was a “real light-skinned colored man” since her docile black mammy would never be so bold and uppity as to mate with a real white man. The point is that we are meant to see the girl as a genetic freak. Whites did not produce her, we are told, and therefore have no family responsibility to her. We are also told that her spiritual descendant, Anatole Broyard, had no white ancestors since there were no “pure” whites among his immediate ancestors. The same could be said for most Latinos, but somehow their lack of white racial purity doesn’t count.

What is a family? What is an ethnic group? What are the obligations of a family? The “one drop rule” and the anti-passing drama tell us that the “passer” has sacred obligations to his socially inferior black-identified relatives which should prevent his upward mobility, but his “pure” white relatives have no obligation to him. Officially, he doesn’t have any white relatives or ancestors. The very term “light-skinned,” which has been used to describe anyone from brown-skinned people to Nordic blonds, is used as a euphemism to avoid saying “white.” We are taught that the “passer” is “light-skinned” but not “white.” Why? Because the word “white” implies a connection to and family relationships with white people – something antimiscegenation laws and racial classification statutes were designed to destroy.

As previously mentioned, black elites and black-identified mulattoes have internalized many of these racist Item 1
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beliefs that “whites” and “blacks” can never be part of the same family. Yet, the Southern mulatto elite, which traditionally considered themselves the “superior” members of the “inferior” race, have families that are very racially mixed. The “one drop rule” or myth allows them the emotional luxury of hating whites in general while prizing the physical characteristics that white ancestry bestows. Most of the anti-passing hysteria in the post Civil Rights era seems to come from this group. Their fanatical devotion to the “one drop rule” is also used as a moral shield by others who want to promote the “one drop” or hypodescent ideology that proclaimed blacks and mulattoes inferior in the first place.

Hating Whites and Loving White Genes: Black Support of the “One Drop Myth” and White Racial Purity In 1999 The Washington Post published an emotional article by one of its so-called “black” reporters, Lonnae O’Neal Parker, in which the author described her trauma when she discovered that her first cousin, Kim, was white-identified. This shouldn’t have been too surprising since Kim was born to and reared by a “pure” white mother, looks totally white, and has a “light-skinned” mulatto father who was not keen to identify with blacks.

O’Neal Parker’s article became a nationwide sensation. The Seattle Times and other papers reprinted it and ABC Television’sNightline devoted an entire episode to it. O’Neal parker’s highly irrational thesis was that Cousin Kim and all others in a similar situation have an obligation to repudiate their white ancestry and identify with blacks in order to make up for any wrongs done to blacks and black-identified mulattoes by whites in both the present and the distant past. In other words, the “one drop rule” is not presented to the public as a sign of black moral superiority instead of black biological inferiority. Cousin Kim supposedly chose the evil, racist whites over the innocent, pure-hearted blacks. This is also the way the “one drop” myth was justified inThe Human Stain and the attacks on Anatole Broyard. O’Neal Parker, who is herself mulatto elite – not physically black but not as white as Kim – has no problem incorporating white genes into her family, but she does not want whites in it since whites are defined as the enemy. Only in Interracial Voice and The Multiracial Activist could one find some suggestion that O’Neal Parker’s racial views were – shall we say – not a picture of good mental health.

We find it very interesting that O’Neal Parker insists that Cousin Kim must refuse to be white because “whites” are the enemies of blacks. It was the white-owned Washington Post and other white media that promoted O-Neal Parker’s venom and let it go unchallenged. They were the ones who gave her a forum.

In The New York Times, black columnist Brent Staples performs a similar task ; his columns are used mainly to promote the “one drop rule” and denounce “passing for white.” The “one drop” myth is promoted either through blacks or justified as a glorification of blacks.

Racial Kidnaping and Ethnic Rape
What do we mean by a glorification of blacks? At Interracial Voice we started using the terms racial kidnaping and ethnic rape to refer to the practice of claiming as “black” people who were not physically black and did not identify with blacks. Kidnaping and rape are appropriate analogies here because the victims are taken by force – clearly against their will. Anatole Broyard was such a victim. Here are some other major examples:

Michael Morris Healy, an Irish immigrant, arrived in the U.S. around 1815 and established a plantation near Macon, Georgia. He took a mulatto slave, Eliza Clark, as his common-law wife and the two produced 10 children. All of the surviving children were sent North to be educated and protected from slavery since Georgia made legal manumission almost impossible. They were baptized as Catholics and lived the rest of their lives as proud Irish Americans. James Augustine Healy became Bishop of Portland, Maine. Patrick Francis Healy became President of Georgetown University from 1873 to 1881. Michael Morris Healy, Jr. joined the U.S. Revenue Cutter Service (the forerunner of the U.S. Coast Guard) and became a celebrated Item 1
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sea captain, the sole representative of the U.S. Government in Alaska. Now, many decades after their deaths, these proud (and “white”) Irish Americans are being widely promoted as “blacks.” First “blacks” this and first “blacks” that, even though no one identified with blacks could have accomplished what they did.

The U.S. Government named an ice cutter after Captain Healy, but only to honor blacks, not him. Indeed, for Captain Healy it is an insult rather than an “honor.” What is the point of this racial or ethnic kidnaping? Does it prove what blacks could accomplish? No! The Healys were biologically more white than black and, socially, they were white. What can the public conclude except that something is strangely unique, mystical and inferior about black genes? (See http://www.interracialvoice.com/powell8.html)
On November 30, 1944 Calvin Clark Davis of Bear Lake, Michigan died a hero’s death in World War II as part of the U.S. Army Air Force. He was posthumously honored with several medals. However, the “honor” was tainted by the fact that Davis was described as a “black man” who “pretended to be white.” Indeed, Davis’ racial identity has received far more publicity than his military heroics. I wrote an article about Davis for Interracial Voice called “Pissing on the Grave of Heroes.” Davis, we are told:
* passed for white
* lied about who he was
* concealed his race
* faked being white
Remember what I said about having no ancestors? Far from being honored for his military service, Davis is being publicly shamed and dishonored.

Another World War II hero “outed” for alleged “passing for white” was Pvt. Robert Brooks of Sadieville, Kentucky. He died heroically in the Philippines on December 8, 1941. His story appears in Studs Terkel’s book on World War II, The Good War.

Here are other prominent examples of racial kidnaping or ethnic rape:
* Jean Toomer, whose name is taught to schoolchildren and college students as the “black” author of a book of poetry and short stories called Cane, was in fact a multiracial Caucasian who rejected a false “black” identity and wrote extensively on why the U.S. racial classification system should be eliminated in favor of a common “American” identity.
* Alexander Dumas, the French author of the famed novel The Three Musketeers, is presented to American schoolchildren as “black” when he was really three-quarters white and in no way socially “black.” * Alexander Pushkin, the greatest of Russian poets and father of Russian literature, is frequently presented to schoolchildren as another famous “black” because of one African great-grandfather.

Why are all of these people described as “black” in American schools even though there are no physical or cultural standards to justify that description? Are they claimed as “black” because of a tacit fear that “black” genes cannot stand on their own? Is this a “liberal” version of the old racist canard that miscegenation “improves” the “Negro” race while “degrading” the white race? The Lies that Sustain the Myth of “Passing for White”
When the “one drop myth” is reported in the mainstream media, no mention whatsoever is made of the evidence against it. Such evidence, if presented, never sees the light of day and is limited to a few people Item 1
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who take pains to study the subject. The American people are not allowed to consider the following:
* If the “one drop rule” is real and enforced by whites, why is a glaring exception made for Hispanics and Arab-Americans? It does not take a genius to see both the physical and historical evidence that Hispanics and Arabs are nearly all “tainted” with the blood of what used to be America’s official “inferior race.” * Why aren’t Americans told that antebellum definitions of “white” tended to be more liberal than 20th century definitions; people with one-fourth to one-eighth Negro blood were legally allowed into the white race. For example, Edison Hemings Jefferson, the former slave son of Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings (and whose white descendants are the only Hemings descendants to pass a DNA test showing descent from the Jefferson line), was legally white once he was manumitted because the has at least seven-eights white. We should not be surprised that in both abolitionist and Republican Party literature, “white slaves” were frequently used to arouse the Northern white population against slavery. Why are these facts kept from the American people?
* What are the real world standards for saying that someone is “black” and not “white”? Edison Hemings Jefferson is always described in the media as “light-skinned black” who only “passed for white,” but his descendants are acknowledged as white without qualification. Where is the cutoff point? The only one I can see is that dead whites with a touch of the dreaded “tarbush” are “black” and those still living are ‘white.”
In the magazine American Heritage, a white woman named Jillian Sim announced that she had discovered that her great-grandmother was Anita Hemmings, a white mulatto or mixed white who graduated from Vassar College in the late 19th century was almost expelled for being “colored” when a wealthy and envious classmate decided to have her background investigated. Now Vassar proudly claims that Anita, who lived as white for the rest of her life, was their first “black” graduate. Jillian Sim accepts the myth that Anita was a “black” who “passed for white” and she condemns both her paternal grandmother and greatgrandparents as “blacks” who “passed for white.” Sim, her father, and her son, however, are still white. The dead are “black” and the living are “white.”
After Broadway star Carol Channing’s recent disclosure that her father was partially black but lived all his life as a white man, you’ll notice that Channing is not described as “black” in the media but her father is described that way without qualification. Moreover, if you look at the Amazon.com comments on Channing’s autobiography, Just Lucky, I Guess, you’ll note that commentators who are black-identified insist on calling her “black” as well.

People as diverse as the actress Mae West, former U.S. President Dwight David Eisenhower and former Georgia Congressman Bob Barr, etc. have been labeled “black” (usually by blacks and black-identified mulattoes) on the basis of the one-drop myth. There appear to be no standards except opportunism – the ethnic rape charge again.

It is common, we at Interracial Voice have discovered, for black-identified supporters of the “one drop” myth to announce that people don’t “look white” when they’ve been white all or nearly all of their lives.

They will shamelessly insist that Carol Channing doesn’t look white and Mae West didn’t look white. They could see the dreaded colored blood all along! Mixed whites who used to travel all over the Jim Crow South as white, are told by fanatical black-identified folks that they are obviously black. These rants are so similar, we swear there must be a school somewhere that teaches black-identified folks nothing but defense of the “one drop” myth.
“Passing for White” is an Honored American Tradition – for Nearly Everyone Else. “Passing” is an honored American custom – for nearly everyone except tarbrushed whites non-Hispanic, non-Arab whites and Item 1
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mulattoes who have the misfortune to be too American or Louisiana Creole. It is not so much your touch of the dreaded black blood that matters, but whether or not your ancestral documents (census records, birth, marriage and death certificates, etc.) bear the telltale words “mulatto” or “free person of color” or “Negro” on them.

The Latino Escape Hatch. Throughout most of the 20th century, Latino elites in the United States (and the government of Mexico itself) argued that all Hispanics should be classified as “white” on all official records – regardless of appearance or ancestry. So a blond person with the “tarbrush” could be labeled “Negro” in Texas while a dark-skinned Mexican with no white blood or European ancestry would be officially labeled “white” – even if he was treated more like a Negro than a white person. Now that is big time passing! South Asians. Before the Civil Rights era and the rise of affirmative action, South Asians from India, Pakistan, etc. insisted that they were “white.” They were first labeled “nonwhite” and then received the ultimate honor of being called “white.” According to this myth, dark-skinned people from India were darkskinned “Caucasians” while “tarbrushed” Americans of totally European phenotype were unworthy to call themselves “Caucasian.” Now South Asians are called “Asians” and are eligible for “minority” benefits and the numerous advantages “white guilt” can bestow. Big time passing! Mississippi Chinese. The Chinese of Mississippi started out as “colored” and many of the men married “Negro” women. The leaders of the Chinese community begged the local white elites for the right to be classified as “white” instead of “colored.” The price the white elites imposed was rejection of all Chinese kin who were part-Negro or intermarried with Negroes. Big time passing and a rejection of family that you will never see condemned on television a la Imitation of Life.

Jew and “Passing for White.” The Jewish immigrant moguls who founded Hollywood prided themselves on rejecting their Jewish heritage and forced Jewish actors and actresses to change their names. That is why Jews named Issur Danielovich, Bernie Schwartz and Betty Persky became Kirk Douglas, Tony Curtis and Lauren Bacall, respectively. You can buy books telling you about hundreds of famous Americans who are secretly Jewish. By “secretly” I don’t mean that they would deny it if you asked them. I mean that they don’t announce it and carefully present a non-Jewish image to the public. This is called passing when the tarbrushed whites do it. It is big time passing!
Working Class “Passing.” Hiding a working class background when one rises in class is considered morally acceptable. In an anthology of autobiographical essays from academics from the working class, This Fine Place So Far From Home: Voices of Academics from the Working Class (Temple University Press, 1995), editors C.L. Barney Dews and Carolyn Leste Law present a stream of stories in which academics from poor and working class backgrounds quickly learn to “pass” as upper middle class in origin and hide their less desirable relatives and backgrounds. In the 1930’s movie, Stella Dallas, the working class mother drives her daughter away so the girl can be reared by her upper class father and have a better life. The film ends with the mother secretly looking at her daughter’s high society wedding while standing outside in the rain.

Imagine Imitation of Life ending like that! Big time passing! Southern Whites in the North and “Passing for Yankee.” One can also say that Southern whites who move North quickly learn to drop the accent and “pass” for Yankee. I once asked Rick Bragg, the former New York Times reporter and author, who is from Alabama, how he managed at The Times when he is so obviously Southern. He admitted that he is an exception. Many others will not deny that they were born south of the Mason-Dixon line, but hope to God that no one brings it up. Think of it! How many white Southerners do you know who are not poor and living in a community with other Southerners who retain their accents or advertise their Southern origins? Big time passing! Finally, how can there be true equality in this country while the “one drop” myth is presented to the Item 1
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American people as a perverted ideal we must honor – for no reason that makes any sense? I began this presentation with a reference to racial definition laws of Nazi Germany. There is no sense in pointing out the illogic and racism of the Nuremberg Laws while simultaneously upholding the “one drop” myth and its assumptions of white racial purity.

We at Interracial Voice and The Multiracial Activist have spent years arguing with people (the vast majority of them black-identified) who claim to be devoted opponents of racism but fight like hell to retain the myth that all true whites are “pure” and “one drop” of “black blood” makes you “black.” But what we call “race” is a spectrum of human colors and phenotypes that blend into each other. There are no hard and fast boundaries that divide one so-called “race” from another. Whenever we fail to challenge the “one drop” myth and argue in favor of human freedom to choose one’s one own identity, we effectively deny that sacred reality.
https://adpowellblog.com/2014/06/15/white-racial-identity-racial-mixture-and-the-one-drop-rule/

From the beginning, French and Spanish colonial conceptions of racial categories were much looser than those in the English colonies. The first slave ship arrived in Louisiana in 1719. The French, who controlled the colony from 1682-1763, had a Code Noir that governed relations between Africans and Europeans and regulated emancipation. The distinction between free and unfree people of color was written into this law, with the free people of color legally equivalent to whites. Slaves, meanwhile, could gain freedom in numerous ways—for instance, by defending the colony or teaching a master’s children. These mixed-race Creole of New Orleans were “famous for their wealth, culture, and education until after 1830” when the American concept of race began to reign. Under the French and Spanish, people with combined African and European ancestry enjoyed many of the privileges white people did. These mixed-race Creole of New Orleans were “famous for their wealth, culture, and education until after 1830” when the American concept of race began to reign. Many worked in professions including “carpentry, cigar making, masonry, shipping, embalming, hairdressing, nursing, and midwifery.” By 1840, 58% of the New Orleans population was white. The effort to contain, segregate, and disempower free people of color stemmed from numerous impulses. There was competition for jobs; the fear of slave insurrections modeled by Haiti; different language, mores, religion; the white immigrants’ unfamiliarity with non-enslaved people of color inhabiting a middle and even upper class; immigrant’s insecurity about being “white” (many were Irish, a group of northern Europeans initially left out of the white category). Americanization meant a strictly polarized division of black and white. By 1850, the free population of color, beset by the hostility of white supremacy, was economically diminished and residentially segregated. The Americanization of Louisiana, and in particular New Orleans, was completed before the state became the sixth to secede from the Union in 1861 in the struggle over the perpetuation of slavery.

https://daily.jstor.org/the-free-people-of-color-of-pre-civil-war-new-orleans/

MULATTO/MIXED/MESTIZO AMERICANS OF THE UNITED STATES
Who is considered a Mulatto/Mixed/Mestizo and why do the governments of the United States of America categorize its people racially and ethnically?
http://sociologyindex.com/mulatto.htm
https://www.genealogy.com/articles/research/glossary-m.html https://www.liquisearch.com/mulatto_american
https://keywords.nyupress.org/author/cmarez/
http://www.martygrant.com/genealogy/reference/census-race-codes.htm https://www.census.gov/acs/www/about/why-we-ask-each-question/race/ https://usafacts.org/articles/how-the-census-collected-race-and-ethnicity-data-from-1790-to-2020/

In 1779 and thereafter, the term “Mulatto” was used to classify individuals of mixed African and European Item 1
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ancestry. This classification emerged from attempts to create racial taxonomies, which were based on the belief that race could be scientifically categorized. Here are a few reasons why Mulattoes were specified as a separate group:

Social Hierarchies: During this period, racial classifications were used to maintain social hierarchies and control. By distinguishing Mulattoes from both Black and White people, society could enforce different social and legal statuses.

Census Data: The U.S. Census began to include the category “Mulatto” in 1850 to gather more detailed demographic data. This was part of a broader effort to document and manage the population based on racial distinctions.

Perceived Differences: There was a belief that people of mixed race had different physical and intellectual characteristics compared to those of “pure” races. This pseudoscientific view contributed to the separate classification.

Legal Implications: Racial classifications had significant legal implications, affecting everything from property rights to marriage laws. By specifying Mulattoes as a distinct group, laws could be more precisely applied.
https://adpowellblog.com/2014/06/15/white-racial-identity-racial-mixture-and-the-one-drop-rule/ https://repository.uclawsf.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1061&context=hastings_constitutional_law_qu aterly
https://www.census.gov/acs/www/about/why-we-ask-each-question/race/ https://dccensus2020.dc.gov/release/history-census
Why do the white American people in the United States dishonor their Mulatto/Mixed/Mestizo American people that kept that nation from being given to Mexico? Who are Mulatto/Mixed/Mestizo citizens in the United States of America who are an uniquely separate genetic race/ethnic group and what symbolizes them?

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Trevor Noah speaks on South Africa's RACE
https://www.youtube.com/shorts/rtuYAwYgqkg

Trevor Noah speaks on South Africa's RACE
https://www.youtube.com/shorts/rtuYAwYgqkg
Lisa Calderon One drop rule
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2PQw211MJuA
White Racial Identity, Racial Mixture, and the "One Drop Rule" https://adpowellblog.com/2014/06/15/white-racial-identity-racial-mixture-and-the-one-drop-rule/ Our Race Reality: Shaina Humphries' Story, Posted June 19, 2020 6:57pm EDT https://www.fox29.com/video/698415
https://everipedia.org/wiki/lang_en/shaina-humphries
https://www.rightrasta.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Shaina-Humphries-2.jpg https://www.historicpathways.com/download/centickinterpret.pdf https://nativephilanthropy.candid.org/events/south-carolina-slave-codes/ Item 1
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https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ssqu.13167
https://msa.maryland.gov/megafile/msa/speccol/sc5300/sc5339/000146/000000/000001/restricted/m ulatto_slave_report.html
http://www.therandomgenealogist.com/random-searches-and-interesting-facts/what-slave-owners-innew-jersey http://www.virginiaplaces.org/population/onedrop.html
https://thesocietypages.org/socimages/2015/10/02/the-census-and-the-social-construction-of-race/ https://thesocietypages.org/sexuality/2009/10/18/race-sexuality-and-the-one-drop-rule-more-thoughtsabout-interracial-couples-and-marriage/ https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/jefferson/mixed/ https://newsreel.org/guides/race/whiteadv.htm
https://www.racepowerofanillusion.org/themes#science-and-pseudoscience https://www.businessinsider.com/millennial-millionaires-baby-boomer-inheritance-wealth-transfer-2019- 10 People of the United States of America and how they look by biological genetic DNA code

White American people of various European countries

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https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ab/PACOM_change-ofcommand_ceremony%2C_091019-N-0696M-310.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/e0/79/e1/e079e1df45b3dc913ee47844c1b256cb.jpg https://d2gg9evh47fn9z.cloudfront.net/800px_COLOURBOX9897391.jpg https://1.bp.blogspot.com/_icPwbNV9o_c/SdzslqdmCI/AAAAAAAAACE/IsEMDTtXjII/s1600/1338830694_909def0cd4.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/736x/ef/94/fb/ef94fba1e32f7c1de3d5c964b4211250.jpg

Native American Indians who are indigenous to the United States of America

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Mulatto/Mixed/Mestizo American people who are genetic combinations that are linked to various white European, American Indian, and black African countries

https://i.pinimg.com/736x/66/18/95/6618957978d224887d92d35fd5cce5a9.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/1f/9c/fe/1f9cfea01c95b48661e5013e2b9080e0.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/83/bc/dc/83bcdc9fb55c94294d4a0444ee84ff63.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/07/23/30/072330b9b2da4acfa2cfedec1d507eef.png https://i.pinimg.com/736x/16/8d/8b/168d8bd630199f4590216c206f096efc--beautiful-eyes-beautifulpeople.jpg https://i.ytimg.com/vi/rgF3uWqlXVs/maxresdefault.jpg
https://i.pinimg.com/736x/8a/66/bc/8a66bc4b56d9db868a875e8dd80afea4--history-facts-historyphotos.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/736x/2b/06/dc/2b06dc40cd4bb2e700bf5bce54495c1f.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/f8/57/ba/f857bacddef8de0d382aca3117684fe4.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/50/aa/c2/50aac21c82a97db3be68ec28d6e71faa.jpg https://media.wbur.org/wp/2015/11/evoke.jpg
https://i.pinimg.com/originals/76/26/f9/7626f96235af02dcfd3ceb2cd8aeedaf.png https://i.pinimg.com/736x/a2/36/59/a236597c17cc827d693fe21fc818fff4.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/originals/4d/53/b0/4d53b00fecc48e4f4926b47b9f9a7113.jpg

Black/Negro/African American people who are 100% linked to black people on the continent of Africa

https://www.slate.com/content/dam/slate/blogs/behold/2014/12/Gordon%20Parks/1.jpg.CROP.original -original.jpg
https://www.gpb.org/sites/default/files/2020-10/ap440503028.jpg https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/2014714232618_728.jpg https://img-s-msncom.akamaized.net/tenant/amp/entityid/AA1yhSkZ.img?w=768&h=512&m=6&x=131&y=123&s=639&d =121
https://static01.nyt.com/images/2016/05/28/science/28ZIMMER/28ZIMMERvideoSixteenByNineJumbo1600.jpg https://encyclopediavirginia.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/4555hpr_1caef4c536334ae1200x1182.jpg https://i.pinimg.com/736x/41/98/49/4198494a678fe7a07324ade331222357.jpg https://www.pbs.org/wnet/african-americans-many-rivers-to-cross/files/2013/07/Preview-Into-theFire.jpg https://assets.editorial.aetnd.com/uploads/2020/08/black-americans-world-war-ii-gettyimages50481386.jpg https://www.archives.gov/files/research/african-americans/ww2-pictures/images/african-americanswwii-098.jpg

Mexican Nationals who are natives of Mexico

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Investigations Texas troopers ticketing Hispanic drivers as white Posted: Nov 6, 2015 / 08:12 PM CST Updated: Mar 16, 2022 / 03:56 PM CDT

Contributors: Ben Friberg, David Barer, Rachel Garza, Josh Hinkle, Robert Sims, Calily Bien, Patrick Tolbert and Chad Cross
https://www.kxan.com/investigations/texas-troopers-ticketing-hispanic-drivers-as-white/ Indian-American Nikki Haley listed herself as 'white', Democrats slam her PTI | Jul 29, 2011, 08.16 PM IST
WASHINGTON: Democrats have accused South Carolina's Indian-American governor Nikki Haley of listing her race as "white" in her voter registration form in 2001 and playing on it for political convenience.

Haley created history this year as she was sworn in as first women governor of South Carolina. She is also the first governor of Sikh heritage.
39-year-old Haley is also the first Indian-American woman governor and after Bobby Jindal from Louisiana is only the second from the community to occupy this post.

The local Post and Courier reported that the state Democratic Party, which first obtained the public record in this regard, is challenging whether her inconsistency on the card might have made her ineligible to voter under the state's new Voter ID law.

State Democratic party chairman Dick Harpootlian said whether Haley listed her race as white or not doesn't really matter to him, but the issue is that the governor has shown a pattern of such actions. "Haley has been appearing on television interviews where she calls herself a minority -- when it suits her," Harpootlian was quoted as saying.

"When she registers to vote she says she is white. She has developed a pattern of saying whatever is beneficial to her at the moment," he said. "She can't even tell the truth about her racial heritage."

There was no immediate response from Haley's office. The state election commission gives people the choice of declaring their race as white, black/African-American, Asian, Hispanic, native American or other, the agency's spokesman Chris Whitmire said.
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/us/Indian-American-Nikki-Haley-listed-herself-as-whiteDemocrats-slam-her/articleshow/9411143.cms https://static.dw.com/image/45817675_303.jpg
http://magarticles.magzter.com/articles/5/198186/584176c581b90/Nikki-Haley.jpg https://iv1.lisimg.com/image/13372350/307full-nikki-haley.jpg https://images.celebfamily.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Nikki-Haley-Family-320x341.jpg https://heavy.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/gettyimages-4590127901- e1452648666245.jpg?quality=65&strip=all&w=780
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Dr.jpg
https://images.indianexpress.com/2013/12/nikki-haley_us.jpg?resize=450 "So, We're Both Indian," "Yes!" - Kamala Harris and Mindy Kaling's 2019 Indian Cooking Show https://www.youtube.com/shorts/LoietO34dgU

Why would a nation encourage and allow unrestricted immigration, illegal aliens, unauthorized immigrants, undocumented immigrants, and foreign national refugees to enter their homeland when they already have enough people and do not give all of their own citizens money and resources as proven by their laws?

https://usafacts.org/articles/why-do-people-immigrate-us/

What are the laws pertaining to human rights and civil rights in the United States of America regarding allocation of monetary funds for a good life and what happened after 1830 to Mulatto/Mixed/Mestizo American people? WHAT DO HUMAN RIGHTS AND CIVIL RIGHTS GUARANTEE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND WORLDWIDE?

Intro.3.4 Civil War Amendments (Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments) Amendment XIV., Section 1
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro-3- 4/ALDE_00000388/['Equal',%20'protection',%20'clause']
Eartha Kitt talks about being blacklisted by LBJ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x6uYqmx31kE
https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/intro-3- 4/ALDE_00000388/['Equal',%20'protection',%20'clause']
https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11705
https://www.ungeneva.org/en/topics/human-rights
https://www.ohchr.org/en/what-are-human-rights
https://www.ohchr.org/en/prevention-and-early-warning/preventing-human-rights-violations https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2010/09/23/fact-sheet-advancing-democracyand-human-rights https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/blog/2014/03/06/department-justice-advocating-civil-rights-andaccess-aapis https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/executive-orderadvancing-racial-equity-and-support-for-underserved-communities-through-the-federal-government/ https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/executive-orderadvancing-racial-equity-and-support-for-underserved-communities-through-the-federal-government/ https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/12/23/summit-for-democracysummary-of-proceedings/ https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/12/23/summit-fordemocracy-summary-of-proceedings/ https://geneva.usmission.gov/2021/02/24/secretary-hrc/
https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/equity/
https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/584661-biden-to-host-global-democracy-summit-withfocus-on-human-rights/ https://geneva.usmission.gov/2021/02/24/secretary-hrc/
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"It is an honor to join you as the United States reengages with the Human Rights Council and other important international organizations. I’m here to reaffirm America’s commitment to respect and defend the human rights of all people, everywhere. As the Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims: all human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent, and interrelated."

The idea that all human beings – regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, or any other status – are entitled to human rights is built into the foundation of the United Nations. These fundamental rights include freedom from slavery and torture, freedom of opinion and expression, right to life and liberty, work and education, and many more.

To ensure that these rights are available to everyone across all cultures, the United Nations works to mainstream human rights within the UN system and collaborates closely with governments in the field to identify, highlight, and develop responses to human rights challenges.

https://www.dhs.gov/crcls-core-values
United States Department of Justice Mission, Values, Organization Mission: The mission of the Department of Justice (DOJ) is to uphold the rule of law, to keep our country safe, and to protect civil rights.

Values: Independence and Impartiality. The Justice Department works each day to earn the public’s trust by following the facts and the law wherever they may lead, without prejudice or improper influence.

Honesty and Integrity. The Justice Department’s employees adhere to the highest standards of ethical behavior, mindful that, as public servants, we must work to earn the trust of, and inspire confidence in, the public we serve.

Respect. The Justice Department’s employees value differences in people and in ideas and treat everyone with fairness, dignity, and compassion.

Excellence. The Justice Department works every day to provide the highest levels of service to the American people and to be a responsible steward of the taxpayers’ dollars.

Organization: Under the leadership of the Attorney General of the United States, the Justice Department is composed of more than 40 separate component organizations and more than 115,000 employees.

Headquartered at the Robert F. Kennedy Building in Washington, D.C., the Department maintains field offices in all states and territories across the United States and in more than 50 countries around the world.
https://www.justice.gov/about
https://www.justice.gov/doj/mission-values-and-organization

The Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties (CRCL) supports the Department's mission to secure the nation while preserving individual liberty, fairness, and equality under the law. CRCL builds in civil rights and civil liberties practices into all of the Department’s activities by:

Promoting respect for civil rights and civil liberties in policy development and implementation by advising Department leadership and personnel, and state and local partners.

Communicating with individuals and communities whose civil rights and civil liberties may be affected by Department activities, informing them about policies and avenues of remedy, and promoting appropriate attention within the Department to their experiences and concerns.

Investigating civil rights and civil liberties complaints filed by the public regarding Department policies or activities, or actions taken by Department personnel.

Leading the Department's equal employment opportunity programs and promoting workforce diversity and merit system principles.
https://www.dhs.gov/office-civil-rights-and-civil-liberties https://www.dhs.gov/crcls-core-values
https://www.uscis.gov/
https://www.dhs.gov/department-white-pages
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United States Department of Justice Mission, Values, Organization Mission: The mission of the Department of Justice (DOJ) is to uphold the rule of law, to keep our country safe, and to protect civil rights.

Values: Independence and Impartiality. The Justice Department works each day to earn the public’s trust by following the facts and the law wherever they may lead, without prejudice or improper influence.

Honesty and Integrity. The Justice Department’s employees adhere to the highest standards of ethical behavior, mindful that, as public servants, we must work to earn the trust of, and inspire confidence in, the public we serve.

Respect. The Justice Department’s employees value differences in people and in ideas and treat everyone with fairness, dignity, and compassion.

Excellence. The Justice Department works every day to provide the highest levels of service to the American people and to be a responsible steward of the taxpayers’ dollars.

Organization: Under the leadership of the Attorney General of the United States, the Justice Department is composed of more than 40 separate component organizations and more than 115,000 employees.

Headquartered at the Robert F. Kennedy Building in Washington, D.C., the Department maintains field offices in all states and territories across the United States and in more than 50 countries around the world.
https://www.justice.gov/about
https://www.justice.gov/doj/mission-values-and-organization

What is proof the one drop rule violates human rights and civil rights as proven by United States of America laws?
It is used as a legal and social principle in the United States that classifies any individual with even a single ancestor of African descent as black. This rule emerged in the early 18th century and is used to enforce racial segregation and uphold white supremacy. What it does is violates human rights and civil rights such as :discrimination and segregation: The one-drop rule was used to deny people of mixed race their civil rights and to enforce segregation laws. This meant that individuals with any African ancestry were subject to the same discriminatory laws and practices as those who were fully black. denial of identity: It stripped individuals of their right to self-identify. People were forced into a racial category based on a small fraction of their ancestry, ignoring their full heritage and personal identity. legal and social inequality: The rule was used to justify unequal treatment under the law, including restrictions on marriage (anti-miscegenation laws) and access to education, employment, and housing. psychological impact: Being classified as black based on the one-drop rule lead to significant psychological stress and identity crises, as individuals were often ostracized from both black and white communities.

The one-drop rule is a stark example of how racial classification systems can be used to perpetuate inequality and violate fundamental human rights.

The one-drop rule has far-reaching legal implications. It dictated the rights and privileges individuals could access such as basic civil rights. Anti-miscegenation laws, which prohibited interracial marriages, were a direct result of the one-drop rule, further entrenching racial divides.

From the beginning, French and Spanish colonial conceptions of racial categories were much looser than those in the English colonies. The first slave ship arrived in Louisiana in 1719. The French, who controlled the colony from 1682-1763, had a Code Noir that governed relations between Africans and Europeans and regulated emancipation. The distinction between free and unfree people of color was written into this law, with the free people of color legally equivalent to whites. Slaves, meanwhile, could gain freedom in numerous ways—for instance, by defending the colony or teaching a master’s children. These mixed-race Creole of New Orleans were “famous for their wealth, culture, and education until after 1830” when the American concept of race began to reign. Under the French and Spanish, people with combined African and European ancestry enjoyed many of the privileges white people did. These mixed-race Creole of New Orleans were “famous for their wealth, culture, and education until after 1830” when the American concept of race began to reign. Many worked in professions including “carpentry, cigar making, masonry, Item 1
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shipping, embalming, hairdressing, nursing, and midwifery.” By 1840, 58% of the New Orleans population was white. The effort to contain, segregate, and disempower free people of color stemmed from numerous impulses. There was competition for jobs; the fear of slave insurrections modeled by Haiti; different language, mores, religion; the white immigrants’ unfamiliarity with non-enslaved people of color inhabiting a middle and even upper class; immigrant’s insecurity about being “white” (many were Irish, a group of northern Europeans initially left out of the white category). Americanization meant a strictly polarized division of black and white. By 1850, the free population of color, beset by the hostility of white supremacy, was economically diminished and residentially segregated. The Americanization of Louisiana, and in particular New Orleans, was completed before the state became the sixth to secede from the Union in 1861 in the struggle over the perpetuation of slavery.

https://daily.jstor.org/the-free-people-of-color-of-pre-civil-war-new-orleans/

Why did the Tuscarora Native American Indians of North Carolina and the Yamasee Native American Indians of South Carolina fight bloody and deadly wars against the white English colonists over territory from 5.January.1711 to 5.April.1718?
The Tuscarora War and Yamasee War: the Decline Indian Slavery and the Rise of African Slavery https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bk_2ViUmUhc
5,475 views May 20, 2022
In this video, I talk about the Tuscarora and Yamasee wars and their effects on colonial politics, and the development of African slavery in the early colonial Carolinas.

Sources:

Dubcovsky, Alejandra. “One Hundred Sixty-One Knots, Two Plates, and One Emperor: Creek Information Networks in the Era of the Yamasee War.” Ethnohistory 59, no. 3 (August 2012): 489– 513. https://www.researchgate.net/publicat....

Durschlag, Richard. “THE FIRST CREEK RESISTANCE: TRANSFORMATIONS IN CREEK INDIAN EXISTENCE AND THE YAMASEE WAR, 1670-1730.” Dissertation, Duke University, 1995.

Esterline, Matthew Cameron. “For the Men on the Ground: An Examination of the Tuscaroras-Colonial Relations in North Carolina before and during the Tuscarora War.” Thesis, East Carolina University, 2014.

Hall, Amanda. “SAN ANTONIO DE POCOTALACA: AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY YAMASEE INDIAN TOWN IN ST. AUGUSTINE, FLORIDA, 1716-1752.” Thesis, UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA, 2016.

Hann, John H. “St. Augustine's Fallout from the Yamasee War.” Florida Historical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (1989): 1–22. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/fhq/vol...%.

La Vere, David. The Tuscarora War Indians, Settlers, and the Fight for the Carolina Colonies. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2013.

Lee, Wayne E. “Fortify, Fight, or Flee: Tuscarora and Cherokee Defensive Warfare and Military Culture Adaptation.” The Journal of Military History 68, no. 3 (July 2004): 713–

70. https://www.researchgate.net/publicat....

Ramsey, William L. The Yamasee War A Study of Culture, Economy, and Conflict in the Colonial South.

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Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2008.

Styrna, Christine A. “THE WINDS OF WAR AND CHANGE: THE IMPACT OF THE TUSCARORA WAR ON PROPRIETARY NORTH CAROLINA, 1690-1729 .” Dissertation, The College of William and Mary in Virginia, 1990.

Tuscarora WAr
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7noUA1pT8MQ
Indians Nearly DESTROY Colony | The Yamasee War 1715-1717 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rc6z4aDlM2Q
https://www.johnstoncountync.org/articles/post/early-history-of-johnston-county/ https://northcarolinahistory.org/encyclopedia/tuscarora-war/ https://ncgenweb.us/wake/history/
https://theraleighcommons.org/raleighpublicrecord/opinion/2009/02/01/the-hemp-gatherers/ https://img.haikudeck.com/mg/FA641D7F-C18C-4A61-9EF4-F7CD2D751326.jpg https://nativeheritageproject.com/2015/08/16/virginia-governor-spotswoods-letter-regarding-thetuscarora-war/ https://4.bp.blogspot.com/_iG2qILKBjms/TS4Y3yp0V_I/AAAAAAAAERo/Hr_- 3ri2ems/s1600/high_plains_school_hist_mar.jpg
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David Yakobson
From: Chris BRADFORD <[email protected]>
Sent: Sunday, December 14, 2025 6:03 PM
To: Lana Negrete; Jesse Zwick; Barry Snell; Caroline Torosis; Natalya Zernitskaya; Dan Hall; Ellis Raskin; Attorney Mailbox; councilmtgitems
Subject: No California Roadhouse Without Rusty’s workers

EXTERNAL
Honorable Mayor Negrete and City Councilmembers,
As proud members of the Santa Monica community, we believe that those who have served our city with dignity and dedication deserve to be welcomed back, not forgotten.

Earlier this year, Rusty’s, a longtime restaurant on the Santa Monica Pier, closed its doors. For many workers, this meant the sudden loss of jobs they had held for years, some for over a decade. Now, a new bar and restaurant, California Roadhouse, plans to open at its location.

These workers were part of what made the Pier a warm and welcoming place for locals and visitors alike. California Roadhouse should not reopen without them! I am calling on the City of Santa Monica to pass a strong Right of Recall Ordinance and to also ensure that California Roadhouse doesn’t open without the Rusty’s workers. A Right to Recall law, if passed immediately, could ensure that when a new restaurant opens in Rusty's space, laid-off workers would be offered the first chance to return to the jobs they once held. It would also protect workers in similar circumstances in restaurants on the Pier. It’s a simple matter of justice and decency.

I urge the City to pass such a right of recall law IMMEDIATELY and not move forward with the lease for California Roadhouse without ensuring that Rusty’s workers will be offered the chance to return to work, either under the ordinance or a right to recall term in any new lease for the Roadhouse.

Chris BRADFORD
[email protected]
911 9th St., #206
Santa Monica, California 90403
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David Yakobson
From: Mark Leland <[email protected]>
Sent: Sunday, December 14, 2025 7:35 PM
To: Lana Negrete; Jesse Zwick; Barry Snell; Caroline Torosis; Natalya Zernitskaya; Dan Hall; Ellis Raskin; Attorney Mailbox; councilmtgitems
Subject: No California Roadhouse Without Rusty’s workers

EXTERNAL
Honorable Mayor Negrete and City Councilmembers,
As proud members of the Santa Monica community, we believe that those who have served our city with dignity and dedication deserve to be welcomed back, not forgotten.

Earlier this year, Rusty’s, a longtime restaurant on the Santa Monica Pier, closed its doors. For many workers, this meant the sudden loss of jobs they had held for years, some for over a decade. Now, a new bar and restaurant, California Roadhouse, plans to open at its location.

These workers were part of what made the Pier a warm and welcoming place for locals and visitors alike. California Roadhouse should not reopen without them! I am calling on the City of Santa Monica to pass a strong Right of Recall Ordinance and to also ensure that California Roadhouse doesn’t open without the Rusty’s workers. A Right to Recall law, if passed immediately, could ensure that when a new restaurant opens in Rusty's space, laid-off workers would be offered the first chance to return to the jobs they once held. It would also protect workers in similar circumstances in restaurants on the Pier. It’s a simple matter of justice and decency.

I urge the City to pass such a right of recall law IMMEDIATELY and not move forward with the lease for California Roadhouse without ensuring that Rusty’s workers will be offered the chance to return to work, either under the ordinance or a right to recall term in any new lease for the Roadhouse.

Mark Leland
[email protected]
829 Broadway, Apt.528
Santa Monica, California 90401
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David Yakobson
From: Noma Boardmember <[email protected]>
Sent: Monday, December 15, 2025 10:09 AM
To: Council Mailbox; councilmtgitems; Lana Negrete; Caroline Torosis; Jesse Zwick; Dan Hall; Ellis Raskin; Barry Snell; Natalya Zernitskaya
Cc: [email protected]; Oliver Chi
Subject: Clarifying Our Community’s Position Re: December 10, 2025 Correspondence to City Council
Attachments: 12102025 Letter.pdf

EXTERNAL
To help protect your privacy, Microsoft Office prevented automatic download of this picture from the Internet.

December 15, 2025
Re: Clarifying Our Community’s Position Re: December 10, 2025 Correspondence to City Council
Dear Mayor Torosis and Members of Santa Monica City Council, The North of Montana Association (NOMA) writes in response to the December 10, 2025 letter to the Santa Monica City Council, in which Supervisor Horvath requested clarification regarding the City’s position on homelessness.

As the neighborhood most recently affected by County policy regarding homeless mental health facilities (413 and 825 Ocean Avenue), and because several members of our community brought this letter to our attention (see attached), we want to make sure the Santa Monica City Council and Supervisor Horvath has no misunderstanding of our community's continued position.

Our neighborhood has been consistent in its support of the Santa Monica City Council's recently unanimously adopted Item 16-F, introduced by Mayor Emerita Lana Negrete. The community continues to strongly support that item because it established a clear, actionable framework for how County-led behavioral health initiatives should be planned, communicated, and implemented.

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Our community also recognizes the dire need for mental health services and housing for our unhoused population. We have objected to the process, by which this has been handled and that is what 16-F seeks to resolve for ALL neighborhoods in Santa Monica.

As the County moves forward with future projects in Santa Monica, the associated costs and services provided by these projects must be for people from Santa Monica (who lived in Santa Monica before becoming unhoused) and who are not imported from other parts of the County OR from other parts of SPA 5.

In light of Supervisor Horvath's December 10, 2025 letter, NOMA wants to be explicit about what our community expects from the County moving forward:

First, early and bi-directional engagement must occur before sites are selected, funds are committed, or renovations begin. Community engagement cannot occur after decisions are effectively irreversible. Transparency after the fact is not transparency.

Second, County investments must be grounded in documented needs assessments and regional equity (i.e. across Los Angeles County and specifically within SPA 5), with clear explanations for why particular sites are being advanced, how they align with local service capacity, and how impacts will be mitigated.

Third, the County must operate within a clear communications framework, including designated points of contact, accessible project information, and advance notice to City leadership and affected neighborhoods whenever sites are under consideration.

Fourth, projects (i.e. program operators and property owners) must be subject to performance accountability, including measurable outcomes, public reporting, and a mechanism to adjust or rescind approvals if facilities fail to meet agreed-upon standards or impose unaddressed community impacts.

Fifth, adequate County and local resources are available and committed to deal with potential ancillary and public safety impacts of the project, such as first responder availability/coordination, crisis intervention teams, code enforcement and security planning including site security, lighting and neighborhood safety protocols.

We urge all stakeholders at the City, and the County, to treat Item 16-F as the baseline operating standard for County engagement in Santa Monica. Doing so will eliminate mixed signals, reduce conflict, and allow all parties to focus on delivering effective treatment solutions that are equitable, accountable, and publicly supported.

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NOMA appreciates your attention and continued support of the framework outlined in 16-F.

We also hope that you will clarify, for the County, that The City of Santa Monica's position (as unanimously expressed by your recent support of 16-F) is a transparent, solutions-focused dialogue consistent with these expectations.

Sincerely,
The Board of NOMA
CC: Supervisor Horvath and City Manager, Oliver Chi
smnoma.org
[email protected]
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From: Non <[email protected]>
Sent: Thursday, December 11, 2025 4:27 PM
Subject: LISA PARSON IS A RETARD

EXTERNAL
hi useless govt employee (redundant),
not all students are enrolled in that program. which is the reason for fare checking. you can't be this stupid.
santa monica residents are paying a retards salary. lisa parson is a retard. what makes you retard is that you thought you had logic in your response. you can't be this stupid. what the city of santa monica is bringing upon them is a discrimination lawsuit.

On Thursday, December 11, 2025 at 06:28:46 AM PST, Lisa Parson <[email protected]> wrote:

Hello,
While the city does not operate or staff the security stations of the LA Metro trains, I wanted to share that metro has a program that allows all students from k-12 to college to ride the trains for free during the school year. So it would be unnecessary to check students to confirm they paid to ride the trains. You can find the details of the program on their website at https://www.metro.net/riding/fares/gopass/.

From: Non <[email protected]>
Sent: Tuesday, December 9, 2025 8:43:35 PM
Subject: santa monica illegal immigrants breaking the law and getting away with it

EXTERNAL
at the downtown santa monica train station, the illegal immigrant security guards are not checking the fare for the illegal immigrant students. they are letting them on without paying. this is discrimination towards citizens.
the illegal immigrant security guards only check the fare for citizens. this is discrimination.

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2 would you like to know the name of the illegal immigrant security guard? he refused to give it to me. isn't that convenient - the racist santa monica security guards can discriminate and have no accountability.
i have video evidence
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